Michael Cherney, Oleg Deripaska and Their Connections to Organized Crime
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Overlap Issues Consent Order
IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE CHANCERY DIVISION The Honourable Mrs Justice Gloster DBE 12 October 2012 BETWEEN:- HCO8C03549 BORIS BEREZOVSICY Claimant - and - INNA GUDAVADZE & OTHERS Defendants HCO9C00494 BORIS BEREZOVSKY Claimant - and - VASILY ANISIMOV & OTHERS Defendants HCO9C00711 BORIS BEREZOVSICY Claimant - and - SALFORD CAPITAL PARTNERS INC & OTHERS Defendants 1),D 1147 (f) MEEK ORDER UPON the Order of Mr Justice Mann and Mrs Justice Gloster DBE dated 16 August 2010, ordering the trial of the issues set out in paragraph 1 of that Order (the Overlap Issues) as preliminary issues in proceedings number HC08C03549 (the Main Action), HC09C00494 (the Metalloinvest Action) and HCO9C00711 (the Salford Action); AND UPON the trial of the Overlap Issues (as amended by subsequent Orders) together with the trial of the Claimant's claims in Commercial Court proceedings number 2007 Folio 942 (the Joint Trial); AND UPON the Court having heard oral evidence and having read the written evidence filed; AND UPON hearing Leading Counsel for the Claimant, Counsel for the Second to Fifth Defendants in the Main Action (the Family Defendants), Leading Counsel for the Third to Fifth and Tenth Defendants in the Metalloinvest Action (the Anisimov Defendants), and Counsel for the Fourth to Ninth and Eleventh Defendants in the Salford Action (the Salford Defendants); AND UPON the Court having given judgment on the Overlap Issues on 31 August 2012; AND UPON the parties having agreed the orders as to costs set out in paragraphs 2 to 5 of this Order below; IT IS ORDERED THAT:- Determination of the Overlap Issues 1. The Overlap Issues are determined as follows:- (1) The Claimant did not acquire any interest in any Russian aluminium industry assets prior to the alleged meeting at the Dorchester Hotel in March 2000 (other than as a result of the alleged overarching joint venture agreement alleged by the Claimant in the Main Action, in relation to which no findings are made). -
Russia Intelligence
N°70 - January 31 2008 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS SPOTLIGHT P. 1-3 Politics & Government c Medvedev’s Last Battle Before Kremlin Debut SPOTLIGHT c Medvedev’s Last Battle The arrest of Semyon Mogilevich in Moscow on Jan. 23 is a considerable development on Russia’s cur- Before Kremlin Debut rent political landscape. His profile is altogether singular: linked to a crime gang known as “solntsevo” and PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS sought in the United States for money-laundering and fraud, Mogilevich lived an apparently peaceful exis- c Final Stretch for tence in Moscow in the renowned Rublyovka road residential neighborhood in which government figures « Operation Succession » and businessmen rub shoulders. In truth, however, he was involved in at least two types of business. One c Kirillov, Shestakov, was the sale of perfume and cosmetic goods through the firm Arbat Prestige, whose manager and leading Potekhin: the New St. “official” shareholder is Vladimir Nekrasov who was arrested at the same time as Mogilevich as the two left Petersburg Crew in Moscow a restaurant at which they had lunched. The charge that led to their incarceration was evading taxes worth DIPLOMACY around 1.5 million euros and involving companies linked to Arbat Prestige. c Balkans : Putin’s Gets His Revenge The other business to which Mogilevich’s name has been linked since at least 2003 concerns trading in P. 4-7 Business & Networks gas. As Russia Intelligence regularly reported in previous issues, Mogilevich was reportedly the driving force behind the creation of two commercial entities that played a leading role in gas relations between Russia, BEHIND THE SCENE Turkmenistan and Ukraine: EuralTransGaz first and then RosUkrEnergo later. -
Treisman Silovarchs 9 10 06
Putin’s Silovarchs Daniel Treisman October 2006, Forthcoming in Orbis, Winter 2007 In the late 1990s, many Russians believed their government had been captured by a small group of business magnates known as “the oligarchs”. The most flamboyant, Boris Berezovsky, claimed in 1996 that seven bankers controlled fifty percent of the Russian economy. Having acquired massive oil and metals enterprises in rigged privatizations, these tycoons exploited Yeltsin’s ill-health to meddle in politics and lobby their interests. Two served briefly in government. Another, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, summed up the conventional wisdom of the time in a 1997 interview: “Politics is the most lucrative field of business in Russia. And it will be that way forever.”1 A decade later, most of the original oligarchs have been tripping over each other in their haste to leave the political stage, jettisoning properties as they go. From exile in London, Berezovsky announced in February he was liquidating his last Russian assets. A 1 Quoted in Andrei Piontkovsky, “Modern-Day Rasputin,” The Moscow Times, 12 November, 1997. fellow media magnate, Vladimir Gusinsky, long ago surrendered his television station to the state-controlled gas company Gazprom and now divides his time between Israel and the US. Khodorkovsky is in a Siberian jail, serving an eight-year sentence for fraud and tax evasion. Roman Abramovich, Berezovsky’s former partner, spends much of his time in London, where he bought the Chelsea soccer club in 2003. Rather than exile him to Siberia, the Kremlin merely insists he serve as governor of the depressed Arctic outpost of Chukotka—a sign Russia’s leaders have a sense of humor, albeit of a dark kind. -
RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government
N°66 - November 22 2007 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS KREMLIN P. 1-4 Politics & Government c KREMLIN The highly-orchestrated launching into orbit cThe highly-orchestrated launching into orbit of of the «national leader» the «national leader» Only a few days away from the legislative elections, the political climate in Russia grew particu- STORCHAK AFFAIR larly heavy with the announcement of the arrest of the assistant to the Finance minister Alexey Ku- c Kudrin in the line of fire of drin (read page 2). Sergey Storchak is accused of attempting to divert several dozen million dol- the Patrushev-Sechin clan lars in connection with the settlement of the Algerian debt to Russia. The clan wars in the close DUMA guard of Vladimir Putin which confront the Igor Sechin/Nikolay Patrushev duo against a compet- cUnited Russia, electoral ing «Petersburg» group based around Viktor Cherkesov, overflows the limits of the «power struc- home for Russia’s big ture» where it was contained up until now to affect the entire Russian political power complex. business WAR OF THE SERVICES The electoral campaign itself is unfolding without too much tension, involving men, parties, fac- cThe KGB old guard appeals for calm tions that support President Putin. They are no longer legislative elections but a sort of plebicite campaign, to which the Russian president lends himself without excessive good humour. The objec- PROFILE cValentina Matvienko, the tive is not even to know if the presidential party United Russia will be victorious, but if the final score “czarina” of Saint Petersburg passes the 60% threshhold. -
William R. Spiegelberger the Foreign Policy Research Institute Thanks the Carnegie Corporation for Its Support of the Russia Political Economy Project
Russia Political Economy Project William R. Spiegelberger The Foreign Policy Research Institute thanks the Carnegie Corporation for its support of the Russia Political Economy Project. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Author: William R. Spiegelberger Eurasia Program Leadership Director: Chris Miller Deputy Director: Maia Otarashvili Edited by: Thomas J. Shattuck Designed by: Natalia Kopytnik © 2019 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute April 2019 COVER: Designed by Natalia Kopytnik. Photography: Oleg Deripaska (World Economic Forum); St. Basil’s Cathedral (Adob Stock); Ruble (Adobe Stock); Vladimir Putin (kremlin.ru); Rusal logo (rusal.ru); United States Capitol (Adobe Stock; Viktor Vekselberg (Aleshru/Wikimedia Commons); Alumnium rolls (Adobe Stock); Trade War (Adobe Stock). Our Mission The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. It seeks to educate the public, teach teachers, train students, and offer ideas to advance U.S. national interests based on a nonpartisan, geopolitical perspective that illuminates contemporary international affairs through the lens of history, geography, and culture. Offering Ideas In an increasingly polarized world, we pride ourselves on our tradition of nonpartisan scholarship. We count among our ranks over 100 affiliated scholars located throughout the nation and the world who appear regularly in national and international media, testify on Capitol Hill, and are consulted by U.S. -
Oleg Deripaska Has Struggled for Legitimacy in the United States, Where He Has Been Dogged by Civil Lawsuits Questioning the Methods He Used to Build That Empire
The Globe and Mail (Canada) May 11, 2007 Friday Preferred by the Kremlin, shunned by the States BYLINE: SINCLAIR STEWART, With a report from Greg Keenan in Toronto SECTION: NEWS BUSINESS; STRONACH'S NEW PARTNER: 'ONE OF PUTIN'S FAVOURITE OLIGARCHS'; Pg. A1 LENGTH: 957 words DATELINE: NEW YORK He is perhaps the most powerful of Russia's oligarchs, a precocious - some would say ruthless - billionaire, who built his fortune against the bloody backdrop of that country's "aluminum wars" in the 1990s. He has nurtured close ties to the Kremlin, married the daughter of former president Boris Yeltsin's son-in-law, amassed an estimated $8-billion in personal wealth and built a corporate empire that stretches from metals and automobiles to aircraft and construction. Yet for all his success at home, 39-year-old Oleg Deripaska has struggled for legitimacy in the United States, where he has been dogged by civil lawsuits questioning the methods he used to build that empire. Mr. Deripaska has repeatedly denied allegations levelled against him, and he has not been specifically accused by American authorities of any crime. However, these whispers about shady business dealings may raise concerns about his $1.5-billion investment in Canada's Magna International, not to mention Magna's attempts to win control of DaimlerChrysler, an iconic American company. The United States has recently shown protectionist proclivities, citing national security concerns to quash both a Chinese state-owned oil company's bid for Unocal Ltd. and a planned acquisition of U.S. port service contracts by Dubai Ports World. -
