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ASSOCIATION OF CONCERNED AFRICA SCHOLARS P.O. Box 791J East LansingJ Michigan 48823 NEWSLEI IER FALL-WINTER NUMBERS 10-11 1983-84 CONTENTS

REPORT ON ANNUAL MEETING by IMMANUEL WALLERSTIEN------1

FINANCIAL APPEAL ------3

MEMBERSHIP FORM ------4

PANEL REPORTS FROM ANNUAL MEETING

-Action in Washington on Southern African by Chris Root ------5

Action throughout the U.S. on Southern Africa by Allan Cooper ------6

Action on Policy toward other African Issues and Nations by Nzongola-Ntalaja - 9

Action on Relations of Scholars with U.S. Defense Intelligence Agencies by David Wiley ------10

AD HOC COMMITTES TO KEEP SOUTH AFRICA OUT OF THE OLYMPICS ------11

BREAKING THE ECONOMIC LINKS WITH NAMIBIA'S EXPLOITERS: DIVESTMENT ACTION IN THE U.S. by Gail Hovey ------14

ADDRESS TO THE INTERNATIONAL SEMINAR ON THE ROLE OF TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS IN NAMIBIA by Randall Robinson ------20

The Spring 1983 issue of the ACAS Newsletter was numbered #8, when it should have been #9. Report on the Annual Meeting

by Immanuel Wallerstein

The 1983 Annual Meeting of ACAS was, in the view of everyone who attended, a very successful meeting. During the day, there were some 80 persons who participated.

The meeting opened with a frank self-analysis of the limitations of the efforts of the various organizations involved in activist work on Africa in the United States. The forthright views of Jennifer Davis of ACOA and Jean Sindab of the Washington Office on Africa sparked off a debate that was lively and thoughtful.

After lunch, we broke into four workshops on what we therefore should do in four sp~cific areas of activity. Each of the workshops produced a program of action for the coming two years. These workshops then reported to the f inal plenary session, where, after debate and amendment, program priorities were adop~ed. These final resolutions are included in this newsletter. The group present volunteered to assume responsibility for specific tasks outlined in these resolutions. The plenary then elected a new Executive Board composed of 22 persons, who are:

Edward A. Alpers (UCLA) Allan D. Cooper (St. Augustine's College) Robert Cummings (Howard) Jennifer Davis (ACOA) Patricia Lee Farria (Boston CLSA) Allan Isaacman (Minnesota) Robert Johnson, Jr. (U. Massachusetts/Boston) Willard Johnson (MIT) Maghan Keita (N.C.C.) William Minter (Washington, D.C.) James Mittelman (U. Denver) Chris Root (Washington, D.C.) Joel Sarnoff (Stanford) Ann Seidman (Boston, MA) Bereket Habte Selassie (Howard) Jean Sindab (Washington Office on Africa) Teresa Smith (Columbia) Carol Thompson (U. So. Calif.) James A. Turner (Cornell) Inunanuel Wallerstein ( SUNY -Binghamt on) David Wiley (Michigan St. U) · Marylee Crofts (Michigan St. U)

The next Annual meeting will be held in October, 1984 in Los Angeles, at a time near that of the meeting of the African Studies Association.

The new Executive Board met immediately following the Annual Meeting. It elected from its ranks Willard Johnson and Inunanuel Wallerstein as co-chairs, Bob Johnson as Clerk, and Marylee Wiley as Treasurer. The Executive Board had a long discussion about our organizational dilenuna as a small, poor organization. We have previously found unsatisfactory having no Executive Secretary, and found that asking a full - time university teacher to take on the post on a volunteer basis to be impossib ly burden­ some. We therefore decided that, if we were to fulfil our ob j ectives ape respond 2

to the enthusiasm of the members, we had to invest a good part of our small treasury in a part-time paid Executive Secretary.

We are fortunate in having persuaded Henry Bucher to assume this post. Henry is a historian of Africa, a long-time activist in the Madison area, and presently a Presbyterian minister. His address, and therefore now our organizational address, is 223 W. Oak St., Cottage Grove, WI 53527 (Telephone: 608-839-4267).

Even given the fact that Henry's salary is very small (virtually symbolic), and that we have few fixed outlays (3 issues of our Newsletter a year) , plus of course office expenses, we will not be able to meet even this budget if we do not increase our membership (presently 185) significantly. You will find in this issue an appeal from Marylee Wiley to renew promptly. Please do so, and please get several others, presently nonmembers, to join. In addition, I hope that many of you will be able to make an extra contribution this year. I think of i t as essential pump-priming. If Henry can have a workable budget, we will be able to have the level of activity and visibility that will itself result in a better financial picture in the future.

The Executive Board chose persons to exercise prime responsibility in three areas: 1) the Newsletter: Ned Alpers, who will try to group around him others in the Los Angeles area. 2) Political Action: Chris Root who will chair a Wa shington , D.C. collective composed also of Bill Minter, Bereket Selassie, and Jean Sindab. Jennifer Davis will also work with this group, and members are invited to indicate their interest to be part of the Political Action network. 3) ~esearch: Ann Seidman, who was the person originally responsible for this area, and who is returning in a few weeks to the Boston area from a several-year teaching stint at the Univ . of Zimbabwe. Members who wish to work with Ann are asked to indicate this.

Finally, the Executive Board, aware of the constrictions of funds, chose a sma ll Steering Committee to hold telephone meetings during the year. It consists of co­ chairs W. Johnson and Wallerstein; Treasurer Marylee Wiley; the three committee chairs, Alpers, Root, and Seidman; plus Allan Isaacman, former Executive Secretary . Henry Bucher, our new Executive Secretary, will serve ex officio as a member without vote of both the Executive Board and the Steering Committee.

The new Steering Committee met the next day to implement the priorities adopted at the Annual Meeting. It was decided, in response to feelings stated by members, that as of 1984 the Newsletter should become primarily a "news and notes" reportage in which members would be informed, as best we could, of all that has been happeni ng in Africa-related activism particularly in the U.S., including governmental activity, conferences, publications, etc.

In planning the sessions we would sponsor at the Los Angeles ASA meetings, we chose three themes from the recommended priorities: Destabilization in southern Africa; parallels and links between the southern Africa and Central American situ-. ations; conflict in the Horn of Africa. Allan Isaacman will organize the destabili­ zation panel, Ned Alpers the "Central America" panel, Bereket Selassie the Horn of Africa panel. Members with ideas or interest in these panels should contact these persons.

