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Political Parties' Guide to Building Coalitions
Political Parties’ Guide to Building Coalitions August 2014 Rania Zada Nick Sigler Nick Harvey MP +44 (0) 207 549 0350 gpgovernance.net [email protected] © Global Partners Governance, 2014 Building Coalitions in Egypt: Structure, management and challenges By Rania Zada, Senior Fellow, Arab Forum for Alternatives Since 2011, Egypt has witnessed several elections with the participation of new political parties established following the January 25 revolution. Those new parties, as well as old ones in the process of restructuring, were forced to run for election by forming coalitions and alliances. The concept of electoral alliances re-emerged after the January 25 revolution with the 2011 parliamentary elections. This resulted in the formation of four main alliances: the Democratic Alliance led by the Freedom and Justice Party and joined by Al-Karamah Party; the Islamic Alliance led by Al-Noor Party and other parties that were based on Scientific Salafism or Jihadist Salafism; the Egyptian Bloc Alliance led by the Egyptian Democratic Party and the Free Egyptians Party, and the Revolution Continues Alliance that included the Popular Alliance, Egypt Freedom Party and the Egyptian Current1. Though the context is now different in 2014, there are some similarities between the alliances that were formed in 2011 and alliances that are currently being established. In 2011, the Democratic Alliance mainly aimed at confronting remnants of Mubarak’s regime, as the Muslim Brotherhood was considered a faction that actively took part in the January 25 revolution. However, current alliances fear the return of Islamists out of concern over the civil nature of the Egyptian state, which means that in both cases the main idea behind forming alliances is to exclude a certain group or faction and to defeat it in the elections. -
First: One-Party Rule (1953-1976)
Emergence of the political parties in Egypt in the 19th century was a reflection of social, eco- nomic and cultural interactions as well as certain historical, national and political circum- stances, leading to the creation and development of modern institutions of government adminis- tration and society in Egypt such as the parliament, the cabinet, political parties, syndicates, etc. Emergence of the political parties in Egypt has been gradual and gone through successive stages. Political parties have firstly been formed as secret societies that were followed by formation of political groups. The National Democratic Party (NDP) was the first party formed in 1907 by Mostafa Kamel. In less than ten years, there was a great variety in these parties; in their nature, formation, organization, power, their popular base and platforms. There were national parties, groups dom- inated by the royal palace, others formed by the occupation authority as well as ideological par- ties expressing certain ideologies. In 1907-1920, the already formed political parties in Egypt were a starting signal for the dis- semination of political parties in Egypt; however, they were restricted due to the British occupa- tion and the Egyptian subordination to the Ottoman Empire. The February 1922 Declaration acknowledging Egypt’s independence and the issuance of the 1923 Constitution have led to establishing a royal constitutional rule based on party pluralism and principles of liberal democracy. During 1923-1952, Egypt witnessed a remarkable experience rich in political and democratic practices, however, such an experience was marked with many defects such as the British occu- pation, foreign intervention in Egypt’s affairs and the royal palace’s interference in political life. -
Revolution and Democracy: Sociopolitical Systems in the Context of Modernisation Leonid E
preview version Revolution and Democracy: Sociopolitical Systems in the Context of Modernisation Leonid E. Grinin and Andrey V. Korotayev Abstract The stability of socio-political systems and the risks of destabi- lisation in the process of political transformation are among the most im- portant issues of social development; the transition to democracy may pose a serious threat to the stability of a respective socio-political system. This article studies the issue of democratisation. It highlights the high economic and social costs of a rapid transition to democracy for countries unpre- pared for it—democracy resulting from revolutions or similar large-scale events. The authors believe that in a number of cases authoritarian regimes turn out to be more effective in economic and social terms than emerging democracies, especially those of a revolutionary type, which are often inca- pable of ensuring social order and may have a swing to authoritarianism. Effective authoritarian regimes can also be a suitable form of transition to an efficient and stable democracy. Using historical and contemporary examples, particularly the recent events in Egypt, the article investigates various correlations between revolutionary events and the possibility of es- tablishing democracy in a society. Keywords: democracy, revolution, extremists, counterrevolution, Isla- mists, authoritarianism, military takeover, economic efficiency, globali- sation, Egypt Introduction It is not surprising that in five years none of the revolutions of the Arab Spring has solved any urgent issues. Unfortunately, this was probably never a possibility. Various studies suggest a link between 110 preview version revolutions and the degree of modernisation of a society.1 Our research reveals that the very processes of modernisation, regardless of the level of consumption and the rate of population growth, is closely and organically linked to the risk of social and political upheaval, which can Leonid E. -
