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Home , Empress Ma (Hongwu), He Zhen (count), Hongwu Emperor, Mazu, Semu, Tang He

Ming Qing Yanjiu 20 (2017) 3–20

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Reconsidering the Role of Mazu under the Early Hongwu Reign The Case of Guangzhou in 1368

Roderich Ptak and Cai Jiehua

Abstract

The worship of Mazu, the Chinese Goddess of Sailors, began in Fujian, under the early Song. Migrants from that province gradually spread this cult to other coastal regions and among the overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia. The present article investigates one particular episode in the history of the Mazu cult. Its stage is Guangzhou and the period dealt with is the beginning of the Hongwu reign. In 1368, Liao Yongzhong’s troops moved to that city, putting it under control of Zhu Yuanzhang, the first Ming emperor. Local chronicles pertaining to Guangdong and certain other sources briefly refer to this event. They report that Liao promoted the worship of Mazu in that region and they indicate that Mazu received an official title in 1368, by imperial order. The Tianfei xiansheng lu, one of the key texts for the Mazu cult, provides different details: It associates the title granted by the imperial court with the year 1372, and not with the context of Central Guangdong. Furthermore, the attributes which form part of the title vary from one text to the next. The paper discusses these and other points, arguing there could be two different narrative traditions surrounding Mazu’s role in 1368/72: the Guangdong version and the “conventional” view, similar to the one found in Tianfei xiansheng lu. Although there is no definite solution for this dilemma, the article tries to expose the general background into which one may embed these observations.

Keywords

Mazu – Hongwu – Ming dynasty – Guangzhou

* Institut für Sinologie, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München [email protected]; [email protected].

1 Introduction

Mazu 媽祖, also called Tianfei 天妃, Tianhou (Tinhau) 天后, etc., is the Chinese Goddess of Sailors. There are different views on the origins of this cult, but following conventional assumptions her worship began on the small island of Meizhou 湄洲, which belongs to Fujian province. From there the cult spread to continental Fujian and along the coast towards the North and South, a process already visible under the Song and usually linked to the activities of Fujianese fishermen and merchants, whose vessels plied the seas in growing numbers. These chapters in the early history of Mazu form the topic of many scholarly studies and have also entered various surveys.1 The rapidly growing body of academic works on religious texts, key events, the rise of individual temples, ceremonial issues, comparative and other aspects, naturally, is mostly in Chinese. By contrast, there are very few books and articles in European languages, especially on individual regions—with the exception perhaps of Fujian and modern Taiwan, where Mazu is the leading deity. The focus of the present study is mainly on Guangzhou, on one particular period and on one event: the beginning of the Ming dynasty, when Mazu received a new title. It is chiefly based on official sources, including local chronicles, which contain hundreds of small entries on and references to that deity. Relevant information of that kind has become accessible through modern collections, and it is these works which proved of great help for drafting this paper.2 Furthermore, the present article raises questions and draws attention to a number of open issues, but it does not build on a specific theory. Models are more easily applied to larger contexts. For instance, one could think of a general framework to explain the Mazu cult’s gradual spread across individual counties and/or macro-regions inside Guangdong, or around Guangzhou.3 Did that process follow a specific rhythm, which were the forces behind it, was it different from the northbound expansion of the cult towards the Zhoushan Islands 舟山群島, Shandong, and other locations? The problem with such

1 Some surveys on the Mazu cult: Li Xianzhang 1995; Qiu Fuhai 1998; Li Lulu 1999; Cai Xianghui 2006; Xu Xiaowang 2007. For the general reader: Ptak 2012. 2 See especially Mazu wenxian shiliao huibian 媽祖文獻史料彙編 (now MZWX), which is divided into several series (see bibliography). 3 Studies on Mazu and Guangdong include the following items: Jiang Shan and Shen Si 1989; Chen Zhonglie 1994; Chen Yande 1996; Li Qingxin/Luo Yiying 2013; several articles in Putian xueyuan xuebao 莆田學院學報. See further Li Xianzhang 1995: 167–176, and studies listed in Mazu yanjiu ziliao, II: 353–355.

