HISTORY   - Title : - Title : - Title

HISTORY   - Title : - Title : - Title :

When the six founding members of the European My own party, in a statement endorsed by an overwhelming As far as the functioning and the development of CS1 Britain joining the EEC: La- Economic Community (France, West Germany, majority at our party conference in 1962 said: “The Labour the Community are concerned, the communiqué bour-Tory consensus 1960-1975 Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg) Party regards the European Community as a great and imagi- […] reported a ‘complete identity of views’ in this signed the Treaty of Rome in 1957 and asked native conception. It believes that the coming together of the regard. In the words of Mr Pompidou, this agree- Britain whether it fancied hanging out to see what six nations which have in the past so often been torn by war ment concerns the idea of ‘a Europe composed of Why was it so difficult for the UK to might happen, Britain said thanks, but no thanks. and economic rivalry is, in the context of Western Europe, a nations concerned with maintaining their identity join the EEC? […] step of great significance.” but having decided to work together to attain true By the early 1960s, though, Harold Macmillan, the Ten weeks ago […] I said to the House of Commons: “I unity.’ […] The French also welcomed the ac- Structure prime minister, had realised the mistake (it’s the want the House, the country and our friends abroad to know ceptance by the British of the ‘Community prefer-  Applying to join the EEC 1961- trade, stupid) and started making overtures to- that the Government are approaching the discussions I have ence’ in agriculture […]. […] 1973 wards Brussels. […] foreshadowed with the clear intention and determination to These talks could not and were not intended to - But this time the brush-off came from Europe, or enter the European Economic Community if, as we hope, our replace the negotiations that will be held between more specifically France. In 1963, Charles de essential British and Commonwealth interests can be safe- the Community and the United Kingdom. However, - Gaulle said “non”. Britain had “very special, very guarded. We mean business.” there has been a particularly firm and unequivocal original habits and traditions”, he said, and was That, Mr. President, is our position. We mean business. assertion of the desire for and the possibility of - “very different from continentals” – it would prove Harold Wilson, speech to the Council of Europe, Strasbourg, 23 success, notably on the British contribution to the an Anglo-Saxon trojan horse in a European stable. January 1967. financing of Community expenditure.  Entering and staying in the EEC ‘Britain and the EU: the story of a very rocky marriage’, 'The final round : the main outcomes of the May meeting 1973-1975 John Henley, The Guardian, 23 June 2016. “I suspect you of driving under the influence of America”. Nor- between Edward Heath and Georges Pompidou', 30 jours - man Mansbridge, Punch cartoon, 11 October 1967. d'Europe, June 1971.

President De Gaulle’s veto. Michael Cummings, - The Daily Express, 30 July 1962. The conclusion to the negotiations into the Eu- ropean Community. Michael Cummings, The Daily - Express, 28 January 1972.

Notions

Vocabulary

HISTORY  - Title : Londoners read newspapers headlines, 1 January 1973. Source:  Hulton Deutsch/Corbis/Getty Images, TIME Magazine, April 11, 2019. Yesterday the latest opinion poll suggested that 38 per cent were happy CS1 Britain joining the EEC: La- about embarking on what Mr Heath depicted as an exciting adventure, bour-Tory consensus 1960-1975 while 39 per cent would prefer to get off. Twenty three per cent had no opinion at all. […] Mr Wilson, however, saw nothing to celebrate when we were going in Why was it so difficult for the UK to without that full-hearted consent of the British people, which Mr Heath join the EEC? had made a condition of entry and when the price of admission was "utterly crippling." […] Mr Enoch Powell, the Conservative most fa- Structure mous rebel said “The new year merely marks the commencement of a  Applying to join the EEC 1961-1973 further and more vigorous phase of the campaign to ensure that in the - matter of Britain and the European Community, the preponderant wish of the British people that Britain should not be a member on present - terms should be heeded. ‘We're in - but without the fireworks’, David McKie & Dennis Barker, The Guardi- -