The Political Committee will proceed urgently on the following matters: es­ tablishing liaison with Central America activist organizations; action against 3

defense and intelligence funding of Africanist research; cooperation with Transafrica and others on a4anA~destabilization project; preparation of a state­ ment on Africa we will seek to have adopted by the Democratic and Republican national conventions; support for friendly Congressmen, especially Harold Wolpe.

Finally, it was decided that ACAS could make a particular contribution to the divestment campaign by starting a national campaign for divestment by TIAA/CREF. We are investigating currently how best to proceed.

Financial Appeal

Dear member,

If you have read my report just above, you will know how much we are doing, and planning to do. The financial base on which we have been working has been on the order of $3,000 a year. This is absurdly small. Even if you all renew, and get others to join, we still need funds if we are to reach a budget of even $7,500, itself minimal.

I therefore urge you, in addition to your dues, to contribute a small amount to ACAS to make us a viable structure. The necessary form is below.

~erely yours, ~ ~ Inunanuel Wallerstein Co-chair

To: Marylee Crofts ,Treasurer, ACAS Box 791 East Lansing, Ml 48823

I herewith contribute $10~~ $25~~ $50~~ or ~~~~ to ACAS.

I enclose a check now~~ (made out to the Association of Concerned Africa

Scholars), or a check for half now, and half at a future date (specify) 4

ASSOCIATION OF CONCERNED AFRICA SCHOLARS P.O. BOX 791, East Lansing, MI 48823 MEMBERSHIP FORM NAME ------~------ADDRESS ZIP TELEPHONE (Day)

INSTITUTIONAL AFFILIATION, if any------

RESEARCH INTERESTS, if any ----~------~--~~- Will you serve on the phone tree alert? (give your numbers above) ------

Would you like to work with the political action committee? -----

Annual Membership Dues: Students and Unemployed $ 7.50 Income to $10 ,000 . . . 10.00 Income $10 ,000-$19,999 20.00 Income over $20,000 . . 30.00 Institutional Membership 50.00

Dear ACAS friend, Dues for 1984 are as above. All former 1983 members' dues are up for renewal, even if your 1983 check came to me in November of this year. We held over memberships from the fall of '82, until now. If you paid me in Boston, I applied that to 1984. All other member­ ships should no~ be renewed. Thank you.

Marylee Crofts , Treasurer flEPORT ON PANEL ON "ACTIONS IN WASHINGTON ON SOUTHERN AFRICA POLICY 11 by Chris Root

Bill Minter chaired the session and led off with some thoughts about poli­ tical action priorities during the next few years, contingent on the degree of international attention focused on southern Africa and the outcome of the 1984 U.S. elections. (See Minter's paper in conference preparatory packet.) Chris Root made some observations about the expanded Democratic challenge to Reagan's constructive engagement policy as evidenced by the several legislative initia­ tives, which have in turn set the parameters for the debate on this issue in the presidential campaign. She also reported on the modest activities of the ACAS Political Action Committee in support of various national and state bills, and urged that the Political Action Committee recruit more members and become more active in the coming year. In particular, ACAS should take advantage of the fact that our members are spread out across the country, by focusing poli­ tical action on targetted local areas. The workshop participants proposed the following political action prior­ ities, in order of priority: (1) Work against South African destabilization of the southern Africa re~ion and the role of the U.S. Collaborate with other organizations in projects on this topic, in particular on a major public hearing aimed at policy-makers and opinion-shapers after the election. Continue research efforts, testimony, and panels at ASA and other gatherings on regional destabilization. (2) Prepare an Africanist campaign statement on southern Africa for the 1984 presidential and congressional election campaign, to be endorsed by as wide a group of Africanists as possible. (3) Solicit support from Africanists for important allies in Congress on African issues, especially House Africa Subcommittee Chairman Howard Wolpe. In addition to these direct political projects, reach out to Latin America scholars to collaborate on analyzing and bringing to public attention the link­ age between U.S. strategy and policies in the southern Africa and Central America regions. 6

WORKSHOP B - ACTION THROUGHOUT THE UNITED STATES ON SOUTHERN AFRICA by Allan D. Cooper

The anti-apartheid movement in the U.S. is highly decentralized and community-based. Among the active participants in the movement are student groups, labor unions, religious organizations, black groups, and progressive whites.

Academics have made important contributions to each of these segments but the role of academics in the anti-apartheid movement generally has been limited to providing background research and information on specific issues, and in testifying before governmental bodies.

A survey was conducted during Spring 1983 for this ACAS panel to assess the interests and needs of anti-apartheid groups throughout the U.S. Among the current issues being developed by these groups are divestment (or monitoring of successful divestment campaigns), fundraising for various projects such as the Winnie Mandela

Clinic in South Africa, information distribution, collecting textbooks for schools in Namibia, networking with other groups, and campaigns against local banks, corporations or other institutions involved in South African trade.

When asked what issues should be continued or developed over the next two years the responses included Namibian independence, divestment campaigns, stopping nuclear collaboration between the U.S. and South Africa, protesting South Africa's war against the front-line states, exposing U.S. involvement and complicity with apartheid, economic sanctions, coalition building among U.S. anti-apartheid groups, protesting Reagan's support for apartheid, direct assistance to SWAPO and ANC, publicizing the South African stands of House/Senate/Presidential candidates in

1984, facilitating tours in the U.S. for South African activists, and a march on the South African Embassy in Washington, D.C.

Some of the groups responding to the survey have very close relationships with academics, while some indicated there were no Africanists in their area. 7

One group complained that academics in their community were apprehensive about criticizing S~uth Africa for fear that it would adversely a~fect future grants for research in South Africa. Some groups actively seek academics as members, while others preferred to use academics as outside resources.

ACAS ACTIONS TO BE CONSIDERED

In consideration of the above survey responses, the ACAS panel members and audience agreed to the following:

1) ACAS members should identify, or help to establish, local anti-apartheid groups for the purpose of inviting these groups into the classroom as guest speakers, and to make available to these groups informational resources that could serve the group and its goals.

2) ACAS members should make themselves available to local anti-apartheid' groups to provide testimony before governmental bodies considering divestment legislation or other bills, to speak at demonstrations, and to share their expertise with media sources, and to work actively with these groups in their other activities

3) The ACAS Committee for Political Education should update the list of ACAS members (and their research or teaching interests) who are willing to assist anti-apartheid groups in their issues development. Tilis list as well as a list of

ACAS publications and other resources should be distributed to these groups.