Ming QingDownloaded Yanjiu from Brill.com10/02/202120 (2017) 3–20 09:20:51AM via free access Reconsidering the Role of Mazu under the Early Hongwu Reign 5 questions partly stems from the nature of the written material. Texts and inscriptions mostly present simple facts, usually without providing the kind of information necessary to draw detailed panorama images. Furthermore, when officials compiled local chronicles they often copied earlier material uncriti- cally or adopted regional perspectives not in line with what we can gather from works discussing China in its totality. This short note does not solve these complicated issues. Being less ambi- tious, it only wishes to reconsider a set of widely known aspects and general features surrounding a very limited theme. That brings to light a number of truly or seemingly contradictory points some of which are not easily recon- ciled and indeed will remain unanswered. By and large this will be the main concern of parts four and five, while the next two segments will prepare the stage.

2 Song and Yuan Migrants: Taking Mazu to Guangdong and Beyond

In all likelihood it were Minnan 閩南 sailors who first took the belief in Mazu from Fujian to Lingnan 嶺南. Early accounts refer to Fujianese in that region. One source is the Yudi jisheng 輿地紀勝 (c. 1221); it reports, for example, that nine out of ten pawnbrokers in Huazhou 化州, a place in the western section of Guangdong, near the Guangxi border, had their roots in Min.4 Other Song texts tell us of Fujianese living on Hainan or trading to that island.5 Evidently some of these migrants had moved south already under the late Tang or during the Wudai period, when much of southern China had repeatedly experienced political and economy instability. From the twelfth century onward we also encounter Quanzhou 泉州 merchants and small groups of Chinese settlers in different parts of Southeast Asia. The Daoyi zhilüe 島夷誌略 (earliest preface 1349) mentions a Fujian trader in the context of Timor, at the outer rim of modern Indonesia. We read of Chinese staying in other locations as well, for example in Zhenla 眞臘. There are also vague references to religious ceremonies conducted by these early migrants, as for instance in Lingshan 靈山, on the coast of modern Vietnam. It is possible that such observations had to do with Mazu and/or other Chinese cults.6

4 Yudi jisheng, j. 106: 4a (p. 3417). Different names were used for Huazhou in different periods. For some years, the areas also belonged to Guangxi. 5 See, for example, Netolitzky 1977: 32; Hirth/Rockhill 1970: 177, 183, 185. 6 Daoyi zhilüe jiaoshi 島夷誌略校釋: 69–70 (Zhenla), 209 (Timor), 223 (ceremonies). For the latter also Liao Dake 2013: 197. Note: Liao thinks this is a reference to a different deity, not Mazu.

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Under the Yuan, influential merchants supported the Mongol elite in many ways, for example by organising supply shipments from the fertile production areas in Zhejiang and southern Jiangsu to the imperial capital in Dadu 大都, via the coastal corridor around Shandong and into the Bohai 渤海. These convoys, so it seems, involved vessels and manpower from Fujian—and the belief in Mazu. Towards the end of Yuan rule, when the Mongol-Chinese state began to decline, Fujian itself was hit by unrest and internal warfare. This led to a series of violent confrontations between Chinese and local Non-Han groups, many of which were Muslims belonging to the so-called semu 色目 category. Eventually the latter disappeared, leaving Fujian for destinations in Southeast Asia, presumably Brunei and/or some towns on northern Java.7 The details remain unknown, but we cannot rule out the possibility that this fresh “wave” of migrants included some followers of Mazu.

3 Fujian, How to Deal with Mazu, and the Guangzhou Option

Although the Yuan general Chen Youding 陳友定 (?–1368) succeeded in paci- fying Fujian during the mid-1360s, the Mongol empire had by now entered its final phase. Several warlords contested over power in different regions and it gradually became clear that Zhu Yuanzhang 朱元璋 (1328–1398) would emerge as the final winner. To cement his position, Zhu Yuanzhang knew that, besides controlling the lower Yangzi region and parts of the interior, he also had to conquer the coastal provinces, subdue semi-autonomous groups with maritime connections, and eventually increase vigilance over the ports and inlets of the East and South. Early in 1368, his troops marched into Fujian, forcing Chen Youding to surrender. Shortly thereafter they rushed to Guangdong. At that time Guangzhou was under control of the Yuan general He Zhen 何眞 (1321–1388), who hailed from Dongguan 東莞. Earlier He had been fight- ing over this city with rebel forces. Now Guangzhou became part of the Ming domain, because He Zhen changed sides. Both campaigns, the one leading to the annexation of Fujian and the one against Guangzhou, involved land forces and huge fleets.8

7 For these events, also called Ispah rebellion, etc.: Maejima 1974; Chen Dasheng 1982. For the semu category recently, Haw 2014. 8 Rudimentary information on this, for example, in Dreyer 1982: 62. Almost identical in Dreyer’s contribution to Mote/Twitchett 1988: 97. More elaborate in Fang Zhiqin/Jiang Zuyuan 2007: 38, 40–41. Additional details in local chronicles, especially in JJ-GDTZ, j. 7: 1a–3b (pp. 159–160). There are several biographies of He Zhen; see, for example, Ming shi, j. 130: 3834–3836.