 Entering and staying in the EEC 1973-1975 Peter Shore (right), Labour trade secretary, campaigns against membership of the - Title : - EEC. Photograph: J. Wilds/Getty Images The Prime Minister had to rely more on its political opponents than on - its alleged political friends to secure the decision on Europe which he considered right for Britain, the leader of the Opposition, Mrs Margaret - Thatcher, declared yesterday. She was opening the second day’s debate on the Government’s recommendation to stay in the EEC. “It has been suggested in some quarter that my party might find it Notions tempting to withdraw support to embarrass the Prime Minister, but we have consistently voted in favour of Europe […]”. Mr Neil Marten (Conservative, Banbury) said that laws were finalised by “wheeling and dealing in secret in Brussels.” In that way the House of Commons has lost its sovereignty […]. He hoped that the British public would vote for self-rule and self-government and not rule by Brussels. ‘Case for staying in by Mrs Thatcher’, a report on the debate in the House of Commons, The Guardian, 9 April 1975.

After the referendum (65,5% YES to 35.5% NO). - Title : Michael Cummings, The Daily Express, 18 June 1975.

The champagne corks of the pro-Marketeers were still popping last Vocabulary night as Mr Wilson returned to Downing Street to face a double crisis involving the menacing economic situation but also the continuing unity of his Government and his party. The homecoming was nevertheless a unique and historic triumph for a Prime Minister who had secured the backing of the country over the head of a majority of his own party. He celebrated it with a brief statement declaring the formal end of the 14-year controversy over Europe and calling on the anti-Marketeers to join wholeheartedly in working inside Europe to solve the economic crisis. Shortly afterwards a group of the dissenting Ministers who fought hard but unsuccessfully to win a No majority in the referendum declared formally that they accepted the democratic verdict of the people. ‘Now Wilson has to tackle Left’, Ian Aitken, The Guardian, 7 June 1975.

HISTORY  The UK within the EEC. Cummings, the Daily Express, 30 April 1988. - Title :  It was the moment when the Iron Lady showed she was a mighty wielder of the handbag, establishing her reputation as CS2 The Conservative New an uncompromising prime minister. In the summer of 1984, Right and Europe 1979-1997  the grocer's daughter from Grantham marched into the former French royal palace at Fontainebleau to demand, as she had put it earlier, "our money back" from the European How did the Conservative party show Community. Thatcher fans regard the European Council of its ambivalence towards Europe? June 1984 as one of their heroine's finest hours when she forced the French and Germans to reverse an unfair budget Structure deal to establish the multi-billion pound "British rebate". […]  1979-1984 Margaret Thatcher set- Under the terms of its entry to the EEC in 1973, Britain re- ting things right: “We want our ceived back from Brussels £1 for every £2 it paid over […]. money back” At Fontainebleau Thatcher won a rebate of 66% of the gap - between what it paid in and what was paid back. ‘Margaret Thatcher's European rebate demand was defeat’, Nicholas - Watt, The Guardian, Sat 4 Jul 2009.

 1985-1990 Margaret Thatcher and - Title : Rebate and CAP. Keith Waite, Daily Mirror, 6 January 1984. further integration: “No, no, no” but... - Title : - The rebate will cut British payments, though by less than Mrs Thatcher said the EEC should remain committed to a free market - Mrs Thatcher had hoped […]. economy. "The basic framework is there: the Treaty of Rome itself was The armistice was described as intended as a charter for economic liberty," she said. "But that is not  1990-1997 John Major, a pro- a famous victory by the Prime how it has always been read, still less applied." Although the British European PM against his own party Minister: "This is a good deal Government supported the goal of freer trade and movement within the - for Britain." […] President EEC as part of the 1992 internal market, Mrs Thatcher said there was no Mitterrand […] was more re- question of totally abolishing frontier controls, although this was one of - strained […] [and] insisted that the objectives of the Single European Act agreed last year. the agreement was not so good Directly contradicting those who argue that internal border controls are Notions for Mrs Thatcher as the deal bureaucratic irrelevances in the fight against crime and terrorism, Mrs she was offered, and turned Thatcher said they would still be necessary "to protect our citizens and down, at the Brussels summit stop the movement of drugs, of terrorists, of illegal immigrants". in March. ‘Thatcher sets face against united Europe’, John Palmer, The Guardian, Wednesday Mrs Thatcher […] now has September 21, 1988 ever more reason to block further rises in revenue. […] The Delors Plan for more integration. Cummings, The Daily Express, 28 June Mrs Thatcher remains especial- 1989. ly keen to rein in the growth of the Common Agriculture Policy costs, which now account for more than two-thirds of all EEC spending. But the summit has bowed to West German plans to give its farmers further protec- tion from income losses caused Vocabulary by reform of the Community's agricultural policies. ‘Thatcher settles for 66pc rebate’, Derek Brown, The Guardian, Wednesday 27 Jun 1984.