4) ACAS members should work toward the divestment of their college or university funds from ccnrporations, banks, or financial ventures associated with the Republic of South Africa or its occupation administration in Namibia. ACAS should review the TIAA and CRAF pension fund use and work towards divestment of these monies from companies and financial ventures involved in South African and

Namibian trade. Tilese actions should be taken with the acknowledgement that we are now entering a phase of the divestment campaigns where the amount of dollars 8

involved in state government divestiture approaches the multi-billion dollar range .

5) Among the anti-apartheid activities for 1984 should be a focus on the myriad of interests converging on Los Angeles (Olympics, ASA, e.tc.). In con:·.ection with this , ACAS should consider recruiting someone (work-study student?) at a Los

Angeles-area university to coordinate ACAS and anti-apartheid activities during these even ts •

6) ACAS members are asked to identify and monitor activities of the South

African government at their respective universities or communities .

NEW VIDEOTAPE ON SOUTH AFRICA 8 When Nonviolence Fails ••• The Case of South Africa," is the title of a new (June 1983) videotape produced by Monona School/Community Television and Christian Cable Communications with the cooperation of U.S. Cable of Viking. This 50 minute update is timely for schools, community organizations, and religious groups. Panelists are Professor Daniel Kunene and Elizabeth Schmidt, who discuss U.S. investment in and divestment from South Africa; the nonviolent resistance of the African National Congress and its turn to armed strug­ gle; and positive actions Americans can take in the struggle for the liberation of South ~rica. The dis­ cussion is moderated by Rev. Henxy Bucher. Information on the pending. Wisconsin Assembly Bill 594,which would prohibit investment of Wisconsin Funds in South Africa, will be sent with each request for rental. Rental cost: $15 plus return postage by UPS. Specify 3/4n or 1/2" VHS. Write and make checks payable to: Madison Area Committee on Southern Africa (MACSA), Videotape, Pres House, 731 State Street Mall, Madison, Wi. 53703. Or call: (608)233-2697. 9

Report on the December 6, 1983, meeting's Workshop on ACT!ON ON POLICY TOWARD OTHER AFRICAN fSSUES MD NAT IONS"

by

Nzongola-Ntalaja

Approximately 17 people showed up for this meeting, the "excellent" attendance for the Workshop having more to do with the controversial nature of the issues on the agenda (e.g., Eritrea, Western Sahara) than with any strong commitment to ACAS. Most of the people present were not registered ACAS members .

The Workshop heard presentations by Bereket Habte-Selassie and Teresa Smith on Eritrea and Western Sahara, respectively, and discussed a wid ~ ,range of issues (e.g., economic development, self-determination, human rights) related to U.S. foreign policy toward Africa. A general consensus was reached that there is a need for the people of the United States to see African issues from a standpoint which perceives a yearning for independence and non-alignment in Africa, and to urge their government to abandon the uncritical support for pro-Western dictators whose strategy of rule is harmful to the basic needs of their peoples. The Association must begin to address this important need by opening and expanding an informed debate on U.S. policy toward Africa and its consequences for the basic human rights of African peoples, including the right to self-determination and the right to have a government of their own choice, and by educating and mobilizing the American people in support of these objectives.

The following proposals were made for ACAS action during the next two years:

1) A concerted effort at public education on African issues, through campus teach-ins, seminars, and community outreach;

2) Organize at scholarly meetings panels on contentious issues such as Chad, Eritrea, and Western Sahara;

3) Seek Congressional support for those policies which enhance the objectives outlined above, including U. S. support for (a) the right to self-determination of the peoples of Eritrea and Western Sahara and (b) diplomatic initiatives to help find a peaceful solution to conflicts in Western Sahara, Chad and the Horn of Africa; ·

4) Explore the idea of organizing a peace conference involving all the parties to the various conflicts in the Horn of Africa;

5) Organize a joint ASA-MESA plenary at the proposed 1985 ASA-MESA joint meeting to discuss issues of mutual interest to both organizations in North Africa, including Northeast Africa and the Horn, 10

Report on Workshop D, ACAS Annual Meeting 1983 - ACTION ON RELATIONS OF SCHOLARS WITH U.S. DEFENSE AND INTELLIGENCE AGENCIES. The workshop began with presentations by David Wiley (Michigan State Universi ty ) and Michael Lofchie (U.C.L.A.). Wiley presented the general development of offers of funding to Africanists from the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) and the National Security Agency (NSA). Lofchie, the only Africanist on the Task Force Steering Cormiittee of the American Council on Education (ACE)/Depart­ ment of Defense (DOD) on Funding of International Studies, reported about the deliberations and discussions about potential new funding for areas studies activities. (Details of the background to the issue are provided in the October 1983 ACAS Newsletter in a two-page article entitled, "Relations of Africanist Scholars with the Defense and Intelligencies in the U.S.A.") A diversity of opinion was presented at the workshop . A majority favored no funding at all from defense or intelligence agencies to Africanist centers or individual scholars. At least one person favored possibly accepting fundi ng at African studies centers for on-campus, non-research activities, such as pu r ­ chasing African studies library books or var1ous aspects of African language instruction. A resolution was drafted by the workshop and presented to the plenary meeting, where it was amended. The final resolution of ACAS is: "We believe there are a number of abuses of academic practice that have resulted from relationships between individuals in the academic cormiunity and the intel l ­ igence agencies. Such abuses can best be prevented if each of us is guided by the corrmonly accepted ethical standards of our professions and if there is the commitment of each member of the academic cormiunity to the preservation of the freedom of inquiry and expression of every individual within the world communi ty . "We understand and agree that it is illegitimate for scholars to engage in covert research. In addition, we believe that individual scholars, African studies centers, and universities should seek to avoid funding from military and intelligence agencies. "We, the members of ACAS, condemn the covert and clandestine use of an academi c position to further intelligence operations and call upon our colleagues not t o engage in such activities. "As members of ACAS, we believe that Africanist scholars, centers, and programs : a) :should not accept funding from or participate in the programs of military or intelligence agencies. b) should press for the collective development by Africanist scholars and programs of policies and practices regarding seeking legitimate fundin g and the acceptance or rejection of funds such as these from DIA and NSA . c) seek actively for funding of Africanist and international studies <::ctivities not through military and intelligence agencies but through the U.S. Department of Education, the Fulbright programs, and the other federal foundations and endowments. d) disseminate information about the military and intelligence funding of Africanist activities. e) encourage and sponsor, both in the universities and the public media, debate concerning the sponsorship and uses of Africanist research, the sources of funding for this research, the politics of such research, the influence of funding sources on research agendas, and the ethics of uses of knowledge about Africa" Passed at the ACAS Annual Meeting, Boston, 1983 with one vote dissent . David Wiley has agreed to be a coordinator of further discussion of the issue in ACAS and of various activities to implement action points a-e immediately above. Report by D. Wiley. TD ] LOS ANGLELES G . D p·.. 11 J.t1eoerat1on l 1 or · rogress 620 WEST UL YMPlC BOULEVARD, LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90015 (213) 746-5023

