Democratisation European Neighbourhood
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The Transformation of Italian Democracy
Bulletin of Italian Politics Vol. 1, No. 1, 2009, 29-47 The Transformation of Italian Democracy Sergio Fabbrini University of Trento Abstract: The history of post-Second World War Italy may be divided into two distinct periods corresponding to two different modes of democratic functioning. During the period from 1948 to 1993 (commonly referred to as the First Republic), Italy was a consensual democracy; whereas the system (commonly referred to as the Second Republic) that emerged from the dramatic changes brought about by the end of the Cold War functions according to the logic of competitive democracy. The transformation of Italy’s political system has thus been significant. However, there remain important hurdles on the road to a coherent institutionalisation of the competitive model. The article reconstructs the transformation of Italian democracy, highlighting the socio-economic and institutional barriers that continue to obstruct a competitive outcome. Keywords: Italian politics, Models of democracy, Parliamentary government, Party system, Interest groups, Political change. Introduction As a result of the parliamentary elections of 13-14 April 2008, the Italian party system now ranks amongst the least fragmented in Europe. Only four party groups are represented in the Senate and five in the Chamber of Deputies. In comparison, in Spain there are nine party groups in the Congreso de los Diputados and six in the Senado; in France, four in the Assemblée Nationale an d six in the Sénat; and in Germany, six in the Bundestag. Admittedly, as is the case for the United Kingdom, rather fewer parties matter in those democracies in terms of the formation of governments: generally not more than two or three. -
EU Democracy Promotion in the Eastern Neighbourhood: a Turn to Civil Society?
Nº115 december 2012 working paper EU democracy promotion in the Eastern neighbourhood: a turn to civil society? Natalia Shapovalova Richard Youngs About FRIDE FRIDE is a European think tank for global action, which provides innovative thinking and rigorous analysis of key debates in international relations. Our mission is to inform policy and practice in order to ensure that the EU plays a more effective role in supporting multilateralism, democratic values, security and sustainable development. Working Papers FRIDE’s working papers seek to stimulate wider debate on these issues and present policy-relevant considerations. EU democracy promotion in the Eastern neighbourhood: a turn to civil society? Natalia Shapovalova is an associate researcher at FRIDE. Richard Youngs is director (on leave) of FRIDE. © Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior (FRIDE) 2012. Felipe IV, 9, 1º Dcha. 28014 Madrid – SPAIN Tel.: +34 91 244 47 40 Email: [email protected] All FRIDE publications are available at the FRIDE website: www.fride.org This document is the property of FRIDE. If you would like to copy, reprint or in any way reproduce all or any part, you must request permission. The views expressed by the author do not necessarily reflect the opinion of FRIDE. If you have any comments on this document or any other suggestions, please email us at [email protected] ISSN: 2172-5829 (Print) ISSN: 2172-5837 (Online) Legal Deposit: M-45320-2010 Contents The EU’s record in the Eastern neighbourhood 2 New developments 6 Challenges 13 Conclusion 16 EU DEMOCRACY PROMOTION IN THE EASTERN NEIGHBOURHOOD: 1 A TURN TO CIVIL SOCIETY? NATALIA SHAPOVALOVA & RICHARD YOUNGS While afflicted with economic and political crisis at home, the EU has recently taken steps to shore up its support for democracy abroad. -
EU-Korea Convergence and Partnerships 10 Years After the EU-ROK FTA, in the Post Covid Era and Within the US-China Trade War
