A Comprehensive Plan to Innovate Democracy in Europe
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The Transformation of Italian Democracy
Bulletin of Italian Politics Vol. 1, No. 1, 2009, 29-47 The Transformation of Italian Democracy Sergio Fabbrini University of Trento Abstract: The history of post-Second World War Italy may be divided into two distinct periods corresponding to two different modes of democratic functioning. During the period from 1948 to 1993 (commonly referred to as the First Republic), Italy was a consensual democracy; whereas the system (commonly referred to as the Second Republic) that emerged from the dramatic changes brought about by the end of the Cold War functions according to the logic of competitive democracy. The transformation of Italy’s political system has thus been significant. However, there remain important hurdles on the road to a coherent institutionalisation of the competitive model. The article reconstructs the transformation of Italian democracy, highlighting the socio-economic and institutional barriers that continue to obstruct a competitive outcome. Keywords: Italian politics, Models of democracy, Parliamentary government, Party system, Interest groups, Political change. Introduction As a result of the parliamentary elections of 13-14 April 2008, the Italian party system now ranks amongst the least fragmented in Europe. Only four party groups are represented in the Senate and five in the Chamber of Deputies. In comparison, in Spain there are nine party groups in the Congreso de los Diputados and six in the Senado; in France, four in the Assemblée Nationale an d six in the Sénat; and in Germany, six in the Bundestag. Admittedly, as is the case for the United Kingdom, rather fewer parties matter in those democracies in terms of the formation of governments: generally not more than two or three. -
Strengthening Democracy in Europe and Its Resilience Against Autocracy: Daring More Democracy and a European Democracy Charter Paul Nemitz and Frithjof Ehm
Strengthening Democracy in Europe and its Resilience against Autocracy: Daring more Democracy and a European Democracy Charter Paul Nemitz and Frithjof Ehm DEPARTMENT OF EUROPEAN LEGAL STUDIES Research Paper in Law 01 / 2019 European Legal Studies Etudes Juridiques Européennes RESEARCH PAPERS IN LAW 1/2019 Paul Nemitz and Frithjof Ehm Strengthening Democracy in Europe and its Resilience against Autocracy: Daring more Democracy and a European Democracy Charter © Paul Nemitz and Frithjof Ehm, 2019 European Legal Studies/Etudes Juridiques Européennes Dijver 11 | BE-8000 Brugge, Belgium | Tel. +32 (0)50 47 72 61 www.coleurope.eu 1 Strengthening Democracy in Europe and its Resilience against Autocracy: Daring more Democracy and a European Democracy Charter* Paul Nemitz and Frithjof Ehm** INTRODUCTION: THE CRISIS OF REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY Representative Democracy is in crisis and this not only in Europe, considering developments in the US in particular.1 EU Member States like Poland,2 Hungary3 and Austria4 are governed by populists, some of them with autocratic tendencies.5 France is facing a crisis of political violence with “Gilets Jaunes” rampaging on its streets. Romania is riddled by corruption.6 Ever lower participation in elections and declining membership in political parties on both sides of the Atlantic document the steady decline of engagement of people in representative * To be published in S. Garben, I. Govaere and P. Nemitz (eds), Critical Reflections on Constitutional Democracy in the European Union (Oxford, Hart Publishing, 2019) (forthcoming). ** Paul F. Nemitz is Principal Adviser at the European Commission, Directorate-General for Justice and Consumers. He is teaching EU Law as a visiting Professor at the College of Europe in Bruges. -
The Quality of Democracy: Improvement Or Subversion
First unedited draft, Comments very welcome Italy and Spain by Rafael López-Pintor & Leonardo Morlino University of Madrid and University of Florence To be presented at the Conference on “The Quality of Democracy: Improvement or Subversion?”, Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law & European Forum, Stanford Institute for International Studies, Stanford, October 10-11, 2003. Why Italy and Spain? The democratic quality of every European polity is worthwhile to be analyzed. The fact that most of European democracies are well established is not related, if not indirectly, to the ‘quality’ they are able to achieve. Thus, during last years meaningful assessments of some European democracy have been carried out. For example, one of the most relevant democratic assessment is that of United Kingdom recently carried out by Beetham and Weir (1999). In this perspective the decision of analyzing Italy and Spain has no strong theoretical or empirical reasons except the willingness of choosing not the old, stable democracies, but more recently established, large democratic polity in countries with previous authoritarian experiences in their more or less recent past. That is, our interest was rather directed toward European democracies that may be more problematic with regard to quality because of their political traditions. At the same time, Italy and Spain can be usefully contrasted as the Italian democratic installation and consolidation go back to the 1940’s and 1950’s whereas the Spanish ones are more recent and take place during the second part of 1970’s and early 1980’s. Such a comparison allow us to consider within the ‘ceteris paribus’ clause the size of the country with all related aspects. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