December 29, 1983 Dear Friend,

We ask for your help in a matter of grave importance. South Africa has made serious attempts to get back into the Olympics, even Advisory Board though it has been banned since 1970. Its racist system of apartheid Prof. Blase Bonpane continues to taint every aspect of its policies, including sport, Prof. Jwdy Chu thus violating the anti-discriminatory provisions of the Olympic. charter. Rev. George Cole Midge Costanza According to Bruce Kidd in the Journal of Sport and Social Issues Morris Kight (Summer-Autumn 1983): "The white-dominated South African Olympic Ron Kovic Committee (SANOC) is making a concerted effort to win readmission Sister Deborah Lorentz to the Olympic Games ••• IOC (International Olympic Committee) president William Marshall Samaranch has indi.::ate

Please send your endorsement to the Federation for Progress (FFP) office in Los Angeles by February 1, 1984. This campaign is part of the Los Angeles. TIP's effort in coordinating a rally and march for international peace and justice during the time of the Olympics and in advocating for the rights of Los Angeles citizens during that time. Also, funds are critical in ensuring this campaign. Any donations can be sent care of the FFP.

We appreciate your consideration and support in this matter. Your endorsement and donations can make the difference. Sincerely, ~Ck"- Dennis Brutus -uudy ch~ President, So. African Non-Racial Olympic Como. President, Chair, Intl. Campaign Against Racism in Sport Federation for Progress ------~;~~:;EE------

Please send to the Federation for Progress, 620 W. Olympic Blvd .. L.A., CA 90015 by Feb.l,192.:. ___I/my organization endorses the effort to keep South Africa out of the Olympics. Enclosed is my/our donation to the South African campaign: Amount $---

Name of individual/organization Contact Person Address

Phone Number City State Zip Code Jobs, Peace, Equ.a!iiy AD HOC COMMITTEE TO KEEP SOUTH AFRICA OUT OF THE OLYMPICS 12

c/ o Federation For Progress 620 W. Olympic Blvd Los Angeles, CA 90015 (213) 746-5028

December 26, 1983 Dear Friend, We have reason to believe that there will be an attempt by the expelled South African Olympic Committee to regain membership in the International Olympic Committee. Some indication of this has appeared in the Economist (September 3, 1983) which states, ··The South Africans are going to plead in some foreign high courts that their exclusion from international athletics is contrary to signed international athletic agreements . . . If the"'y get their declaration, they intend to ask the California courts to enforce it." In addition, it has recently come to light that James Zumberge, president of the University of Southern California, an Olympic Village site, paid a three-week visit to South Africa. Of his trip, he stated: .. The worst thing we can do for South Africa is to shut them off from the rest of the world." Such incidents strengthen our suspicions that South Africa will press very hard in their attempts to be readmitted into the Olympics in a process that will start with the Games to be held in Los Angeles in July and August of 1984. We, the following individuals and .organizations, therefore wish to address an appeal to the President of the International Olympic Committee, to the President of the U.S. Olympic Committee, and to the Chair of the Los Angeles Olympic Organizing Committee, that they should in no way collaborate with these efforts since it is clear that the basic policy in So ~ th Africa is discriminatory against people who are not white, and that this discrimination has been more deeply enshrined in the South African system by the constitutional changes which were approved in the recent referendum. The South African Olympic Committee was expelled from membership of the International Olympic Committee by a formal resolution of the IOC at Amsterdam in May 1970. The grounds for that expulsion were the clearly established fact that the South African Olympic Committee was guilty of racial discrimination in its organization of sport in South Africa. This is in clear violation of the Olympic Charter which forbids discrimination on the grounds of race. Since South African sport continues to be dominated by legalized racism. there can be no readmission of South Africa to the Olympic movement until these impediments are removed. Furthermore, we propose supporting a resolution passed by the International Conference on Sanctions Against Apartheid in Sport, held in London last June. This resolution requested that the International Olympic Committee adopt a principle similar to that passed by the Commonwealth Garnes Federation in 1983. As with the CGF. the IOC would agree that any nation that competes with South Africa in a major event would be banned from the next (I 988) Olympic Games. 13 We therefore call on the President of the International Olympic Committee, the President of the U.S. Olympic Committee, and the Chair of the Los Angeles Olympic Organizing Committee to: 1) issue a clear, public declaration that they will oppose any efforts by the racist regime of South Africa to regain membership in the International Olympic Committee; 2) support the Commonwealth Games Federation resolution; 3) issue a public declaration opposing the establishment of a South African information center in Los Angeles to promote propaganda legitimizing apartheid in sport.