EU-Korea convergence and partnerships 10 years after the EU-ROK FTA, in the post Covid era and within the US-China trade war Asia Centre is delighted to host a distinguished panel to discuss the current status of EU and Republic of Korea partnerships, relations and cooperation on multilateral issues and focused sectors of mutual interest. Please find some of the papers of the authors-speakers on the following pages. CHAIRS: • Lukas MANDL (chairman of the European Parliament’s Delegation for Relations with the Korean Peninsula) • Jean-François DI MEGLIO (President of Asia Centre) SPEAKERS : Panel 1 : The points of convergence within the analysis of post Covid international relations • Maximilian MAYER (University of Bonn) : introduction • Antoine BONDAZ (FRS, SciencesPo): “The Covid-19 pandemic as a great opportunity for greater EU-Korea coordinAtion And cooperAtion” • Nicola CASARINI (Istituto Affari InternAzionAli): « EU-Korea strAtegic pArtnership ten years after. Opportunities, and challenges, in the age of Covid and mounting US-China tensions » • Paul ANDRE (SciencesPo): « Is KoreA on the threshold of the G7? StrAtegic opportunities and challenges ahead in the perspective of an enlarged G7 » • René CONSOLO (French diplomAt who worked in PyongyAng): « The European Union’s Restrictive Measures against North Korea: a medium term view, beyond the current difficulties. Looking at solutions beyond the deadlock ». Transition: Elisabeth Suh (SWP): « Certain uncertainty – the cyber challeng posed by Pyongyang » Panel 2 : Future opportunities of EU-ROK cooperation in specific areas of competence and excellence • Ramon PACHECO-PARDO (King’s College): « Reassessment of the goals intended and achieved through the EU-ROK FTA » • Tereza NOVOTNA (MArie SklodowskA-Curie Fellow): « WhAt EU-ROK Partnership within the US-China Conflict? » • Brigitte DEKKER (ClingendAel Institute): « EU-ROK digital connectivity: United, we must stand. -
Regional Development in Belarus the Republic of Belarus Consists of Six
Regional development in Belarus The Republic of Belarus consists of six regions. The smallest in territory is the Grodno region (25 thousand sq. km) and the largest is the Gomel region (40.4 thousand sq. km). The difference in population is not very large. Gomel has 1,527,500 inhabitants, while the Mogilev region, the smallest in population, has 1,191,800 people. Figure 3. Administrative map of Belarus Table 4 . Employment by major sectors of economy in Belarusian regions in 2001, %1. Regions Brest Vitebsk Gomel Grodno Minsk Mogilev Sectors of economy Industry 24.2 26.5 28.8 25.3 27.4 29.5 Agriculture 18.8 14.4 13.1 19.9 19.3 13.9 Trade and public catering 10.5 10.0 10.7 10.0 9.7 9.7 Transport 7.3 6.2 6.1 4.5 3.7 5.6 Construction 6.3 7.0 7.1 6.4 7.1 6.0 Source: Modified from Statistical Yearbook (2) The Belarusian regions are very similar in economic structure (Table 4). As shown in the table, the biggest part of the labor force in all regions is employed in industrial production. Agriculture accounts for between 13 and 20 % of the employed. This more or less equal structure of the economy in all the regions appeared during the Soviet period when the industrial production was centrally planned. Factories were located in various regions according to strategic and geopolitical but not economic reasons. In the 1970s to ‘80s Belarus became the “assembly workshop” of the USSR. -
The End of Democratic Conditionality: Good Riddance?
The end of democratic conditionality: good riddance? Richard Youngs Working Paper / Documento de trabajo 102102 September 2010 Working Paper / Documento de trabajo About FRIDE FRIDE is an independent think-tank based in Madrid, focused on issues related to democracy and human rights; peace and security; and humanitarian action and development. FRIDE attempts to influence policy-making and inform pub- lic opinion, through its research in these areas. Working Papers FRIDE’s working papers seek to stimulate wider debate on these issues and present policy-relevant considerations. 1 The end of democratic conditionality: good riddance?1 Richard Youngs September 2010 Richard Youngs, Director General of FRIDE, and Associate Professor at the University of Warwick, United Kingdom. Working Paper / Documento de trabajo 102102 September 2010 Working Paper / Documento de trabajo Cover photo: AFP/Getty Images © Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior (FRIDE) 2010. Goya, 5-7, Pasaje 2º. 28001 Madrid – SPAIN Tel.: +34 912 44 47 40 – Fax: +34 912 44 47 41 Email: [email protected] All FRIDE publications are available at the FRIDE website: www.fride.org This document is the property of FRIDE. If you would like to copy, reprint or in any way reproduce all or any part, you must request permission. The views expressed by the author do not necessarily reflect the opinion of FRIDE. If you have any comments on this document or any other suggestions, please email us at [email protected] Contents Analytical doubts 1 Democratic sanctions in practice 3 Incentives conditionality 7 From conditionality to leverage 9 1 hen the democracy promotion agenda began to Criticisms have grown over the ineffectiveness of Wtake shape in a more systematic fashion after sanctions as a tool for incentivising political reform. -