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In spite of his military victories, Zhu Yuanzhang, the first emperor of the new Ming dynasty, remained very much afraid of potential enemies, especially in the coastal zones. He thus initiated a set of measures aimed at tightening controls over his citizens. This included the forced registration of families, as well as several efforts to “re-sinicize” groups which earlier, under Mongol rule, had turned their back to China. Another part of the program was the gradual advancement of Confucian principles and traditional values. Naturally, this led to an important question: How should the court proceed with local cults and “alien” religions? We cannot reconstruct the internal debates led over the issue, but the central administration had to prevent potential rebels from using temples and shrines to promote regional identity against the interests of the new dynasty. However, the question is more complicated than just that. Some scholars have pointed out that Zhu Yuanzhang’s wife, Empress Ma 馬, came from a Muslim family—just as several of the emperor’s closest leaders. It was suggested that these persons had a strong influence on the court’s decisions in one way or the other.9 If so, then one may also ask, how Zhu Yuanzhang sought to reconcile Confucian ideals with Islamic concerns and the fear of unwanted popular cults. And how did all that impact on the Fujianese and the Mazu cult in the Min area and other regions such as central Guangdong? Perhaps one can only formulate a general answer to these questions: The Hongwu emperor and his counsellors had to weigh the risks and benefits associated with a suppression of local creeds and customs, especially the belief in Mazu, versus the option of staying “neutral”, or even supporting “key cults”. Choosing the second option, i.e., accepting the Mazu cult as it was, would increase regional sympathy for the new government—in Fujian as in other coastal areas. Such a symbolic move might encourage people living in these quarters to become loyal and reliable subjects. But other points had to be considered as well: Many soldiers serving on the emperor’s fleets came from the coastal regions; Fujian had a reputation of being well-connected in the commercial world; its shipbuilding industry and nautical technology were quite advanced. In all likelihood these aspects were arguments in favour of Mazu. However, following the unrest which Chen Youding had put down, Quanzhou, the principal port of Fujian, definitely lost its former position in

A modern biography of this man is in DMB, I, 504–505. For Chen Youding and Fujian: Tang Lizong 1990. 9 A modern biography of empress Ma is in DMB, II, 1023–1026. For the Islamic dimension, see, for example, Tan 2009: 169–171. Recently also Abt 2014: 180. An account not generally accepted: Chang 1988.

Ming Qing Yanjiu 20 (2017) 3–20 Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 09:20:51AM via free access 8 Ptak and Cai trade. Many merchants and traders had left the city, as was just mentioned, and apparently the Hongwu government undertook little or nothing to revital- ize the maritime sector in Min. Hence we may ask: Was the government satis- fied with the exodus of the Islamic community and the subsequent decline of Quanzhou? Were the local Han-Chinese happy with the fact that they no lon- ger depended on influential members of the semu group? Would this promote Fujianese sympathy for the court in Nanjing? Had Mazu anything to do with the entire process? How did the empress feel about the decline of the Muslim group, was her opinion relevant? Without being able to answer these questions, we should now turn to central Guangdong. Khubilai’s armies had destroyed Guangzhou in the thirteenth century. By contrast, the foreign community in Quanzhou had surren- dered this city to the Mongols almost without a shot being fired, a story that has often been retold in academic works. Consequently, in the years to come, Guangzhou fell behind Quanzhou nearly in every respect, but especially in the commercial sector. Circa one hundred years later, with the Muslim exodus from Quanzhou and the incorporation of both ports into Zhu Yuanzhang’s rising empire, Guangzhou could hope to catch up again. True, it experienced a temporary setback in the 1360s, again due to violent encounters, but these clashes were less dramatic than the catastrophic events of the Song-Yuan transition period. Indeed, it seems that Guangzhou’s hopes to regain its former position soon came true, at least in part: Almost from the start, the Hongwu court decided to limit foreign relations to tribute trade, with Guangzhou serving as the principal gate of entry for official missions from Southeast Asia, while Quanzhou had to content itself with looking after trade with the Ryukyu Islands, at that time a very small market, in contrast to the many commercial towns and ports in Southeast Asia. This had been very different under the Mongols, because at that time, Quanzhou had maintained close commercial relations with dozens of foreign ports.10 If these observations are acceptable, then the conclusion could be that Nanjing, although generally cautious at the maritime frontier, preferred Guangzhou over Quanzhou—of course within the tight limits of its own restricted policy framework and quite in contrast to the Mongols, who had given priority to Min. Again we may ask, whether this had any implications for the Mazu cult, especially in view of the assumption that Fujianese migrants