Democratisation European Neighbourhood
DEMOCRATISATION IN THE EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD DEMOCRATISATION IN THE EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD MICHAEL EMERSON, EDITOR CONTRIBUTORS Senem Aydın Michael Emerson Hendrik Kraetzschmar Alina Mungiu-Pippidi Hryhoriy Nemyria Ghia Nodia Gergana Noutcheva Nikolay Petrov Madalena Resende Uladzimir Rouda Emad El-Din Shahin Bassam Tibi Nathalie Tocci Marius Vahl Richard Youngs CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute based in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound analytical research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe today. The chapters of this book were in most cases initially presented as working papers to a conference on “American and European Approaches to Democratisation in the European Neighbourhood”, held in Brussels at CEPS on 20-21 June 2005. CEPS gratefully acknowledges financial support for this conference from Compagnia di San Paolo, the Open Society Institute, the Heinrich Böll Foundation and the US Mission to the European Union in Brussels. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors writing in a personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect those of CEPS or any other institution with which the authors are associated. ISBN 92-9079-592-1 © Copyright 2005, Centre for European Policy Studies. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior permission of the Centre for European Policy Studies. Centre for European Policy Studies Place du Congrès 1, B-1000 Brussels Tel: 32 (0) 2 229.39.11 Fax: 32 (0) 2 219.41.51 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ceps.be CONTENTS Preface Introduction 1 Michael Emerson Part I. -
Challenges of Democracy in the European Union and Its Neighbors
Challenges of Democracy in the European Union and its Neighbors Aylin Ünver Noi and Sasha Toperich Editors Center for Transatlantic Relations Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies Johns Hopkins University Aylin Ünver Noi and Sasha Toperich, eds. Challenges of Democracy in the European Union and its Neighbors Washington, DC: Center for Transatlantic Relations, 2016. © Center for Transatlantic Relations, 2016 Center for Transatlantic Relations The Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies The Johns Hopkins University 1717 Massachusetts Ave., NW, Suite 525 Washington, DC 20036 Tel: (202) 663-5880 Fax: (202) 663-5879 Email: [email protected] http://transatlantic.sais-jhu.edu ISBN 13: 978-0-9907720-6 Cover image: Shutterstock.com Contents Preface . .v Acknowledgements . .vii List of Abbreviations . .ix Tables and Figures . .xi Introduction . .xiii Aylin Ünver Noi and Sasha Toperich Part I Challenges Of Democracy In The European Union Chapter 1 . .3 The Conceptual Challenge to Transnational Democracy in the European Union Mario Telò Chapter 2 . .25 Racism in Europe: A Challenge for Democracy Leila Hadj-Abdou Part II Challenges Of Democracy In The Aspirant Countries Chapter 3 . .45 Challenges of Democracy in Turkey: Europeanization, Modernization and Securitization Revisited Aylin Ünver Noi Chapter 4 . .75 Challenges of Democracy in Serbia Daniel Serwer Chapter 5 . .93 Challenges of Democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina Sasha Toperich and Mak Kamenica iv CHALLENGES OF DEMOCRACY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION AND ITS NEIGHBORS Part III Challenges of Democracy in the Neighborhood of the European Union Chapter 6 . .109 Rethinking the European Union’s Neighborhood Policy Michael Leigh Chapter 7 . .123 Challenges of Democracy in the Caucasus Alex Sokolowski Chapter 8 . -
50 YEARS of EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT HISTORY and Subjugated
European Parliament – 50th birthday QA-70-07-089-EN-C series 1958–2008 Th ere is hardly a political system in the modern world that does not have a parliamentary assembly in its institutional ‘toolkit’. Even autocratic or totalitarian BUILDING PARLIAMENT: systems have found a way of creating the illusion of popular expression, albeit tamed 50 YEARS OF EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT HISTORY and subjugated. Th e parliamentary institution is not in itself a suffi cient condition for granting a democratic licence. Yet the existence of a parliament is a necessary condition of what 1958–2008 we have defi ned since the English, American and French Revolutions as ‘democracy’. Since the start of European integration, the history of the European Parliament has fallen between these two extremes. Europe was not initially created with democracy in