Hosni Mubarak and the Future of Democracy in Egypt
Hosni Mubarak and the Future of Democracy in Egypt Hosni Mubarak and the Future of Democracy in Egypt Alaa Al-Din Arafat HOSNI MUBARAK AND THE FUTURE OF DEMOCRACY IN EGYPT Copyright © Alaa Al-Din Arafat, 2009. All rights reserved. First published in hardcover as The Mubarak Leadership and Future of Democracy in Egypt in 2009 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN® in the United States—a division of St. Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Where this book is distributed in the UK, Europe and the rest of the world, this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above compa- nies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN 978-0-230-33813-5 ISBN 978-1-137-06753-1 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9781137067531 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data ‘Arafat, ‘Ala’ al-Din. Hosni Mubarak and the future of democracy in Egypt / Alaa Al-Din Arafat. p. cm. Pbk. ed. of: The Mubarak leadership and future of democracy in Egypt. New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. With a new preface. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978–0–230–33813–5 (alk. paper) 1. Mubarak, Muhammad Husni, 1928– 2. Mubarak, Gamal. 3. Egypt—Politics and government—1981– 4. Egypt—Politics and government—1970–1981. 5. Hizb al-Watani al-Dimuqrati (Egypt)— History. 6. Political leadership—Egypt—History. -
Abuses by the Supreme State Security Prosecution
PERMANENT STATE OF EXCEPTION ABUSES BY THE SUPREME STATE SECURITY PROSECUTION Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2019 Cover photo: Illustration depicting, based on testimonies provided to Amnesty International, the inside Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons of an office of a prosecutor at the Supreme State Security Prosecution. (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. © Inkyfada https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2019 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 12/1399/2019 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS GLOSSARY 5 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 7 METHODOLOGY 11 BACKGROUND 13 SUPREME STATE SECURITY PROSECUTION 16 JURISDICTION 16 HISTORY 17 VIOLATIONS OF FAIR TRIAL GUARANTEES 20 ARBITRARY DETENTION -
Egypt Daily Update-December 5: Activists Maher, Douma Referred to Court; Parties Split Over Constitutional Referendum
Egypt Daily Update-December 5: Activists Maher, Douma Referred to Court; Parties Split over Constitutional Referendum Top Stories December 5, 2013 • Activisits Maher, Douma Referred to Court • Referendum Support, Opposition Continues from Political Groups • Political Cartoon of the Day Maher, Douma Referred to Criminal Court Ahmed Maher, the founder of the 6 April Movement; Mohamed Adil, a leading member of 6 Also of Interest: April; and activist Ahmed Douma were referred to a criminal court on Thursday, with the first session to take place this upcoming Sunday. Maher and Douma are currently in prison, 29 things you need to while Adil remains free. All three are facing a number of accusations, including organizing know about Egypt’s protests without a permit, illegal assembly, blocking roads, assault on police officers, and draft constitution inciting violence. The prosecution claims that these crimes were committed during protests outside the Shura Council and Abdeeen courthouse last week. Meanwhile, a judicial source Part 3: New denied rumors that an arrest warrant had been issued for labor lawyer and activist constitution expands Haitham Mohamadein, as well as several other activists including singer Ramy Essam. social and economic rights, but grey areas “Prosecution refers three prominent activists to court,” Daily News (English) 12/5/2013 remain “UPDATE | Egypt activists referred to trial for violating protest law,” Aswat Masriya (English) 12/5/2013 Sisi ranks first in Time “Egyptian activist Haitham Mohamadein not wanted for now: -
The Unbreakable Muslim Brotherhood: Grim Prospects for a Liberal Egypt by Eric Trager