Sincerely,

Dennis Brutus President, South African Non-Racial Olympic Committee Randall Robinson Executive Director, TransAfrica Assemblywoman Maxine Waters 48th District Ca Richard Lapchick National Chairperson of American Coordinating Committee For Equality in Sports and Society Yusi Shangase Representative, African National Congress Judy Chu President, Los Angeles Chapter Federation For Progress Elliot Barker Representative, Unity in Action Robert Farrell Los Angeles City Councilman 8th District Ca Midge Costanza Former Assistant to President Carter Reverend Thomas Kilgore Second Baptist Church, Los Angeles Frank Beeman Athletic Director of Michigan State Universir_v 14

Document No. NS-8

International Seminar on The Role of Transnational Corporat~ons in Namibia

Sheraton Washington Hotel Washington, DC November 29 - December 2, 1982

Breaking the Economic Links with Namibia's Exploiters: Divestment Action in the United States

by: Gail Hovey Research Director American Committee on Africa USA

...... _..ll!Ctl'.=lteaet!!~IJl _ Ml!lli~~~

Organized by the American Co1m1ittee on Africa 198 Broadway New York, NY 10038 (212) 962-1210 with the support of the United Nations Council for Namibia BRE~KING THE ECONOMIC LINKS WI TH NAMI BIA ' S EXPLO ITERS vivestment- L Divestment Action in the United States on South Africa. This is obviously correct conceptually, for More than fifty United States companies have investments, after all, the South African regime is the problem in Namibia as marketing outlets or franchise agreemen~ s in Namibia. For more well as in South Africa itself. But it has often meant that the than fifteen years activists in the U.S. have worked to break struggle for liberation inside Namibia is almost completely for­ the economic links between the United States and South Africa . gotten. It is in this context that we would urge greater specific Attention is now being focused on Namibia because of the continued mention of Namibia as work is done to cut the economic links which illegal occupation by South Africa, the failure of efforts for a help keep the apartheid regime powerful. settlement, and the recognition that U.S. investment supports There are those who argue that divestment is ineffective, but the status quo. the South African authorities seem not to agree as they are mount­ Economic action takes a variety of forms. There is the ing major efforts to counter divestment measures. Corporations divestment by individuals and institutions of holdings in U.S. are having to appoint special officers to deal with the issue, corporations and banks that invest in Namibia or South Africa. as the pressure for divestment can no longer be ignored. Just There is the withdrawal of funds , the closing of accounts with this year General Electric backed out of a major new investment in banks that lend to South Africa. There are trade related actions Kwa?,ulu, South Africa, selling its share of prospecting rights such as those taken during Zimbabwe's struggle for independence there for $13.7 million. A G.E. vice president acknowledged that when longshoremen refused to unload chrome from Rhodesia . Campaigns the company, which has headquarters in Connecticut, was swayed by to build such economic actions are undertaken because it has been political pressures. These included a decision this year by the demonstrated over the years that they are a very effective way of Legislature of Connecticut to establish restrictions on investment organi7.ing around South Africa in the United States. of state money in companies with interests in South Africa. The U.S. government has a policy of "constructive engagement" Colleges and Universities with South Africa. It refuses to carry out United Nations resolu­ Since the mid-1960s but especially following the uprising that tions to isolate South Africa, to end South Africa's illegal began in Soweto in 1976, students have launched South Africa re­ occupation of Namibia or to protect Namibia's resources from lated campaigns on hundreds of campuses around the country. Ad­ foreign exploitation. Given this situation, ·action by private ministrations and corporations have worked hard to defeat divest­ citi7.ens, by churches, universities, trade unions and state and ment demands and students in many cases have had to persist year city governments becomes essential. after year. Since 1976 at least 33 colleges and universities Since the achievement of independence by Zimbabwe most have taken action to divest, either totally or partially, holdings liberation support work relating to southern Africa has focused in banks and corporations involved in South Africa. More than $100 million has been removed from these corporations and banks. Corporations operating in South Africa have been .the major target but some of these corporations also operate in Namibia. Divestmen t- 3 Divestment-4

For e xample, the University of Massachusetts, in a total American Lutheran Church which vo ted in 1980 to t o tally dives t in '° divestment action that began in 1977, sold its holdings in Newmont a prudent manner from all corporations doing business in So uth M Mining, the largest owner of Tsumeb stock. Tsumeb is the largest Africa. The United Methodist Church in the same year passed a and most important U.S. owned corporation in Namibia and the similar resolution focused on banks that loan to South Africa or largest base metal producer in· the country. In the most recent parastatal corporations of the government of South Africa. The total divestment action the University of Maine sold its holdings Reformed Church in America and the American Friends Serv ice Committee in a number of corporations including Mobil Oil which distributes have also voted not to invest in firms profiting from apartheid. petroleum products in Namibia through its wholly-owned subsidiary Both the American Lutheran Church and the Lutheran Church Mobil Oil SWA (Pty) Ltd. in America have strong ties to the churches in Namibia and include Church Actions concern for Namibia in their resolutions relating to South Africa. Churches in the United States have taken a variety of actions However, in neither case are U.S. corporations in Namibia mentioned short of divestment to educate their members abJut South Africa in their divestment resolutions. A growing number of church mem- and Namibia, and about the economic connections that link the United hers in these and other denominations believe that divestment from States to the apartheid regime. Through the Interfaith Center on U.S. corporations that operate in Namibia must be undertake n. Corporate Responsibility numerous share holder resolutions have Trade Union Actions been introduced asking, among other things, for the corporations Trade unions in the United States have also been involved in to disclose the nature of their operations in South Africa. The economic action against South Africa. Among the unions that have most extensive campaign carried out by the churches in the U. S. taken a position against economic involvement in South Africa are has been to target Citibank, the largest lender to South Africa and the United Auto Workers, the Service Employees International Union; the only u.s. bank with branch offices in South Africa. Among the International Longshoremen and Warehousemen ' s Union; United Electrical actions taken, the American Lutheran Church withdrew $2 million in Workers; District 1199 National Union of Hospital and Health Care short term securities in 1980, the Catholic Archdiocese of Milwaukee Employees; Joint Fur Leather and Machine Workers Union of the sold $300,000 of Citicorp notes in 1981, and the Board of Global United Food and Commercial Workers International, AFL-CIO; and Ministries of the United Methodist Church voted in 1980 to sever District 31, United Steel Workers of American , AFL-CIO. Of special all relations with Citibank closing 28 separate accounts with a importance have been AFSCME public employee unions which have total annual cash flow of over $57 million. supported actions by state legislatures to prohibit the investment There is a small but growing number of national demoninations of public pension funds in corporations and banks operating in which have moved further, some proceeding to full divestment and South Africa . others considering divestment as an option to be exercised under certain conditions. The strongest steps have been taken by the Divestment-5 t·, Divestment-6 r~ State and City Government Actions This brings us to a major new development in divestment actions, rather an example of opposit.ion to this type of legislation. The those taken by state and city governments. Seventeen state legis­ bill declared that the investment policies of the state should latures and fourteen city governments have debated the issue of the reflect Minnesota law which protects individuals from discrimina­ investment of public money in banks and corporations that operate tion. Both South Africa and Namibia have legally sanctioned policies in South Africa. A variety of bills have been introduced. In of racial discrimination. Thus the legislature acted to prohibit some states a single piece of legislation prohibiting the invest­ future investment in corporations doing substantial business in ment of all state funds in banks and corporations operating in South Africa and Namibia. South Africa has been introduced. In other states several bills Not only did Governor Albert H. QUie veto the bill, but all dealing separately with banks, pension funds, and education funds Minnesota state senators received a letter in April signed by have been introduced. As with the universities and churches , con­ Dirk Mudge on behalf of the "Council of Ministers of the Govern­ cern about investment in Namibia needs to be introduced along with ment of Namibia." The letter read in part: the concern about investment in South Africa. In two important Namibia ••. desperately needs investments by U.S. companies and others as we move toward full in­ cases this has already happened. dependence and sovereign recognition. The Demo­ On June 17, 1982 Mayor William J. Green of Philadelphia signed cratic Tarnhalle Alliance (DTA), Namibia's governing majority political party, has abolished apartheid into law a bill that the City Council had passed unanimously and by law and has put in place a system of civil Philadelphia became the first major American city to prohibit the rights and equal opportunity laws equal to those in the United States. investment of public pension funds in banks or corporations opera­ ting in South Africa or Namibia. The City Council of Philadelphia We would hope that the Minnesota Senate will not punish the people of Namibia on the mistaken notion expressed concern about investments in companies doing business in that they are helping us with respect to apartheid. South Africa and Namibia. As long as apartheid exists there will We appreciate your concern, and hope for your coopera­ tion. be instability and therefore neither Namibia nor South Africa has a safe climate for investment. Approximately $70 million of the A resolution by the Minnesota Senate encouraging tourism to and investment in Namibia ...ould be $748 million pension fund will h3ve te be divested. This is an much more helpful to us at this time. We believe excellent example of what can be done, and needs to be replicated in the free enterprise system, and we thank God every day for the great United States, its wonderful in cities across the country. people, and its fine political leaders of both Also in 1982, the Minnesota state legislature passed a bill of your great political parties. that dealt with investment in Namibia as well as South Africa . The State Senator Allan Spear wrote a careful response to this Minnesota action illustrates not a Philadelphia type success but letter refuting the claim that apartheid has been abolished in