US Sanctions on Russia
U.S. Sanctions on Russia Updated January 17, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45415 SUMMARY R45415 U.S. Sanctions on Russia January 17, 2020 Sanctions are a central element of U.S. policy to counter and deter malign Russian behavior. The United States has imposed sanctions on Russia mainly in response to Russia’s 2014 invasion of Cory Welt, Coordinator Ukraine, to reverse and deter further Russian aggression in Ukraine, and to deter Russian Specialist in European aggression against other countries. The United States also has imposed sanctions on Russia in Affairs response to (and to deter) election interference and other malicious cyber-enabled activities, human rights abuses, the use of a chemical weapon, weapons proliferation, illicit trade with North Korea, and support to Syria and Venezuela. Most Members of Congress support a robust Kristin Archick Specialist in European use of sanctions amid concerns about Russia’s international behavior and geostrategic intentions. Affairs Sanctions related to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine are based mainly on four executive orders (EOs) that President Obama issued in 2014. That year, Congress also passed and President Rebecca M. Nelson Obama signed into law two acts establishing sanctions in response to Russia’s invasion of Specialist in International Ukraine: the Support for the Sovereignty, Integrity, Democracy, and Economic Stability of Trade and Finance Ukraine Act of 2014 (SSIDES; P.L. 113-95/H.R. 4152) and the Ukraine Freedom Support Act of 2014 (UFSA; P.L. 113-272/H.R. 5859). Dianne E. Rennack Specialist in Foreign Policy In 2017, Congress passed and President Trump signed into law the Countering Russian Influence Legislation in Europe and Eurasia Act of 2017 (CRIEEA; P.L. -
Investment from Russia Stabilizes After the Global Crisis 1
Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) of Russian Academy of Sciences Investment from Russia stabilizes after the global crisis 1 Report dated June 23, 2011 EMBARGO: The contents of this report must not be quoted or summarized in the print, broadcast or electronic media before June 23, 2011, 3:00 p.m. Moscow; 11 a.m. GMT; and 7 a.m. New York. Moscow and New York, June 23, 2011 : The Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, and the Vale Columbia Center on Sustainable International Investment (VCC), a joint undertaking of the Columbia Law School and the Earth Institute at Columbia University in New York, are releasing the results of their second joint survey of Russian outward investors today 2. The survey is part of a long-term study of the rapid global expansion of multinational enterprises (MNEs) from emerging markets. The present survey, conducted at the beginning of 2011, covers the period 2007-2009. Highlights Despite the global crisis of the last few years, Russia has remained one of the leading outward investors in the world. The foreign assets of Russian MNEs have grown rapidly and only China and Mexico are further ahead among emerging markets. As the results of our survey show, several non- financial 3 Russian MNEs are significant actors in the world economy. The foreign assets of the 20 leading non-financial MNEs were about USD 107 billion at the end of 2009 (table 1). Their foreign sales 4 were USD 198 billion and they had more than 200,000 employees abroad. -
The Prospects for Russian Oil and Gas
Fueling the Future: The Prospects for Russian Oil and Gas By Fiona Hill and Florence Fee1 This article is published in Demokratizatsiya, Volume 10, Number 4, Fall 2002, pp. 462-487 http://www.demokratizatsiya.org Summary In February 2002, Russia briefly overtook Saudi Arabia to become the world’s largest oil producer. With its crude output well in excess of stagnant domestic demand, and ambitious oil industry plans to increase exports, Russia seemed poised to expand into European and other energy markets, potentially displacing Middle East oil suppliers. Russia, however, can not become a long-term replacement for Saudi Arabia or the members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in global oil markets. It simply does not have the oil reserves or the production capacity. Russia’s future is in gas rather than oil. It is a world class gas producer, with gas fields stretching from Western to Eastern Siberia and particular dominance in Central Asia. Russia is already the primary gas supplier to Europe, and in the next two decades it will likely capture important gas markets in Northeast Asia and South Asia. Russian energy companies will pursue the penetration of these markets on their own with the strong backing of the State. There will be few major prospects for foreign investment in Russian oil and gas, especially for U.S. and other international companies seeking an equity stake in Russian energy reserves. Background Following the terrorist attacks against the United States on September 11, 2001, growing tensions in American relations with Middle East states coincided with OPEC’s efforts to impose production cuts to shore-up petroleum prices. -
RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government