10 Chinese, English and Japanese studies on Quanzhou under the Yuan abound. They do not need to be cited here. For surveys of maritime trade and politics under Hongwu, see Cao Yonghe 1984 and Li Qingxin 2007, especially 54ff.

Ming QingDownloaded Yanjiu from Brill.com10/02/202120 (2017) 3–20 09:20:51AM via free access Reconsidering the Role of Mazu under the Early Hongwu Reign 9 had imported this belief to Guangdong much earlier. How, then, did the central government evaluate these developments?

4 Liao Yongzhong and Mazu in Guangzhou

One point merits particular attention and this relates to Guangzhou. The Ming campaign against He Zhen, the Yuan commander in that city, largely depended on Liao Yongzhong 廖永忠 (1323–1375) and Zhu Liangzu 朱亮祖 (d. 1380). From the Ming annals we know that Liao had assisted Tang He 湯和 (1326–1395) in the conquest of Fujian.11 Liao also played a major role in con- vincing He Zhen to give up his resistance against Zhu Yuanzhang’s regime in Nanjing. Furthermore, Liao and He Zhen joined forces to eliminate Shao Zongyu 邵宗愚, a rebel leader, and his followers. Some texts call Shao a “sea robber” (haidao 海盗), but there is not very much information on him. Be that as it may, the case of Liao Yongzhong is more important. Evidently the citizens of Guangzhou were pleased with this man, who had liberated them from various evils—from Mongol rule and the threat through indepen- dent warlords. Therefore, “thinking of his kindness, they built a shrine for him” (民懷其惠, 為之立祠). After his victory, in autumn of 1369, when Liao Yongzhong moved back to the capital, the court received him with special honors. At that time, Zhu Yuanzhang considered him a most loyal and successful subject. These details, collected from the Ming shi 明史, are roughly in line with the data reported in earlier sources. But the Ming shi biography of Liao Yongzhong omits one important point: His success came to be attributed to Mazu’s help. This transpires from an inscription dated 1584 and from other works. The inscription, called Chongxiu Chiwan Tianfei miao ( ji) 重修赤灣天妃廟 (記), belongs to the famous Chiwan 赤灣 temple, on the western shore of modern Shenzhen 深圳. It tells us:

11 For biographical information on Liao Yongzhong and Zhu Liangzu, see, for example, JJ-GDTZ, especially j. 7: 1a–3b (pp. 150–160), and j. 49: 1a–2a (p. 1279); Guochao xianzheng lu 國朝獻徵錄, j. 8: 14a–17b (pp. 267–268), and 22a–23a (p. 271); Ming shi, especially j. 129: 3804–3806; j. 132: 3859–3860; Kangxi Xin’an xianzhi 康熙新安縣志, j. 12: 448–452, especially n. 7; Jiaqing Xin’an xianzhi 嘉慶新安縣志, j. 23: 854–856, especially n. 7 there. Modern biographies: DMB, I, 909–910; Chang Bide et al. 1978: 131, 749. For Tang He, for example, Ming shi, especially j. 126: 3751–3755; DMB, II, 1248–1251; Chang Bide et al. 1978: 628.

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廣之有廟，建自徴南將軍廖永忠，敕加賜額，有司春秋致祭。 12

The construction of Mazu temples in Guang began with Liao Yongzhong, the “general of the southern campaign”; according to an imperial decree a tablet was conferred, and in spring and autumn government representatives held sacrificial ceremonies.