Na~ibia, and outlining in detail the legal status of the territory. Divestment-7 Divestment-8

Copies of the letter were sent to all Democratic senators and key colleges and universities in the state took action first. Every representatives in the state. success can be used as an example by the next state or city taking On October 8, 1982 Senator Spear received a letter from up the issue. Of course every effort to dilute legislation, to Marion Smoak whose law firm in Washington D.C. is legal counsel use the Sullivan Principles, a code of conduct for U.S. business for the Council of Ministers of Namibia. Senator Spear's letter to in South Africa, as a criteria for investment can serve as a ne- Mudge had been referred to Smoak for reply. Smoak's letter deals gative precedent. with none of the substance of Spear's letter and repeats again A first recommendation is thus to distribute as widely as that "the National Assembly of Namibia ••• totally abolished all possible information about the actions that have been taken and aparthied in the country .•• " groups working on the issue need to coordinate their efforts. Such Smoak must hope that people in Minnesota have little access coordination has already begin in the U.S. The Coalition Against to news from Namibia because Dirk Mudge is in political trouble Investment in South Africa, CAISA, is made up of organizations in­ there partly because his Council of Ministers has not been given cluding the American Committee on Africa, the American Friends authority by South Africa to eliminate apartheid. Service Committee, the Campaign to Oppose Bank Loans to South The details of the Minnesota case are impJrtant because they Africa, Clergy and Laity Concerned, the Interfaith Center on Cor­ demonstrate the high level of South African concern in the di­ porate Responsibility, TransAfrica, the United Methodist Church vestment issue. South Africa has hired an American firm to argue Office for the u.N. and the Washington Office on Africa. CAISA

its positi~n on Namibia, to win friends and influence people in focuses on work around state and city actions. high places. Although Marion Smoak may describe his firm as legal A summary of all university and church actions as well as a . counsel for the Council of Ministers, he is registered with the newsletter of state and local action and a newsletter on uni­ United States Justice Department as an agent of the South African versity actions are available from the American Committee on Africa. government's "Administrator General of the Territory of South West In the Minnesota case, detailed information on Namibia's Africa/Namibia." This is the same law firm that has brought a civil history and current legal standing was needed to respond to the action against SWAPO in U.S. District Court in Washington, claiming appeal from the Council of Ministers of Namibia. One of the very that SWAPO falsified its registration with the u.s. Justice De­ important roles that can be played by activist groups is to supply partment. Discrediting SWAPO is a fundamental priority of South information to the actors: the elected officials, the university Africa. By the same token, the effort to defeat the divestment trustees, the church officials who must make the case for divest­ movement testifies to its effectiveness. ment in their respective institutions. Recommendations Another urgent recommendation is that Namibia be included in Divestment actions have a cumulative effect. In most of the all divestment work. The study, Namibia's Stolen Wealth: North American Investment and South African Occupation is a new states that have taken strong divestment action, students at • Divestment-9 Divest me nt-IO

resource which will help in this process. Th ~ pa mphlet includes which has just i ncrease d its s take in De Beers, i s the larges t profiles of both Canadian and American corporatio ns involved in c ompany in South Africa and a d ominant influence · in the eco no my Namibia. This information is set in the context o f the history, of the whole of southern Afric a . In 1980 and agai n in 1981 , An g l o and social, economic and political situation in the territory, American was the largest f oreign inv esto r in the United States wi th including information about the growth of SWAPO and the struggle more than 100 investments in the Unite d States and Cana da .