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds The Unbreakable Muslim Brotherhood: Grim Prospects for a Liberal Egypt by Eric Trager Aug 23, 2011 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Eric Trager Eric Trager was the Esther K. Wagner Fellow at The Washington Institute. Articles & Testimony The iconic youths of Egypt's Tahrir Square revolution are now deeply divided among nearly a dozen, often indistinguishable political parties, while the Muslim Brotherhood is seizing the momentum. he protesters who led Egypt's revolt last January were young, liberal, and linked-in. They were the bloggers T who first proposed the demonstrations against Hosni Mubarak on Twitter; the Facebook-based activists who invited their "friends" to protest; and Wael Ghonim, the 30-year-old Google executive who, after Egypt's state security agency detained him for 12 days, rallied the crowds to hold Tahrir Square. Far from emulating Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, they channeled Thomas Paine, calling for civil liberties, religious equality, and an end to Mubarak's dictatorship. Their determination, punctuated by the speed of their triumph, fueled optimism that the long-awaited Arab Spring had finally sprung -- that the Middle East would no longer be an autocratic exception in an increasingly democratic world. The political transition following their revolt, however, has dulled this optimism. The iconic youths of Tahrir Square are now deeply divided among nearly a dozen, often indistinguishable political parties, almost all of which are either too new to be known or too discredited by their cooperation with the previous regime. Concentrated within the small percentage of Internet-using, politically literate Egyptians, their numbers are surprisingly small. -
The Muslim Brotherhood Fol- Lowing the “25 Janu- Ary Revolution”
Maria Dolores Algora Weber CEU San Pablo University THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD FOL- LOWING THE “25 JANU- ARY REVOLUTION”: FROM THE IDEALS OF THE PAST TO THE POLITICAL CHAL- LENGES OF THE PRESENT In the framework of the Arab Spring, as the wave of social mobilisation of 2011 has come to be known, the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt marked the beginning of a process which has deeply transformed the re- ality of many countries in the Arab World. In Egypt, the events that took place in Tahrir Square not only put an end to President Mubarak's dic- tatorship, but also paved the way for new political actors, among which the Muslim Brotherhood has played a key role. During the subsequent transition, the Brotherhood gained control of the National Assembly and positioned their leader, Mohamed Mursi, as the new President. The present debate is focused on the true democratic vocation of this move- ment and its relationship with the other social forces inside Egypt and beyond. This article intends to address these issues. To that end, it begins with an explanation as to the ideological and political evolution of the Muslim Brotherhood and its internal changes brought about by the end of the previous regime, closing with an analysis of its transnational influ- ence and the possible international aftermaths. Islam, Islamism, Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt, Arab Spring 181 INTRODUCTION n 2011, a wave of social mobilisations took place in various Arab countries and which came to be known as the “Arab Spring”. This name is undoubtedly an at- tempt to draw a comparison between the historic process that unfolded in Europe Iin the mid-nineteenth century and the events that have taken place in the Arab World. -
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CIVIL - MILITARY FUSION CENT RE Egypt’s Parliamentary Elections: The First Steps Toward a New Nation November 2011 Comprehensive Information on Complex Crises Linda Lavender This document discusses the upcoming Egyptian elections and the Team Leader, Mediterranean Basin new electoral process. Related information is available at [email protected] www.cimicweb.org. Hyperlinks to source material are highlighted in blue and underlined in the text. Melodee M. Baines Mediterranean Knowledge Manager [email protected] n article by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP) characterised Egypt’s political spectrum as both complicated and in flux. Political parties are complex and defy fault lines. In addition to A over 50 political parties currently registered for the upcoming elections, other political actors within Egypt seek to gain influence in the formation of a new government. CEIP reports that by many accounts, it is unclear whether a democratic government can emerge from Egypt’s highly pluralistic political landscape. This report outlines the various actors within Egypt’s current political climate. Additionally, the report briefly addresses the electoral process unfolding in Egypt. The first round of parliamentary elections for the People’s Assembly, the lower house of the bicameral legislature, is scheduled for 28 November. Two additional rounds of elections for the People’s Assembly will follow (one in December and one in January 2012). Elections for the Shura Council, the upper house of the bicameral legislature, -
Volume I, Number 1, Jun. 2012