As is often the case with inscriptions, these lines leave room for several possible interpretations. The details of the sacrificial ceremonies remain unknown. Most likely the text refers to the 23rd day of the 3rd month (Mazu’s birthday) and the ninth day of the ninth month (her ascension day). But how many officials were involved in these services? “Guang” can stand for both Guangzhou and/ or Guangdong. Probably the phrase with the tablet implies a singular form, as in the translation, but we cannot totally exclude a plural form. In other words, one tablet was issued to one temple, or several temples received similar/ identical (?) tablets. One also wonders why Liao Yongzhong appears in a text associated with Chiwan, and not on some inscription related to Guangzhou under the early Ming. Later sources raise further questions: They claim that Liao Yongzhong initiated the construction of a Mazu temple in Guangzhou, adding this was the one “outside of the Guide gate, to the east of Wuyang station”. 歸德門外, 五羊驛東.13 The same temple also appears in earlier texts, including some chronicles of the Ming period, but here the relevant sections do not necessarily mention Liao Yongzhong. One chronicle is the famous Jiajing edition of the Guangdong tongzhi 廣東通志 (1561), a huge compilation (already cited above under JJ-GDTZ), with an authoritative character. This source also contains sep- arate references to both the Guimen gate and Wuyang station. The temple, it becomes clear from these references, was then located outside the walled city compound, near its southeastern section.14

12 Kangxi Xin’an xianzhi, j. 12: 448; Jiaqing Xin’an xianzhi, j. 23: 854; MZWX, Beiji juan 碑記卷, 69–70; Fangzhi juan 方志卷, xia, 5. Also see Li Xianzhang 1995: 169. For Liao and Mazu, Liu Zhiwei 2014: 335; Xu Xiaowang 2007: 146–147, and 177 (sacrifices). For the temple: Long Hui 2007 and Ptak/Cai 2016. Four additional inscriptions are associated with this temple. The texts can be found, for example, in MZWX, Beiji juan, 52, 94–95, 255–256, and different editions of Xin’an xianzhi 新安縣志. 13 MZWX, Fangzhi juan, xia, 13–14 (quoting a late Qing version of Guangzhou fuzhi 廣州府志, j. 67), 20–22 (quoting several Qing editions of Panyu xianzhi 番禺縣志). Also see, for ex., Li Xianzhang 1995: 113, 168. 14 MZWX, Fangzhi juan, xia, 2–3, cites several Ming editions of the Guangdong tongzhi. Of these see especially JJ-GDTZ, j. 1: 11b (p. 32; map showing Wuyang station); j. 15: 6b

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The JJ-GDTZ entry on the temple provides two additional details which are important: In 1368 Mazu received an official title, this was by imperial order; in spring and autumn ceremonies were held in her honour. The full title granted to her appears as Zhaoxiao chunzheng lingying fuji shengfei 昭孝純正靈應孚濟聖妃 (Holy Consort of Resplendent Filiality, Pure Honesty, Numinous Response and Trustworthy Assistance). Other sources report a slightly different title and give a later date. We shall return to that point below. Here we can go back to Liao Yongzhong and the temple. Essentially, the above information, often repeated word by word in other texts, leaves us with the following options: (1) Liao Yongzhong had nothing to do with the construction or, say, renovation of the Tianfei temple in Guangzhou;15 only much later, possibly in the last part of the sixteenth century, was his name connected to that edifice; (2) he had actively promoted Mazu in central Guangdong or Guangzhou, directly after defeating his opponents, but was not necessarily involved in the founding process of the said temple; (3) he was its initiator, alone or together with others, and probably had it built on superior orders, because the government calculated that official support for the Mazu cult would contribute to regional stability; (4) it is possible that the granting of an official title to Mazu was indeed linked, primarily or marginally, to this temple in one way or the other. There is one further point of interest: The inscription of 1584, cited above, links Liao Yongzhong to Chiwan. From other sources we know that during his campaign in central Guangdong, Liao’s troops came through Dongguan county, where he met He Zhen and his officers. It is possible that during this occasion, he also visited Chiwan, not too far from the administrative center of this county. If indeed so, he possibly saw the local Tianfei temple, which later became a very important place for the worship of this deity—provided, such a temple already existed in those early days.16