HISTORY  - Title :  "It is ironic that just when those countries such as the Soviet Union, which have tried to run everything from the CS2 The Conservative New centre, are learning that success depends on dispersing Right and Europe 1979-1997  power and decisions away from the centre, some in the - Title : community seem to want to move in the opposite direction," Against the EMU. The Sun, 1 November 1990. she declared. "We have not successfully rolled back the I greatly welcome this opportunity for a How did the Conservative party show frontiers of the state in Britain, only to see them reimposed debate on economic and monetary union its ambivalence towards Europe? at a European level, with a European superstate exercising a (EMU) in the European Community. […] new dominance from Brussels." […] We have already agreed to implement Structure Although the commission and supporters of progress to- stage I of the Delors prescription. The  1979-1984 Margaret Thatcher set- wards European union were braced for Mrs Thatcher's on- elements of this are familiar to the House. ting things right: “We want our money slaught, the bitterness of her language came as something of They include establishing a genuinely back” a shock. There was also resentment at her suggestion that single market in goods, services, and - supporters of a federal Europe necessarily backed a central- capital ; the strengthening of competition ised authority in Brussels. policy ; and the development of co- - ‘Thatcher sets face against united Europe’, John Palmer, The Guardi- ordination of member states' economic an, Wednesday September 21, 1988 and monetary policies. […]  1985-1990 Margaret Thatcher and But we part company with the Delors " Margaret Thatcher yesterday in her most vital task - to reunify the Conservative further integration: “No, no, no” recipe on the next steps: […] a single party by adopting a less extreme attitude to Europe. In her speech in the Commons Community currency ; binding central but... she went out of her way to reiterate her resolute hostility towards European eco- - nomic and monetary union." rules on national budgetary policies ; and a Nicholas Garland, The Independent, 8 November 1990. European system of central banks, with - sole responsibility for formulating and implementing Community monetary policy.  1990-1997 John Major, a pro- The Government -and, I suspect, the over- European PM against his own party whelming majority of this House- have - very great difficulty with these proposals. European Economic and Monetary Union, John Major, address to the House of Commons, 2 - November 1989.

Notions - Title :

After two days of “street fighting”, as one Hostage to Europe. Bill McArthur, The Glasgow Her- ald, 18 April 1997. Maastricht summit official described the negotiations, and a final night during which the summit swung back and forth on the brink of collapse, the other 11 EC countries committed themselves to a single currency and a fully- fledged social policy without Britain. […] The deal allows 11 EC states to agree common measures on labour law and workers’ rights but Britain is not obliged to join in. “Frankly, in practice, this is no more than another opting-out clause for the Brit- ish,” the spokesman for Mr Delors said. Vocabulary An official in Mr Major’s office insisted that Britain would remain untouched by any laws passed by the 11. “This is the best of all agreements. […]” British officials claimed that in these circumstances Britain would become “a magnet for Japanese invest- ment”. ‘EC unites on historic treaty with Britain in slow lane’, John Palmer, The Guardian, 11 December 1991.