mind. Yet Europe today is realistic only if it espouses the canons of democracy. In other words, political realism in our era means building a new utopia, that of a supranational or post-national democracy, while for two centuries the DNA of democracy has been its realisation within the nation-state. Yves Mény President of the European University Institute, Florence BUILDING PARLIAMENT: BUILDING 50 YEARS OF EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT HISTORY PARLIAMENT EUROPEAN OF YEARS 50 ISBN 978-92-823-2368-7 European Parliament – 50th birthday series Price in Luxembourg (excluding VAT): EUR 25 BUILDING PARLIAMENT: 50 YEARS OF EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT HISTORY 1958–2008 This work was produced by the European University Institute, Florence, under the direction of Yves Mény, for the European Parliament. Contributors: Introduction, Jean-Marie Palayret; Part One, Luciano Bardi, Nabli Beligh, Cristina Sio Lopez and Olivier Costa (coordinator); Part Two, Pierre Roca, Ann Rasmussen and Paolo Ponzano (coordinator); Part Three, Florence Benoît-Rohmer; Conclusions, Yves Mény. -
Codebook CPDS I 1960-2013
1 Codebook: Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2013 Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET 1960-2013 Klaus Armingeon, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2013 (CPDS) is a collection of political and institu- tional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects “Die Hand- lungsspielräume des Nationalstaates” and “Critical junctures. An international comparison” directed by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member coun- tries for the period of 1960 to 2013. In all countries, political data were collected only for the democratic periods.1 The data set is suited for cross-national, longitudinal and pooled time- series analyses. The present data set combines and replaces the earlier versions “Comparative Political Data Set I” (data for 23 OECD countries from 1960 onwards) and the “Comparative Political Data Set III” (data for 36 OECD and/or EU member states from 1990 onwards). A variable has been added to identify former CPDS I countries. For additional detailed information on the composition of government in the 36 countries, please consult the “Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Com- position 1960-2013”, available on the CPDS website. The Comparative Political Data Set contains some additional demographic, socio- and eco- nomic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD, Eurostat or AMECO. -
Citizen Participation and Local Democracy in Europe Joerg Forbrig 5
Learning for Local Democracy A Study of Local Citizen Participation in Europe Joerg Forbrig Editor Copyright © 2011 by the Central and Eastern European Citizens Network The opinions expressed in this book are those of individual authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the authors‘ affiliations Published by the Central and Eastern European Citizens Network, in partnership with the Combined European Bureau for Social Development All Rights Reserved With the support of the Visegrad Fund With the support of the Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency With the support of the Lifelong Learning Programme of the European Union This project has been funded with support from the European Commission. This publication reflects the views only of the authors, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein. 2 Table of Contents Introduction: Citizen Participation and Local Democracy in Europe Joerg Forbrig 5 Building Local Communities and Civic Infrastructure in Croatia Mirela Despotović 21 Rebuilding Local Communities and Social Capital in Hungary Ilona Vercseg, Aranka Molnár, Máté Varga and Péter Peták 41 Citizen Education, Municipal Development and Local Democracy in Norway Kirsten Paaby 69 Public Consultations and Participatory Budgeting in Local Policy-Making in Poland Łukasz Prykowski 89 Public Participation Strengthening Processes and Outcomes of Local Decision-Making in Romania Oana Preda 107 Citizen Campaigns in Slovakia: From National Politics to Local Community Participation Kajo Zbořil 129 Contentious Politics and Local Citizen Action in Spain Amparo Rodrigo Mateu 151 Strengthening Local Democracy through Devolution of Power in the United Kingdom Alison Gilchrist 177 Conclusions: Ten Critical Insights for Local Citizen Participation in Europe Joerg Forbrig 203 Bibliography 213 About the Authors 219 3 4 Introduction: Citizen Participation and Local Democracy in Europe Joerg Forbrig Democracy in Europe is in trouble. -
Silvio Berlusconi's Revival of Forza Italia Is Unlikely to Bring Him Back To