(p. 385; Guimen gate in city wall); j. 30: 5a–b (p. 753; temple). Also Guangdong tongzhi, by Hao Yulin 郝玉麟, Lu Zengyu 魯曾煜 et al. (1731), j. 54, entry no. 11 (http://ctext.org/wiki .pl?if=en&chapter=775891). Further, for example, Xu Xiaowang 2007: 147. The Panyu xianzhi of the Kangxi period says the temple was “inside” of Wuxian gate 五仙門. Details in Li Xianzhang 1995: 113 and 168 (also MZWX, Fangzhi juan, xia, 20). From further evidence Li concludes that Wuxian and Wuyang referred to the same location. 15 One cannot exclude the possibility that, contrary to what local sources tell us, Mazu was already honoured in Guangzhou prior to Liao Yongzhong’s arrival on the scene, although we were unable to find references to the said temple in pre-Ming works. As to other Mazu temples in Guangdong, a small number of them were associated with earlier periods. 16 For example, JJ-GDTZ, j. 7: 2b (p. 159); Ming shi, j. 130: 3835; Li Xianzhang 1995: 113. For the temple, see references in n. 12, above.

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The many questions addressed in the foregoing paragraphs become even more complex if one considers that local chronicles were not always compiled from the central government’s perspective, but at times from a regional view (as already mentioned in the introduction). Huang Zuo 黄佐 (1490–1566), the chief editor of JJ-GDTZ, was a scholar hailing from Guangdong, an expert in regional history and famous for his editorial and other work. He and his team may have adjusted certain data to local needs, with the aim of underlining the importance of “their” province within the empire’s total setting. This could also explain why the year 1368 was chosen for the investiture. If so, the idea certainly was to expose the importance of Guangzhou and the events leading to its liberation from internal opponents.

5 The Title Granted to Mazu during the Early Hongwu Reign

As was mentioned, it is not clear when the Hongwu court first decided to grant an official title to Mazu. The year 1368 is a possibility, but most secondary sources follow the account in Tianfei xiansheng lu 天妃顯聖錄, which associates this event with the year 1372. The standard editions of that book, one of the principal works for the Mazu cult, go back to the Qing period, but the text is based on earlier material. The list of attributes it gives in connection with the title of 1372 deviates from the sequence cited above: Zhaoxiao chunzheng fuji ganying shengfei 昭孝純正孚濟感應聖妃 (Holy Consort of Resplendent Filiality, Pure Honesty, Trustworthy Assistance and Devoted Response). This last sequence, one may add, is also transmitted in some late Ming works, with minor modifications.17 Granting an official title to a deity was a major step in the history of a religious cult. But strangely the Ming shilu 明實錄, Da Ming huidian 大明會典 and other key sources do not report the investiture of 1368 (or 1372; now always 1368/72). They only record a title granted during the Yongle period, in 1409, which Mazu received in connection with the expeditions led by Zheng

17 Wädow 1992: 92, 94, 118, 137–138, 283, 288 (the last two pages: Chinese text of Tianfei xiansheng lu). Some late Ming sources with this title—for example Min shu 閩書 (1616), j. 24: 574, which has xiaoshun 孝順 in lieu of zhaoxiao—are cited and discussed in Li Xianzhang 1995: 114–115. Influential modern works accepting the Tianfei xiansheng lu version and the year 1372 include, for example, Xu Xiaowang 2007: 148, 315. European studies on Mazu’s titles: Wiethoff 1966 and Wädow 1996. There are also dozens of inter- net sources which list these titles, for example, http://www.taiwan.cn/tsh/shzh/200612/ t20061219_330849.htm.

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He 鄭和.18 While that is not relevant to us, another observation should be of importance. Following earlier conventions, the Ming installed an Office or Court of Imperial Sacrifices (Taichang si 太常寺), responsible for important state ceremonies, including sacrificial services in honour of certain deities. Relevant details on this appear in several sources, for example in Da Ming huidian.19 It seems plausible to assume that the said office required adequate preparation before it could become fully operational. This in turn raises the question whether the court would have found it feasible to grant a title in a particularly “delicate case” at a point in time when the bureaucratic proce- dures for such acts may not have been very developed yet. Furthermore, it was only in 1370 that the government decided to exempt Mazu from the “bad” ( yin 淫) and unwanted forms of belief.20 One may argue that this was an important precondition for her later promotion. Another move came in January 1372, when the government forbade private seafaring. This prohibition confirmed earlier restrictions.21 We cannot tell how often local officials made exceptions from the rule, but with fewer private ships out at sea, government officials probably expected that demand for Mazu’s protection in the coastal sector would decrease. Ideally, in the eyes of Nanjing, Mazu’s role was now limited to taking care of government vessels and/or offer- ing services not directly related to activities on the high sea. But whether the court really harboured such expectations and whether we should somehow link these considerations to the title of 1368/72 remains an open issue.