for independence. It gives activists the basic info rmation need­ I mention CDM's ownership by D~ Bee rs which i n turn is part ed for a Namibia related campaign. of Anglo American which has become the largest foreign investo r But further research is also needed, especially on the in the United States for two reasons. It illustra tes the diff i culty ownership of corporations involved in Namibia. Ins titutional of finding easy uncomplicated handles t o grasp when we try t o investors--churches, universities, trade unions, and even state focus on Namibia. It also illustrates the very powerf ul connec­ and local governments--have portfolios that are managed by tions, with political as well a s economic implicati ons, that e xist specialists. In the U.S. these managers of stock are required by between Namibia, South Africa, and the United States. law to report quarterly to the Securities and Exchange Commission These connections underline the importance to us o f the any holdings they handle worth more than $100 million. Owners of meeting here this week. With more research uncovering more in­ 5 percent or more of stock in a company must report to the SEC as fonaation, with the energy generated by this seminar and the con­

must all corporate board members and officers. The information is ferences around the country that will follow , Na~ibia can cease available, and the research needs to be done. to be a place little known -to most Americans. Instead it can be­ Then there is the matter of trade. With increased mobiliza­ come a central agenda item for all opponents of apartheid. Di­ tion of trade unions a campaign could be launched to stop exports vestment from corporations and banks operating in Namibia is a s to Namibia and imports from Namibia. A first step for such a important as divestment from those in South Africa. Let us take

campaign is research on what is being imported and exported. The up these actions and support the struggle of the Na~ibian people, Council for Namibia already makes available excellent materials a struggle expressed here by the Namibian poet Issiek A. Zimba: and information and could be asked to provide this and other need- March on Namibian children march on to Windhoek, ed research. for this is the only time to strike Conclusion hard, to strike a blow and fight for the beloved country. Recently, Anglo American Corporation of South Africa bought about 10 million shares of 09 Beers Consolidated Mines, raising its The struggle should continue, for, not later than now, a wave stake in the company to about 34 pereent from 31 percent. De Beers of freedom and justice will owns Namibia's Consolidated Diamond Mines which produce nearly a roll across Namibia. quarter of the world ' s gem diamonds annually. Anglo American , 20

Document No. NS-41

International Seminar on The Role of Transnational Corporations in Namibia

Sheraton Washington Hotel Washington, DC November 29 - December 2, 1982

Address by Randall Robinson Executive Director TransAfrica December 2, 1982

Organized by the American Conrnittee on Africa 198 Broadway New York, NY 10038 (212) 962-1210 with the support of the United Nations Council for Namibia RANDALL ROBINSON ~, , .., ••.,.. _ _...... ,~ ..11 , l't . ~ l'l~•- "" - "'"'81!·~ .. IM'· ...... ·~··· · ·...... i' __....,~ African plate. Of course , Afri cans have always been suspic l ou A about

that because the Americans ha ve always been optimistic weeks before OAU

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am first apologetic that l could not be meetings, largely so that the Africans wouldn't criticize the Am e ricans

here for the duration of the conference . ln a way, it m,,k es my task easier. harshly because they thought that something was up . But in any case, the

I was asked to make a summary statement on what transpired here, and summary profile was raised again, and Chester said that we were on t he eve o f "

statements are much easier to make when you have heard nothing of the dis- magnificent breakthrough. and by Se ptember we would have the probl em

cussion. Many of us have made extensive remarks on books we have never solved, and by March of '83 a new flag would fly over Namibia, a nd

read, so I must say my mind is not flooded with the details of much of the independence would .have been won.

discussion. I was very pleased to hear the discussion on the Declaration, About two weeks after I met with Chester, I was given a document from

and it is heartening to see so many people here from so many countries to the daily American intelligence summary, a top secret docume nt contributed

discuss this issue. I will confine my bri~f remarks to reflections on to by the CIA, the Defense Intelligence Agency, and the National Security

U.S. policy, as we have been close to it over the last few months. Agency. The document was dated July the 9th. It was based on reconnaissance

A number of groups in the United States are now preparing a SO-page photos taken on July the 28th in northern Namibia that showed major South

document, an analysis of the evolution of the crisis and U.S. contributions African preparations for an invasion of Angola. To make the matter even

to it. I expect that as many as twenty major national organizations will clearer, the document went on to detail the discussion that took place between

endorse, coproduce, and release this report some time in January. Hany of Pik Botha and Herman Nickel, the American Ambassador to South Africa, a

those organizations are present here today. Most of them are very well discussion in which the Foreign Minister of South African told the American

known national_ly, and one hopes that this report will have some great Ambassador that the South Africans would invade Angola massively in mid-

impact. I met in July with Chester Crocker for an extended period of August. So that there was no doubt in either party's mind that a massive

time, and I had never seen Chester as animated as he was in that meeting. invasion was on the way. This followed, mind you, just on the heels of

Chester Crocker is the American Assistant Secretary of State for Africa . Chester Crocker's optimism.

We talked in great detail about his command of the situation and his Nov, one had to know at that time that if there was t o be any solution

confidence in a breakthrough, and he assured me in way s that he had not of this supposed impediment to progress--the Cuban issue in Angola--the

before that the United States and the leadership of the contact group worst time for the South Africans to launch a major invasion of Angola

had this problem very much -in hand, and that before we got to Tripoli would have been mid-August, right in the middle of Chester's successful

for the OAU meeting that wasn't, that there would be something on the diplomacy. •

3

N One asks the question, did the Americans first share this intelligence American policy is first designed to achieve the stability and respectability N with the contact group, and if they did not, did the Americans try with of South Africa as a permanent fixture in the constellation of southern

all of the leverage that devolves from the new policy of "constructive African affairs. The East-West crisis is far more important to Chester

engagement"--did the Americans lean upon the South Africans to persuade Crocker, to Ronald Reagan, to Secretary Shultz, than anything that

them and dissuade them from launching this attack at that time? The answer affects twenty million black South Africans and one million black Namibians.

to that question is no, and the attack went ahead. And of course, the So that if it is not possible to reconcile the achievement of freedom for

diplomacy is devastated. The diplomacy is now moribund. Better than Namibia with the primary objective, then the secondary objective is

moribund~dead. So one asks the questions~Has the United States sacrificed. And I think, clearly, that's what we have seen in this case.

proceeded out of total and absolute naivete about their capacities to And eo, in that regard, one can not think anything otherwise than that

influence the South Africans, or has the United States had all along the diplomacy le dead. Now, one wonders how other than with some element

quite another agenda? I think that America has had two irreconcilable of neivete the Americans could have thought otherwise. I asked yesterday

objectives to try and achieve. One could say the first objective is to in discussions with some American officials and some French officials that

complete what they talked about at the beginning of this administration, when three weeks ago the Americans approved the loan to South Africa of

and that is the restoration of South Africa to international respects- $1.1 billion dollars through the IMF fund, for it was an American loan,

bility. In llaig's own worde in earlier documents, "Our objective is if any conditions were attached to that. If the Namibian solution is of

to remove South Africa's international polecat status, and to restore any consequence to the United States, and if, as the facts demonstrate to

them to their rightful place in the Western alliance, so that they can ua that this loan was an indirect military subsidy to South Africa, for

play the role thet they have to play in opposition to the Soviet threat its economic problems of course are occasioned by its destabilization

to all of the world." Becauee to those of you who are from the United program throughout the region, as well as the fall in the price of gold

