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Private Funding of Right-Wing Ideology in Israel

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Private Funding of Right-Wing Ideology in Israel Shir Hever The Economy of the Occupation The Alternative Information Center A Socioeconomic Bulletin Private Funding of Right-Wing Ideology in Israel № 29-30 * May 2013 Shir Hever Economy of the Occupation ___________________________________________Socioeconomic Bulletin № 29-30 Private Funding of Right-Wing Ideology in Israel ___________________________________________ May 2013 Published by the Alternative Information Center (AIC) http://www.alternativenews.org/ Jerusalem Beit Sahour 24 Hillel Street, 3rd Floor, Office 4 Building 111 Main Street PO Box 31417 PO Box 201 Jerusalem, Israel 9131302 Beit Sahour, Palestine Phone: 972-(0)2-624-1159 Phone: 972-(0)2-277-5444 Fax: 972-(0)2-625-3151 Fax: 972-(0)2-277-5445 Editor: Connie Hackbarth Graphic Designer and Illustrator: Tal Hever Printer: Latin Patriarchate Printing Press This research was conducted with the assistance of individuals from throughout the world. The Alternative Information Center Some rights received to The Alternative Information Center (AIC). This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial License (USév3.0): http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/ Table of Contents Introduction 5 Role of Civil Society in Israel/Palestine and the oPt 8 Government Treatment of NGOs 12 Parliament Treatment of NGOs 17 Collaboration between Government and NGOs 22 Why are NGOs Perceived as a Threat? 27 Who are the Right-Wing NGOs? 30 Who is Funding the Right-Wing NGOs? 50 What are the Foreign Interests Involved? 61 Conclusions 66 Bibliography 68 Private Funding of Right-Wing Ideology in Israel | 5 Introduction ivil society organizations are some of the void left by the move- often seen as representatives ment. These NGOs continue to advo- Cof grassroots movements, cate for ideas that have become associ- as defenders of human rights and of ated with the “left” in Israeli society: democratic values. human rights, social projects, the end In Israel, civil society organizations of Israel’s occupation and Israeli-Pal- are at the center of an internal po- estinian dialogue. In the process, these litical struggle. While Palestinians are NGOs provide employment to a few risking life and limb in a struggle for thousand Israelis, creating an “activist freedom from Israeli occupation and sector” (Laor, 2010; Feldman, 2011). apartheid, the struggle within Israeli There are also a few organizations society is mostly fought with money which promote Palestinian rights, full and via funding organizations which equality within Israel to all citizens, promote certain ideologies. the memory of the Naqba (the Pales- After the First Intifada beginning tinian catastrophe of 1948) and social in 1987, human rights organizations welfare. in Israel multiplied. The outbreak of On the other side of the Israeli the second Intifada in October 2000 political map, there are right-wing saw the collapse of the Israeli “peace NGOs which advocate a neoconser- camp,” which ceased to be a mass vative agenda, which in Israel is ex- movement (Gordon, 2003). It left in pressed by continuing rule over the its wake several non-governmental occupied Palestinian territory (oPt), organizations (NGOs), which filled limiting the civil rights of Palestin- 6 | Economy of the Occupation ian citizens of Israel and forming a wing than ever before. The current stronger state, which is less impacted Israeli government has adopted the by separation of government branches rhetoric of the right-wing NGOs. For and by civil liberties. These organi- example, Minister of Strategic Affairs zations exert influence over govern- Moshe Ya’alon called Peace Now1 ment policies by providing advisors a “virus” (Moalem, 2009). Foreign to political parties, Knesset members Minister Avigdor Lieberman called and ministers (including the prime Adalah,2 Yesh Din3 and Breaking minister), as will be discussed below the Silence4 “terrorist organizations” in further detail. (Medzini, 2011). Such organizations have launched Meanwhile, the Israeli parliament a wide-reaching campaign against the has commenced a rapid process of leg- “left” NGOs, treating social NGOs, islation designed to hinder the work of human rights NGOs and policy- such NGOs (Yaakobi-Keller, 2011). impacting NGOs as if they were the This raises a series of questions same, and all part of a conspiracy which this study will attempt to an- to steer public opinion in Israel into swer. Who are the right-wing NGOs? directions chosen by foreign do- Why have the left-wing and center nors (NGO Monitor, 2011c). This NGOs been chosen as targets and campaign became more vocal and why is the attack coming now? Who forceful following Israel’s 2009 elec- is funding the right-wing NGOs tions, in which the Israeli parliament and why? and government became more right- Methodological Comment 1 An anti-occupation NGO. 2 An NGO which undertakes legal action to protect the rights of Palestinian citizens in Israel. 