18 For details on this title, see, for example, Li Xianzhang 1995: 116–127; Xu Xiaowang 2007: 157–162. There is a vast body of special works on Zheng He and Mazu. Some are listed in Mazu yanjiu ziliao, II, especially 302–307; Zhu Jianqiu 2005: especially 185–186, 204–207; Liu Ying 2014: entries under “Matsu” and “Heavenly Queen”. An early collection of relevant materials is in Zheng Hesheng and Zheng Yijun 1980: 39–48. Also see, for example, Li Xianzhang 1995: 116–127; Shi Ping 2005; Chuancheng wenming . . ., articles 646–671; Xu Xiaowang 2007: 157–165. 19 See the collected information in MZWX, Shizhai juan 史摘卷, 14–15 (quotes from an early edition of Da Ming huidian). For a later version (completed 1587): Da Ming huidian, j. 215: 16b et seq. (pp. 2880 et seq.), and especially 19a (p. 2882); also cited in MZWX, Shizhai juan, 25–26. The Taichang si was one of many important institutions in Nanjing under the Ming. On this city, in continuation of earlier studies, such as the ones by Edward Farmer, see, for example, the works by Fang Jun 方駿, for example the survey of 2014. 20 See, for example, Xu Xiaowang 2007: 147–148 and sources. Generally, for “illegal” cults under the Ming and government measures against them, see, for example: Zhao Xianhai 2002; Zhao Kesheng/Yu Haiyong 2003; Luo Dongyang 2006. For a larger perspective also: Seiwert 2003, especially 211. 21 See, for example, Cao Yonghe 1984: 42–43; Li Qingxin 2007: 44ff., but especially 51.

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Following a recent note in the collection MZWX, the said title is first mentioned in an anonymous work called Haidao jing 海道經. We cannot exactly tell when this text was originally written, but it has been dated to the early Ming period. Here Mazu’s attributes are almost identical with the ones recorded in the Guangdong chronicles.22 The major difference is that behind the syllable fei one finds the characters niangniang 娘娘. From other sources we know that niangniang was a popular appellation, although not necessarily in Guangdong.23 The Haidao jing refers to coastal transports from the lower Yangzi area to the northern regions under the Yuan. It then mentions Mazu, suggesting that her cult was related to such shipments. Finally, it briefly turns to the Ming, evidently trying to underline a certain continuity in this deity’s functions. Mazu’s role as a protector of Ming convoys also transpires from other texts, for example the Qi xiu lei gao 七修類稿 by Lang Ying 郎瑛 (1487–1566), and many scholars assume that the title of 1368/72 was intimately related to this particular aspect of her services.24 By contrast the Guangdong chronicles seem to suggest a different arrange- ment: they establish a vague connection between the construction of the Guangzhou temple, Mazu’s first title, and the successful campaign of Liao Yongzhong. Taking together the above, a possible conclusion might be that we are looking at two different traditions in regard to Mazu’s role under the early Hongwu regime. One view associates her with peaceful commercial traffic along the coast and on inland canals, especially towards the northern regions— and implicitly, one may add, certainly also with hopes to overcome all remain- ing semi-autonomous groups then considered dangerous for the stability of the Nanjing government; the other view links Mazu to Zhu Yuanzhang’s navy, the incorporation of the deep south into the newly formed Ming empire, and possibly to secret expectations that Guangzhou might eventually rise to new glory in the years to come.

22 MZWX, Shizhai juan, 16–17; Haidao jing, 2b (p. 221–188). Also, for example, Li Xianzhang 1995: 114. Note: dezheng 德正 in lieu of chunzheng 純正. For the Haidao jing more generally Zhou Yunzhong 2007. 23 For some of Mazu’s many popular names, for example, Wädow 1992: 73–83. The term niangniang appears in several contexts. For an early discussion: Liu Mau-tsai 1972. 24 Qi xiu lei gao, j. 50 (Tianfei xianying 天妃顯應), 734–735. Also see, for example, Xu Xiaowang 2007: 102–114 (Yuan shipments), 145–146 and sources (Ming transports); Ptak 2012: 81–83 (Yuan). A study on Lang Ying: Huang Aming 2009.