Silvio Berlusconi’s revival of Forza Italia is unlikely to bring him back to power, but his career in Italian politics is far from finished blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2014/01/14/silvio-berlusconis-revival-of-forza-italia-is-unlikely-to-bring-him-back-to- power-but-his-career-in-italian-politics-is-far-from-finished/ 14/01/2014 For the past few decades, Italian politics has been marked by the presence of Silvio Berlusconi. As Daniele Albertazzi writes, Berlusconi’s revival of his old political party, Forza Italia, is his latest attempt to retain political influence within the country’s party system. He argues that while Berlusconi is unlikely to enjoy the same success that he first had with the party, with Forza Italia currently polling around 21 per cent of the vote it would be reckless to dismiss his political prospects. On 18 November 2013, the Italian right-wing leader Silvio Berlusconi dissolved his party, Popolo della Libertà (PDL – People of Freedom), the founding of which he had announced to his supporters in Milan exactly six years earlier. He also relaunched the party he had first created in 1993: Forza Italia (FI – Go Italy). Allegedly born from the ‘fusion’ of FI with the post-fascist Alleanza Nazionale (AN – National Alliance), throughout its short existence the PDL turned out to be extremely divided, lacking purpose and a clear sense of identity. Following the loss of roughly half of the PDL’s votes in the 2013 general election (6 million in total), and after its negative experience in government between 2008 and 2011 (characterised by the worsening of every national economic indicator), Berlusconi came to the conclusion that the PDL brand had become toxic. -
European Approaches to Democracy Promotion
Lindsay Lloyd European approaches to democracy promotion Democracy is the only system that guarantees people political and civil rights and the right to participation. No other form of government has proved to be so successful, so humane, and so conducive to development. The international community too has recognized that social, economic, and environmental progress and broad-based growth can only be achieved and secured on a sustainable bases within a democratic political system based on the rule of law.1 Europe’s democracies have a pioneering record in promoting democracy and human rights outside their borders. Through government developmental agencies such as Britain’s Department for International Development, Germany’s Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development, the Lindsay Lloyd is regional director for Europe at the International Republican Institute in the United States. The views presented in this article are his own. 1 Website of Germany’s Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development, www.bmz.de. | International Journal | Summer 2010 | 547 | | Lindsay Lloyd | Swedish International Development Agency, and similar organizations, much of Europe has long made development assistance a priority. While the bulk of development assistance addresses concerns such as poverty, hunger, and conflict, many European governments have incorporated democracy and human rights programming into foreign assistance. This more traditional approach to democracy and human rights work as a part of broader development assistance has been accompanied by a strong commitment by European political parties and related institutions to democracy promotion. Beginning as early as the 1920s, European parties embarked on programs to support democratic development through a fairly consistent model. -
Perceptionsjournal of International Affairs
PERCEPTIONSJOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS War and Memory: Trotsky’s War Correspondence from the Balkan Wars Maria TODOROVA Of Other Balkan Wars: Affective Worlds of Modern and Traditional (The Bulgarian Example) Snezhana DIMITROVA Trajectories of Post-Communist Transformation Sabrina P. RAMET Post-1989 Political Change in the Balkan States: The Legacy of the Early Illiberal Transition Years Othon ANASTASAKIS Balkans and Balkanisation: Carnegie Commission’s Reports on the Balkan Wars Predrag SIMIĆ Macedonia and the Ohrid Framework Agreement: Framed Past, Elusive Future Sasho RIPILOSKI & Stevo PENDAROVSKI Turkey and the Balkans: Constructing a Common Future Birgül DEMİRTAŞ Book Reviews Summer 2013 Volume XVIII - Number 2 ISSN 1300-8641 PERCEPTIONS Editor in Chief Bülent Aras Deputy Editors Şaban Kardaş • Mesut Özcan • Murat Yeşiltaş Book Review Editor Şule Toktaş Managing Editor Engin Karaca International Advisory Board Nuri Yurdusev Middle East Technical University Fuat Keyman Sabancı University John Hobson University of Sheffield Talip Küçükcan Marmara University Ayşe Kadıoğlu Sabancı University Mustafa Kibaroğlu Okan University Burhanettin Duran Istanbul Şehir University Selçuk Çolakoğlu Yıldırım Beyazıt University Pınar Bilgin Bilkent University Oktay Tanrısever Middle East Technical University Tuncay Kardaş Sakarya University Şaban Kardaş TOBB-ETU Mesut Özcan Center for Strategic Research Homepage: http://www.sam.gov.tr The Center for Strategic Research (Stratejik Araştırmalar Merkezi- SAM) conducts research on Turkish foreign policy, regional studies and international relations, and makes scholarly and scientific assessments of relevant issues. It is a consultative body of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs providing strategic insights, independent data and analysis to decision makers in government. As a nonprofit organization, SAM is chartered by law and has been active since May 1995.