A Comprehensive Plan to Innovate Democracy in Europe
A comprehensive plan to innovate democracy in Europe Civil society vision for the European Democracy Action Plan A comprehensive plan to innovate democracy in Europe Civil society vision for the European Democracy Action Plan CIVIL SOCIETY VISION FOR 04 THE EUROPEAN DEMOCRACY ACTION PLAN TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive summary 07 Introduction 09 1. Civic space and active citizenship 12 1.1 Policy framework with guidelines on civic space 14 1.2 Anti-SLAPP directive 16 1.3 Whistleblowers protection 16 1.4 Space for youth 17 1.5 Financial support to CSOs 18 1.6 Conditionality related to the EU funds 20 1.7 Expanding the Rule of Law Mechanism 21 1.8 Stakeholder participation in strengthening democracy and the rule of law 22 1.9 Structured dialogue with Civil Society at EU and Member State level 22 1.10 Active citizenship fit for the 21st Century 24 1.11 European public sphere 26 1.12 Participation of underrepresented groups 27 1.13 Conference on the Future of Europe 28 2. Elections 31 2.1 European electoral reform 32 2.2 Inclusiveness & equal suffrage rights 33 2.3 Accessibility of elections 34 2.4 European political parties’ conduct, transparency & resilience 35 2.5 Online political advertising 37 2.6 Elections during a pandemic 41 2.7 Citizen election observation 43 2.8 Data Protection and elections 44 2.9 Election Infrastructure 45 CIVIL SOCIETY VISION FOR THE EUROPEAN DEMOCRACY ACTION PLAN 05 3. Disinformation and online public sphere 46 3.1 Governing internet platforms 48 3.2 Transparency of dominant platforms 50 3.3 Addressing the online manipulation business model by enforcing data protection rules 52 3.4 Upholding fundamental rights in the EU approach to disinformation 53 3.5 Central coordination and decentralised cooperation on disinformation 54 3.6 Decentralised framework fund 55 3.7 Sustainable and transnational journalism and media to counter disinformation 56 3.8 Global coordination and knowledge-sharing around hybrid threats 57 3.9 Data access for public interest scrutiny 58 3.10 Elections and disinformation 59 4. -
Freie Demokraten Trauern Um Klaus Kinkel
Freie Demokraten trauern um Klaus Kinkel FDP| 05.03.2019 - 10:30 Freie Demokraten trauern um Klaus Kinkel Die Freien Demokraten trauern um ihren ehemaligen Bundesvorsitzenden und Außenminister a.D., Klaus Kinkel. Er starb am Montag im Alter von 82 Jahren. Christian Lindner, Bundesvorsitzender der FDP, schrieb in einer ersten Reaktion: "Der Tod von Klaus Kinkel geht mir nahe. Er war ein aufrechter und bescheidener Mann mit Charakter, dessen freundschaftlichen Rat ich sehr geschätzt habe. Ich habe ihm viel zu verdanken." Lindner würdigte Kinkels Verdienste um Deutschland und Europa: "Klaus Kinkel verstand sich nie als Parteipolitiker, sondern im besten Sinne des Wortes als Staatsdiener. Er erwarb sich so große Verdienste und hat für unser Land und unsere Partei mehr bewirkt, als öffentlich mitunter wahrgenommen wurde." Kinkel habe sich "um diese Partei, aber vor allen Dingen auch um unser Land hoch verdient" gemacht. "Er verkörperte vieles von dem, was wir brauchen: Vernunft, Offenheit und Toleranz. In diesen gefährlichen Zeiten sei Kinkels Bekenntnis zu Europa und dessen Grundwerten nötiger denn je", zollt er dem starken moralischen Kompass des liberalen Urgesteins seinen Respekt. "Wir verlieren mit ihm einen väterlichen Freund. Er war uns bis in diese Tage ein weiser und bisweilen leidenschaftlicher Ratgeber. Dabei war er immer loyal und diskret. Wir werden ihn sehr vermissen", so Lindner. Was er auch tat, er sei in rauem Umfeld ein prinzipientreuer, liebenswürdiger und bescheidener Mensch geblieben: "Er wird uns fehlen." Lindner erklärte: "Als Bundesvorsitzender hat er sich von 1993 bis 1995 für unsere Partei in schwieriger Zeit in die Pflicht nehmen lassen und hat sie trotz damals schlechter Ausgangslage wieder in den Bundestag und die Bundesregierung geführt. -
Investment Potential of Mogilev Region