- Title : HISTORY  - Title :  Britain at the heart of Europe. Gary Smith, The Daily Mail, 16 September 2003. We regard the United States as our allies and partners. We are proud of what we have achieved together against tyranny and in defence of freedom, most recently in Iraq. […] And in the past months, there has been division between Europe and the United CS3 New Labour and States. There's no disguising it. And even for those of us who have supported the Unit- Europe 1997-2010 ed States and believe passionately in that support, it has divided our nations. […] Britain and Poland, along with many others in Europe supported action in Iraq; and in our case fought in Iraq. We are happy to help shoulder the burden. […] France may How did the Labour party show its am- have disagreed with what we did in Iraq; but it is at the forefront of those wanting to bivalence towards the EU? build up European defence capability. It is not against using force; but was against this

particular use of force. The real question is: can we recognise a sufficient convergence Structure of interest to rebuild this transatlantic alliance and strengthen it? I believe we can.  1997-2005 Tony Blair’s “Britain at Joining the EU, Tony Blair, address, Warsaw, Poland, 30 May 2003. the heart of Europe”, yet... - The Atlantic Alliance -an update. David Horsey, 2003.

 1997-2010 The euro: maybe (Blair), maybe not (Gordon Brown - Chancellor 1997-2005 and PM 2005- The mistake of British foreign policy towards Europe for around half a century 2010) is to think that by hanging back in Europe we can avoid the debate […]. In truth, - we are in the debate anyway. Europe affects us, in or out. Economically, we are integrated with Europe. Politically, it is absurd to think Europe's decisions do not - affect us. Our strategy should be: get in it, make the most of it, have the confi- dence to win the debate not be frightened by it.  2002-2008 Did you say constitution? Do we believe that the Europe our people want is a Europe of nations not a - federal superstate? Yes. Do we believe Europe must reform economically to succeed? Yes. Do we believe Europe and the USA should be allies? Yes. Are our - arguments good ones? Yes. Can we win the debate? It's up to us. But great nations don't hide away or follow along, stragglers at the back. They lead. They win. Notions Joining the EU, Tony Blair, address, Warsaw, Poland, 30 May 2003.

Tony Blair and the euro. Morten Morland, The Times, 19 May 2003.

- Title :

Mr Blair's ambivalence reflects the change in his feelings towards Europe during his eight years as prime minister. […] Both at home Vocabulary and abroad, the reality of Europe has been a great deal more trying than the young and hopeful Mr Blair could possibly have imagined. The withering of his fervour for the euro is one example. For years, Mr Blair saw joining the euro as a way to increase British influence in Europe and was infuriated by Gordon Brown's insistence that to do so would put at risk Britain's enviable economic stability and the government's ambitious spending plans. But as growth slipped and unemployment rose in the eurozone, Mr Blair ran out of arguments against his chancellor. A few weeks ago, he admitted that joining the euro was no longer even on Britain's agenda. Tony Blair's battle for Europe, The Economist, 26 May 2005.

HISTORY  - Title :  A people's march to save the Pound is set to be the big - Title : event in next year's political calendar. […] Yesterday the Sun If we recommend entry to the Euro, it CS3 New Labour and announced that it will be urging its millions of readers to join The Sun front page, 24 September 2007. Europe 1997-2010 the hypothetical march, echoing the stand taken earlier in the would be a step of such economic, and week by the Daily Telegraph. […] constitutional significance that a referen- Newspapers set the anti-euro pace but for the plan to work, dum would be right, which is why we have How did the Labour party show its am- it must be seen as part of a broad based campaign with promised one. If the Convention* repre- bivalence towards the EU? support from outside the right wing of the Conservative sented a fundamental change to the British Party. The idea has already been welcomed by the pressure Constitution and our system of parliamen- Structure group Business for Sterling, which is raising money to fund a tary democracy, there would be a case for  1997-2005 Tony Blair’s “Britain at 'no' campaign in the impending referendum on British mem- a referendum. But it doesn't. the heart of Europe”, yet... bership of the single currency. […] Even leaders of the left The truth is the argument, advanced by - wing of the Labour Party, who oppose the euro for reasons both our countries, against a European very different from the Sun 's, did not rule out taking part. superstate, is being won. Foreign and - 'Save the pound' alliance grows, Andy McSmith, The Guardian, 7 defence policy remains with governments March 1999. and subject to unanimity. The argument  1997-2010 The euro: maybe that Britain or Poland could not in the (Blair), maybe not (Gordon Brown - Ray Egan outside Parliament,, 9 June 2003. Photo, Scott Bar- future support military action in Iraq with- Chancellor 1997-2005 and PM 2005- bour, Getty Images. out Europe's permission is completely 2010) untrue. Tax rates will and should remain, - as now, the prerogative of the British Parliament. Treaty changes will be by - unanimity. Economic policy should and will be co-ordinated between governments.  2002-2008 Did you say constitution? Joining the EU, Tony Blair, address, Warsaw, Poland, 30 May 2003. - * the 2003 Intergovernmental Convention on the 2004 European Constitution which was revised - into the 2007 Lisbon Treaty