States, we know well that it is a religious belief in the United States and diamonds, if its problemsare of its own making, and we would vote for

that the Soviet Union is responsible for everything that is wrong in the a program that would subsidize them and give them a greater capacity to

world. It cannot be doubted. Americans who cannot even define communism make war and to repress at home, and if this nation wants a solution to

have an enormous fear. So that as George McGovern once said to me, if the Namibia crisis and for South Africa to become more flexible, isn't

the Soviet Union came out against cancer the United States would have to it reasonable to assume that the Americans before casting the vote in

support it. (laughter) For we have that myopic, enormous, sort of the IHF whispered to the South Airicane in the hallways that "If you do

amorphoue, fear of anything that comes out of Moscow. And so I think the this, we will do that." Hy clear belief is that that never happened. 5 6

<-') For three months before that meeting took place, a strange thing happened ago to send 2500 shock batons to South Africa. Now, shock batons a r e not N in Washington. An American author of a memora dum to Ambassador Herman dua l-use items. One can't eat a shock baton. One can't inoculat e oneself

Nickel then in South Africa left the memorandum in the back seat of a with a shock baton. You can't sleep on it, and you can't live under it.

taxicab. The taxi driver read the memorandum, being politically astute Shock batons are designed only to s hock people and cattle, and it was c lear

as he was, and brought the memorandum to us. The memorandum said to to the Colll!lerce Department tha t the South Africans had in mind only one

Ambassador Nickel, and it was cleared through the White House and cleared use for them. And so one can see from a pattern of American behavior from

through the State Department and cleared through the Commerce Department, the very beginning that we have served up a full plate of carrots. Th e

and Ambassador Nickel read it in the Rand Daily Mail, because it never South Africans have eaten each and every carrot and have asked for mor e .

got to him because the taxicab driver took care of that. The memorandum We have put the stick down altogether. And one finds it d ifficult to

read, "We at the State Department want you to make discreet inquiries believe that this is done out of total naivete. Because we want very

with the South Africans about the advisability of seeking a loan at this much to prop up these people to achieve the principal American objective,

time. This was an early August memorandum. We want to know at the same and that is the restoration of South Africa to a rightful place , a strong

time that we will not oppose the loan. But we want you to know that if anti-Soviet place in the configuration of political powers in tha t part

you seek the loan at this time it is possible that some of the governors of the world. And so, of course, all of the things that we've heard thi s

will seek the ouster of South Africa from the IMF, and so with that morning in the declaration about American vetoes and American supports of

knowledge that South Africa was going ahead, we sent the memorandum to other kinds further indicate that this is the case. So I think the

all of the African ambassadors to the United States and to the United question is: Where now from here? I had occasion to ~alk to French

Nations, expecting that in Toronto in September the South Africans would officials yesterday. I think the African world and the Third World had

pursue the loan. The Congress was in session in September, and 30 members cause to be given hope by the French elections that brought to power a

of Congress wrote to the Secretary of the Treasury asking that the U. S. socialist government. But when one raises the question with the French,

not support the loan. But because the Congress was in session, the what now, the answer is nothing now. When one raises the question if

South Africans did not seek the loan then. They waited until the Congress the South Africans say no to everything, and of course we know that they

went out of session to seek the loan. Now, one believes that this was always will. If there are 19 points on the table , the South Africans

orchestrated between the Americans and the South Africans . Giving further will always agree to 18. They will always find the 19th point . And we

demonstration of proof of American support for the loan without qualifica- know that the Cuban issue didn't even come from the South Africans . It

tion. Now, of course this follows on the heels of the decision one month came from the Americans, offered up by us . And we know that every pa rty

c 7 SC' ...

to this contest save the South Africans want the Cubans out. I has to be made in the cities and towns across the nation. Many o f you

~ talked with Fidel in March in Havana. He wants the Cubans ou t. I've who have been here for some time have read in the Washington Post

talked with Paulo Jorge and Kenneth Kaunda and all of the Africans, recently all of those ads, "The Changing Face of South Africa." I don't

Theo Ben Gurirab--everybody wants the Cubans out. Who wants foreign know if these ads are being run in papers across the world or not, but

troops on African soil? The South Africans do. And why? Because the South Africans are spending enormous sums of mon ey to buy respecta­

everytime the Cuban troop level goes down, the South Africans invade to bility. We cannot let these things quietly pass. And so it seems to me

quickly bring the troop level back up. They need it . They want it, and if we are going to be effective we have to take our struggle out of the

they must have it. So as the South Africans stall and stal 1 and stall and conference room into the churches, into the labor unions, into the town

stall and stall until they are able to fashion something that will give meetings, to get everybody involved in these problems--to let Chester

them a fait accompli government in Namibia that they can pass off on the Crocker know that there is more than a fringe in this country appalled

world as legitimate, what will be the response of the Western powers? by the policies that this country is supporting vis-a-vis South Africa.

Who in that contact group--what country--is prepared to support United Only in that way, coupled with the work of SWAPO, and I am so pleased

Nations comprehensive Chapter VII Security Council sanctions? Not one. that SWAPO was never fooled, that SWAPO has always known that there was

Including France. So it seems to me that it is incumbent upon us to much fighting left to be done, and it seems to me that we can help to

work as hard as we can now within our own cotmtries to raise the limit the amount of fighting that they will have to do, if we can help

profile of this issue. Chester Crocker told an African Studies Associa­ to scale down the support that the Western powers have given to South

tion meeting two weeks ago that there was no constituency for this Africa through our tireless political organizing and activities across

question in the United States save a dangerous fringe. And the the western world. Thank you .

question to him was: Which fringe and dangerous to whom? (laughter)

But we have a lot of work to do i .n the United States, and I am sure that

all of us from other countries know that we have a lot of work to do in

those countries to raise the cost-~ we talk about the United States and

the Western powers raising the cost of apartheid to practice to the

South Africans. It seems to me that we first domestically have to

raise the cost of apartheid to support by the Americans. We're quite

a ways from doing that. But that is the struggle in our own country that