Investment potential of Mogilev region The population of Mogilev Region is mostly active in the WORKFORCE QUALIFICATIONS, 2012 (thsd. persons) industry (29.6%), commerce (11.8%), agriculture (11.1%) and education (10.9%). Workforce, total 589 557 including those with educational level as follows: POPULATION ACTIVE IN SECTORS OF ECONOMY, 2012 higher (thsd. persons) 118 107 Total active 491.1 vocational 135 361 including: specialised secondary 127 804 Industry 145.2 general secondary 187 873 Source: National Statistics Committee Trade 57.9 of the Republic of Belarus, 2013 Education 54.3 Agriculture 53.3 2. Region’s economy Healthcare and social services 37.1 Mogilev Region is one of the principal industrial regions of Construction 33.1 Belarus; it specialises in manufacturing of lifts, pneumatic Transport and communications 30.9 rubber tyres, tractor trailers, tractor-mounted mowers, steel Real estate, renting and business services 22.8 pipes, cement, slate, chemical fibres and yarn. The region occupies the leading positions in manufacturing of motor 1. Labour resources Public, social and personal services 19.5 scrapers, and underground road trains, farming machinery, Energy production and distribution 17.8 Employment by sector of economy (%), 2012 passenger lifts in the CIS. Mogilev region Other 10.5 The largest industrial centres are Mogilev, Bobruisk, Krichev, Hotels and restaurants 8.7 Kostyukovichi, Osipovichi. industry Source: National Statistics Committee Crop production leads in the agricultural industry: over 50% of the Republic of Belarus, 2013 2.1 of the region's territory is occupied by cultivated land. Grain 1.8 trade 3.6 The official unemployment level in the region is 0.6% of the (barley, rye, wheat), potatoes, forage crops prevail, flax education economically active population, which exceeds the national production is well-developed. -
Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger Bundesjustizministerin Im Gespräch Mit Werner Reuß
BR-ONLINE | Das Online-Angebot des Bayerischen Rundfunks Sendung vom 19.5.2010, 20.15 Uhr Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger Bundesjustizministerin im Gespräch mit Werner Reuß Reuß: Verehrte Zuschauer, ganz herzlich willkommen zum alpha-Forum. Unser Gast ist heute Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger. Sie ist Mitglied des Deutschen Bundestages, Landesvorsitzende der FDP in Bayern und, zum zweiten Mal in ihrer Karriere, Bundesministerin der Justiz. Ich freue mich, dass sie hier ist, ganz herzlich willkommen, Frau Bundesministerin. Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger: Ich freue mich auch, ich grüße Sie. Reuß: Das Bundesjustizministerium gehört ja zu den fünf klassischen Ressorts einer Regierung neben dem Auswärtigen Amt, dem Innenministerium, dem Verteidigungsministerium und dem Finanzministerium. Es drängt allerdings nicht so sehr in den Vordergrund wie andere Ministerien. Ihre Amtskollegin, die bayerische Justizministerin Beate Merk, meinte einmal: "Die Justiz war immer ein zurückhaltendes Ressort." Allerdings gehören sehr viele Bereiche zu Ihrem Ressort, u. a. der Generalbundesanwalt, das Bundesverwaltungsgericht, der Bundesgerichtshof, das Deutsche Patentamt, in dem Sie selbst auch einmal gearbeitet haben. Was sind denn die drei, vier wichtigsten Aufgaben der Bundesjustizministerin? Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger: Die Bundesjustizministerin hat ja mehr Aufgaben als die Länderjustizminister, weil die meiste Gesetzgebungskompetenz für das Strafrecht, für das Bürgerliche Gesetzbuch, für die allgemeinen Geschäftsbedingungen, für das Insolvenzrecht, das -
Neighbourhood Components Analysis
Neighbourhood Components Analysis Jacob Goldberger, Sam Roweis, Geoff Hinton, Ruslan Salakhutdinov Department of Computer Science, University of Toronto {jacob,roweis,hinton,rsalakhu}@cs.toronto.edu Abstract In this paper we propose a novel method for learning a Mahalanobis distance measure to be used in the KNN classification algorithm. The algorithm directly maximizes a stochastic variant of the leave-one-out KNN score on the training set. It can also learn a low-dimensional lin- ear embedding of labeled data that can be used for data visualization and fast classification. Unlike other methods, our classification model is non-parametric, making no assumptions about the shape of the class distributions or the boundaries between them. The performance of the method is demonstrated on several data sets, both for metric learning and linear dimensionality reduction. 1 Introduction Nearest neighbor (KNN) is an extremely simple yet surprisingly effective method for clas- sification. Its appeal stems from the fact that its decision surfaces are nonlinear, there is only a single integer parameter (which is easily tuned with cross-validation), and the expected quality of predictions improves automatically as the amount of training data in- creases. These advantages, shared by many non-parametric methods, reflect the fact that although the final classification machine has quite high capacity (since it accesses the entire reservoir of training data at test time), the trivial learning procedure rarely causes overfitting itself. However, KNN suffers from two very serious drawbacks. The first is computational, since it must store and search through the entire training set in order to classify a single test point. -