3 An NGO which uses legal action to expose and oppose violations of the Israeli law by colonies and the Israeli military in the West Bank. 4 An NGO which publishes testimonies of Israeli soldiers about their service in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Private Funding of Right-Wing Ideology in Israel | 7 This paper will not include a comparison between right-wing and left-wing NGOs. The focus of this paper is solely the right-wing NGOs, and there is no attempt here to create a balanced or comparative nar- rative. The reason for this focus is that follow-up and criticism of left-wing NGOs is already widespread, with entire organizations dedicated to the task. Left- wing and human rights NGOs are more transparent than right-wing NGOs and their donors are eas- ier to identify. The purpose of this study is to shed light on the economic and political interests of right- wing NGOs and their attack against left-wing and human rights NGOs. 8 | Economy of the Occupation Role of Civil Society in Israel/Palestine and the oPt rofessor Naomi Hazan de- relevant to the Cold War (especially fines civil society as those those considered “Western”). With Porganizations which are “in- the collapse of the Soviet Union, why dependent from the state, but engage increase funding to organizations that the state.”5 Of course, actual indepen- help fight a public opinion war against dence of civil society organizations is a defeated enemy? an ideal which rarely stands the test of Scholar Johano Strasser offers an reality. interesting explanation for this—civil Global civil society has seen a society has become a pressure valve spectacular growth following the end which helps the developed world of the Cold War (Van Rooy; Phil, deal with the social duress caused by 1997). This is surprising, considering capitalism. While modern production the role played by civil society actors methods reduce the need for labor, the during the Cold War, funded by state middle class can find employment in and private actors to promote ideas the “third sector.”6 Although average 5 In her address in the conference “Challenges to Democracy, Eruption and Erosion,” in the Van Leer Institute in Jerusalem, October 25th-27th, 2011. 6 The “third sector” refers to all non-profit organizations, and is not the same as “civil society” (which has a stronger social and political conotation), but there is a great deal of overlap between them. While Strasser wrote about the third sector, his insights are useful for ana- lyzing civil society as well, and will be used in this context here. Private Funding of Right-Wing Ideology in Israel | 9 wages may be lower, there are other funded by developed countries, but benefits (such as work satisfaction, or spends a great deal of its efforts in de- being posted in a poor country with veloping countries. low living costs) which compensate Israeli civil society is an interesting (Strasser, 2003). Civil society provides phenomenon seen against this back- drop. Israel is considered Israel’s third sector’s size is double to be a developed country the average in developed countries, and (and is a member of the depends almost entirely on foreign funding. OECD), but has a very large third sector. As of cheaper consultancy and reports than 2011, there were an estimated 52,000 private companies, giving organiza- third sector organizations in Israel. tions such as the UN a way to reduce In 2002 they accounted for 7.2% of costs. the GDP in Israel, and for 8.5% of “Free-trade” policies pushed upon all wages paid (Israeli Center for the developing countries usually create Study of the Third Sector, 2005). The more benefits to developed econo- third sector in Israel is estimated to mies than to developing countries have double the relative weight com- (and sometimes cause severe damage pared to the average of developed to developing economies). Interna- countries (Reut Institute, 2008). tional aid can also be seen as a (very) These figures do not include large partial mitigation of that effect, and a organizations such as the Jewish tool that helps the stronger economic National Fund, the Jewish Agency powers maintain a semblance of fair- and the World Zionist Organiza- ness in international trade and the tion, which have traditionally oper- image of philanthropy even though ated outside of official government their corporations exploit the devel- departments, but also not as private oping world (de Waal, 1997; Stiglitz; companies. These organizations do Charlton, 2006). not provide reports on their funding So following the Cold War a pic- and operations like other NGOs, but ture emerges in which civil society is their third-sector nature allows them 10 | Economy of the Occupation to channel funds for projects designed pendency, especially regarding NGOs only for Jews, without the transpar- with policy impacting or human rights ency which exists in the budgets of focus. It helps to understand why the governments and NGOs.
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