Volume I Number 7 November 2015 International Journal on Strikes and Social Conflicts Table of contents LETTER FROM THE EDITOR .............................................................................. 5 INTRODUCTION: AGAINST ALL ODDS - LABOUR ACTIVISM IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA ............................................................................... 6 PEYMAN JAFARI ................................................................................................ 6 NO ORDINARY UNION: UGTT AND THE TUNISIAN PATH TO REVOLUTION AND TRANSITION ............................................................................................. 14 MOHAMED-SALAH OMRI ................................................................................. 14 FROM THE EVERYDAY TO CONTENTIOUS COLLECTIVE ACTIONS: THE PROTESTS OF JORDAN PHOSPHATE MINES COMPANY EMPLOYEES BETWEEN 2011 AND 2014 ............................................................................... 30 CLAUDIE FIORONI ........................................................................................... 30 FROM KAFR AL-DAWWAR TO KHARGA’S ‘DESERT HELL CAMP’: THE REPRESSION OF COMMUNIST WORKERS IN EGYPT, 1952-1965 .................... 50 DEREK ALAN IDE ............................................................................................ 50 DREAMING ABOUT THE LESSER EVIL: REVOLUTIONARY DESIRE AND THE LIMITS OF DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION IN EGYPT ........................................... 68 REVIEW ARTICLE ............................................................................................ -
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en Books published to date in the continuing series o .:: -m -I J> SOVIET ADVANCES IN THE MIDDLE EAST, George Lenczowski, 1971. 176 C pages, $4.00 ;; Explores and analyzes recent Soviet policies in the Middle East in terms of their historical background, ideological foundations and pragmatic application in the 2 political, economic and military sectors. n PRIVATE ENTERPRISE AND SOCIALISM IN THE MIDDLE EAST, Howard S. Ellis, m 1970. 123 pages, $3.00 en Summarizes recent economic developments in the Middle East. Discusses the 2- significance of Soviet economic relations with countries in the area and suggests new approaches for American economic assistance. -I :::I: TRADE PATTERNS IN THE MIDDLE EAST, Lee E. Preston in association with m Karim A. Nashashibi, 1970. 93 pages, $3.00 3: Analyzes trade flows within the Middle East and between that area and other areas of the world. Describes special trade relationships between individual -C Middle Eastern countries and certain others, such as Lebanon-France, U.S .S.R. C Egypt, and U.S.-Israel. r m THE DILEMMA OF ISRAEL, Harry B. Ellis, 1970. 107 pages, $3.00 m Traces the history of modern Israel. Analyzes Israel 's internal political, eco J> nomic, and social structure and its relationships with the Arabs, the United en Nations, and the United States. -I JERUSALEM: KEYSTONE OF AN ARAB-ISRAELI SETTLEMENT, Richard H. Pfaff, 1969. 54 pages, $2.00 Suggests and analyzes seven policy choices for the United States. Discusses the religious significance of Jerusalem to Christians, Jews, and Moslems, and points out the cultural gulf between the Arabs of the Old City and the Western r oriented Israelis of West Jerusalem. -
From Islamophobia to Islamistophobia: Framing Islamic Movements in Egyptian Newspapers After the January 25Th Revolution
The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs and Public Policy From Islamophobia to Islamistophobia: Framing Islamic Movements in Egyptian Newspapers after the January 25th Revolution A Thesis Submitted to The Department of Journalism and Mass Communication in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts by Aisha Essam El-Haddad under the supervision of Dr. Mohamad Elmasry September 2013 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Bism Allah AlRahman AlRaheem. In the name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful. All Thanks are due to Allah for His numerous blessings and the success that is only granted by Him. I would like to express my greatest gratitude to my adviser Dr. Mohamad Elmasry for his patient guidance, detailed and timely feedback, continuous encouragement, and endless support. I especially appreciate his willingness to give his valuable time so generously whenever it was needed despite the tight deadlines this thesis passed through. I would also like to thank my committee members: Dr. Naila Hamdy and Dr. Hussein Amin for accepting to be in my committee despite the very short time provided for reading. Their valuable critique and generous praise was very encouraging and helped this thesis become much better. I would like to thank my father, for always inspiring and believing in me, my mother, for her tremendous and unconditional support, my husband, for his utmost sacrifice and encouragement, my brothers, for always being there for me. Special thanks are extended to my dearest sisters–in-law for enabling a dream to come true. I am particularly grateful to my friend Sarah Aggour for helping me in the inter-coder reliability test, and for offering her assistance and solidarity all the time.