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6 Final Remarks

The relevant sources which refer to the Guangzhou temple, Liao Yongzhong and the title of 1368/72 were not compiled in the fourteenth century, they all date from later periods.25 We cannot tell when exactly and why these two different traditions were born and promoted, which version came first, and which one is closer to the “truth”. If we would suppose, for example, the Guangdong one began in the sixteenth century (because of the date of the Chiwan inscription or other reasons), i.e., more than two hundred years after the events, then one could immediately raise a further question: Should we search for a link between the government’s efforts to manage the Wokou 倭寇 crisis, rampant in the middle of the sixteenth century, and the contemporary situation in Guangzhou? Such ideas might sound interesting but they would carry us away into a vast field of fresh speculations, with little or nothing to rely on. Several general points may also enter the debate. We know, for example, that Zhu Yuanzhang’s generals fought major battles on rivers and lakes. Gradually, naval warfare moved to the coastal sector. When Liao Yongzhong’s fleet sailed from Fujian to central Guangdong, a major military step was completed and the navy had definitely proven its importance. In fact, warships were indis- pensable for the Hongwu government. Following such considerations, one may argue, the granting of a title to Mazu implied a gesture of approval—not necessarily in favour of convoy commanders going north, but rather of the “naval corps”. Finally, there is the “Fujian problem”. Evidently the title of 1368/72 had nothing to do with that province. The possible reasons for a temporary “anti-Min” bias were already exposed above. Both views—the one directed towards convoy traffic and the one favouring Guangzhou—may be interpreted as symboli- cally diverting public interest away from Fujian to different regions. This was

25 According to the Taishang laojun shuo Tianfei jiuku lingyan jing 太上老君說天妃救苦靈驗經 (1416), one of the earliest religious works on Mazu, a title was granted to her through “Lao jun”. The title contains the elements 昭孝純正靈應孚濟 (besides others); they also occur in the title of 1368 (reported in the Guangdong chronicles), but the relation between both these titles remains open. Could it be that the Tianfei jiuku lingyan jing simply continued the Guangdong tradition? Or should we associate both titles with some kind of inofficial convention? For the text of 1416 and a similar piece, Taishang shuo Tianfei jiuku lingyan jing 太上說天妃救苦靈驗經 (1420), see, for example, MZWX, Jingqian juan 經籖卷, Jingchan bian 經懺編, 1–18, but especially 2, 3, 16 (titles, including variations of 1409 title). Also see Boltz 1986: especially 224 and n. 71 there. Boltz discusses several unattested titles, components of titles, and other related issues.

Ming Qing Yanjiu 20 (2017) 3–20 Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 09:20:51AM via free access 16 Ptak and Cai to change under the Yongle emperor. Now Mazu appears more frequently in Fujian contexts and the Islamic component, embodied through Zheng He and other leaders, is also back on stage. In fact Zheng He stood for both Mazu and Islam and one is inclined to ask whether this was a carefully planned move of the Nanjing government to reconcile different camps. Here one may add another point: The Yuan shi 元史, hastily completed in 1369, right at the beginning of the Ming dynasty, mentions Mazu on several occasions, in various chapters.26 Does this reflect the new court’s interest in promoting that deity, perhaps not only in Guangdong, but also in other parts of China? Or should we exclude such a possibility, arguing instead, the references to Mazu in this official work, just as the many scattered references to other deities, simply summarize past events under the previous dynasty without containing second thoughts?—Interestingly, the relevant parts of the Yuan shi only give marginal attention to Fujian. Is that intended? Or is this without meaning? Our final observation concerns the perception of the above-mentioned facts in modern research on Mazu. It seems that few authors have undertaken an effort to solve the puzzle presented here. As was said, many scholars follow the Tianfei xiansheng lu, thus implictly assuming the references in the Guangdong sources would not be reliable. However, the Guangdong chronicles bear a more official character than several other works relevant in that context. Why, then, one may ask, has the Guangdong view been “dismissed” in the past? Is it because many scholars writing on Mazu are partial to Fujian? Probably most questions raised in the foregoing paragraphs will remain without precise answers. Some scholars will consider them entirely superfluous, others may propose a compromise solution, arguing the historical “reality” should be half-way between the diverse options outlined above, or stating the different titles and dates found in the sources would merely reflect insignificant variations of one and the same theme. But if one accepts the importance of views, then our “story” could be of some relevance because it is one of the earliest episodes (or perhaps even the first one) in history which tries to establish an official connection between the Goddess of Sailors and the province of Guangdong.

26 MZWX, Shizhai juan, 7–10.

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