N°85 - October 9 2008 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS FINANCIAL CRISIS P. 1-3 Politics & Government c FINANCIAL CRISIS The game of massacre in Moscow c The game of massacre in The financial crisis has turned into a game of massacre in Moscow. October 6, 7 and 8, the Rus- Moscow sian stock market had to suspend operations several times, which did not prevent some shares from ARMY plunging by unimaginable proportions. Gazprom lost close to a quarter of its value in one session, No- c Serdyukov draws the lessons from the war in rilsk Nickel close to 40%, these two firms being probably the worst hit because they are the indus- Georgia trial standard-bearers of the Moscow marketplace and are especially the most “liquid” assets. The ALERT entirity of the listed Russian oil sector (including Transneft and Novatek) is worth today a bit less c Russia-Iceland : the than 130 billion dollars, or the equivalent of the value of the Brazilian company Petrobras according underside of a loan with to simulations by Russian analysts, which gives an idea of the price that Russia is paying in the cur- interest rent financial crisis. Even if the collapse of the Russian markets is totally exaggerated, investors consi- FOCUS der that Russia combines three major risks : a liquidity crisis in the banking sector despite massive c Anti- corruption campaign, support by the public authorities, a heavy indebtedness by the major industrial and energy compa- national cause or lost cause nies and the drop in oil prices and most of the primary commodities, on which the economic activity BEHIND THE SCENE is based. -
U.S. Sanctions Against Russia: Theory, Scope, and Intended and Unintended Consequences for the Investment Behavior of Russian Business Owners
Working Paper Series International Trade and Economic Diplomacy Middlebury Institute of International Studies Monterey, CA U.S. Sanctions Against Russia: Theory, Scope, and Intended and Unintended Consequences for the Investment Behavior of Russian Business Owners Darrell Stanaford MA in International Trade and Economic Diplomacy Candidate December 2020 Abstract The purpose of this research paper is to explore the use of sanctions against Russian individual businessmen. It seeks to understand how the sanctioning of individuals fits into the overall policy of U.S. sanctions against Russia. It asks what specific sanction policies goals were furthered by sanctioning specific businessmen, for what actions they were selected as targets of the sanctions and if there is a logical connection between the two. Finally, it asks if the sanctions were effective and if there were any unintended consequences of them. The views and findings expressed here are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Middlebury Institute of International Studies or any officials of the Institute. I. Introduction This paper explores the use of sanctions against Russian individual businessmen. It seeks to understand how the sanctioning of individuals fits into the overall policy of U.S. sanctions against Russia. It asks what specific sanction policies goals were furthered by sanctioning specific businessmen, for what actions they were selected as targets of the sanctions and if there is a logical connection between the two. Finally, it asks if the sanctions were effective and if there were any unintended consequences of them. II. Post-Cold War U.S. Sanctions Against Russia Beginning with the death of Sergei Magnitsky in a Russian prison in 2009, the United States has imposed a range of sanctions against Russian individuals for different reasons and with different purposes. -
Motion to Intervene, Second Circuit
UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE SECOND CIRCUIT Thurgood Marshall U.S. Courthouse 40 Foley Square, New York, NY 10007 Telephone: 212-857-8500 MOTION INFORMATION STATEMENT Docket Number(s): 10-2905-cr; 11-479-cr Caption [use short title] Motion for: intervening and unsealing docket Roe v. United States 10-2905-cr, 11-470-cr Set forth below precise, complete statement of relief sought: This is a motion to intervene. Intervenor moves to: (1) intervene; (2) unseal the entirety of the Second Circuit's docket; and (3) unseal all docket entries. MOVING PARTY: Forbes Media LLC and Richard Behar OPPOSING PARTY: 9 Plaintiff 9 Defendant 9 Appellant/Petitioner 9 Appellee/Respondent MOVING ATTORNEY: Jay Ward Brown OPPOSING ATTORNEY: [name of attorney, with firm, address, phone number and e-mail] Levine Sullivan Koch & Schulz, L.L.P. Phone: (202) 508-1136 1899 L Street, NW, Suite 200 Email: [email protected] Washington, D.C. 20036 Court-Judge/Agency appealed from: N/A (The proceedings below occurred in the district court for the E.D.N.Y.) Please check appropriate boxes: FOR EMERGENCY MOTIONS, MOTIONS FOR STAYS AND INJUNCTIONS PENDING APPEAL: Has movant notified opposing counsel (required by Local Rule 27.1): Has request for relief been made below? 9 Yes 9 No ✔9 Yes 9 No (explain): Has this relief been previously sought in this Court? 9 Yes 9 No Requested return date and explanation of emergency: Opposing counsel’s position on motion: ✔9 Unopposed ✔ 9 Opposed 9 Don’t Know Note regarding opposing counsel's position: Does opposing counsel intend to file a response: ✔9 Yes 9 No 9 Don’t Know the United States counsel does not oppose standing, but does oppose unsealing; Doe's counsel did not respond after being notified of the motion.