Strengthening Democracy in Europe and Its Resilience Against Autocracy: Daring More Democracy and a European Democracy Charter Paul Nemitz and Frithjof Ehm
Strengthening Democracy in Europe and its Resilience against Autocracy: Daring more Democracy and a European Democracy Charter Paul Nemitz and Frithjof Ehm DEPARTMENT OF EUROPEAN LEGAL STUDIES Research Paper in Law 01 / 2019 European Legal Studies Etudes Juridiques Européennes RESEARCH PAPERS IN LAW 1/2019 Paul Nemitz and Frithjof Ehm Strengthening Democracy in Europe and its Resilience against Autocracy: Daring more Democracy and a European Democracy Charter © Paul Nemitz and Frithjof Ehm, 2019 European Legal Studies/Etudes Juridiques Européennes Dijver 11 | BE-8000 Brugge, Belgium | Tel. +32 (0)50 47 72 61 www.coleurope.eu 1 Strengthening Democracy in Europe and its Resilience against Autocracy: Daring more Democracy and a European Democracy Charter* Paul Nemitz and Frithjof Ehm** INTRODUCTION: THE CRISIS OF REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY Representative Democracy is in crisis and this not only in Europe, considering developments in the US in particular.1 EU Member States like Poland,2 Hungary3 and Austria4 are governed by populists, some of them with autocratic tendencies.5 France is facing a crisis of political violence with “Gilets Jaunes” rampaging on its streets. Romania is riddled by corruption.6 Ever lower participation in elections and declining membership in political parties on both sides of the Atlantic document the steady decline of engagement of people in representative * To be published in S. Garben, I. Govaere and P. Nemitz (eds), Critical Reflections on Constitutional Democracy in the European Union (Oxford, Hart Publishing, 2019) (forthcoming). ** Paul F. Nemitz is Principal Adviser at the European Commission, Directorate-General for Justice and Consumers. He is teaching EU Law as a visiting Professor at the College of Europe in Bruges. -
Of Germany and EMU
Comment [COMMENT1]: NOAM Task Force on Economic and Monetary Union Briefing 3 Second Revision The Federal Republic of Germany and EMU Directorate-General for Research Division for Economic Affairs The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the European Parliament's position. The Commission's recommendation to the Council is that Germany satisfies the criteria for the introduction of a single currency. The EMI notes in its report that, in order to bring the debt ratio back to 60%, considerable further progress towards consolidation is necessary. Luxembourg, 20 April 1998 Contents PE 166.061/rev.2 EMU and Germany Introduction 3 I. Economic convergence 3 (a) Price stability 4 (b) Budget deficits 5 (c) Government debt 8 (d) Participation in the exchange rate mechanism 10 (e) Long-term interest rates 11 (f) Economic growth, unemployment and the current account balance 12 II. Legislative convergence 13 (a) Scope of necessary adaptation of national legislation 13 (b) Overview and legislative action taken since 1994 14 (c) Assessment of compatibility 15 III. The political background 15 (a) The "Euro petition" 15 (b)The Federal Government 16 (c) The Bundesbank 17 (d) The Christian-Democratic Union (CDU) 18 (e) The Christian-Social Union (CSU) 20 (f) The Free Democratic Party (FDP) 20 (g) The Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) 21 (h) Bündnis 90/Die Grünen 23 (i) The Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) 23 (j) The debate in the universities 23 (k) Trade and industry 25 (l) The trade unions 26 (m) The German banks 26 Tables and figures Table 1: Germany and the Maastricht criteria 3 Table 2: Inflation 4 Table 3: Government debt dynamics 8 Table 4: Sustainability of debt trends 9 Table 5: Spread of the DEM against median currency 10 Table 6: Long-term interest rates 11 Figure 1: National consumer price index 5 Figure 2: Government deficits 6 Figure 3: State of government debt 8 Figure 4: Development of long-term interest rates 12 Figure 5: Real economic growth and unemployment rates 13 Authors: C.