Notions - Title : Mr Brown set out his arguments on The Sun front page, 14 December 2007. each of the treaty’s most contentious elements, insisting in each case that Britain had won a good deal. […] On the proposed pooling of sovereignty in justice and home affairs powers, Mr Brown said he had ensured that Britain had the flexi- bility to adopt those in its interest but reject those that were not. He said that he had successfully resisted attempts to undermine the intergovernmental nature of EU foreign policy-making and had protected a British national veto on social security. And he ruled out further Europe- Vocabulary an integration for the next decade. In reply, Mr Cameron […] said: “You have absolutely no democratic mandate to sign this treaty without a referendum. If you break your trust with the British people, they will rightly say how can we ever trust you on anything else again?” ‘Gordon Brown attacked on all sides for ‘running away’ from referendum’, Lewis Whyld, The Times, October 23, 2007.

HISTORY   - Title : Poor David! Chris Riddell, The Observer, 24 May 2015. We will be positive members of the European Union but we are clear that CS4 The Conservatives there should be no further extension of the EU’s power over the UK without and Brexit 2010-2020 the British people’s consent. We will ensure that by law no future government can hand over areas of power to the EU or join the Euro without a referendum of the British people. We will work to bring back key powers over legal rights, How did ambivalence turn into - criminal justice and social and employment legislation to the UK. acrimonious- divorce? 2010 Conservative Party Manifesto for the general election. Real change - We will deliver: • An in-out referendum on Britain’s membership Structure of the EU • More powers back to Britain • A better deal for British taxpayers •  2010-2016 the run-up to Brexit: Continued control of our borders and a crackdown on benefit tourist • More David Cameron, a soft Eurosceptic control of justice and home affairs • More trade and continued economic hijacked by his own party independence - by saying no to the Euro and ‘ever closer union’ 2014 Conservative Party Manifesto for the EU Parliament election. -

- - Title : - UKIP’s voters all feel left behind and vote UKIP for three key motives: opposition to immigration; opposition to the EU; and hostility to the  2016-2020 negotiating the Brexit: established political class. from Theresa May’s failures to Boris While many of UKIP’s current voters say they backed the Conserva- Johnson’s success tives last time but […] they dislike Cameron intensely; they feel that - the Conservatives have failed them on immigration and the financial crisis (the main issues which matter to them); and they feel that poli- - tics in Westminster has nothing to offer them. Rather than turn to Labour, they are opting for a party that appears at ease with neo-liberal economics, the free market, defines itself as - Title : So how did the Leave campaign win? - 1. Brexit economic warnings backfired: the libertarian, and talks of curbing welfare […]. And UKIP’s growth also The Sun front page, 24 June 2016. public weren't convinced and/or believed it drew on Labour’s support among the over-65s, working-class, male was a price worth paying. Notions Britons with no qualifications. Explaining the Rise of UKIP, Matthew Goodwin, Europe for Citizens project, EU, 2. Leaving the EU to free up £350m a

June 2014. week to spend on the NHS was the perfect

political slogan. 3. Farage made immigration the key issue:

it was a once in a generation chance to

take control and assert national sovereignty.

4. Public stop listening to PM: he tried to

enthuse the UK to stay in on the basis of

reforms most believed were modest at

best.

5. Labour leadership backing Remain (90%

of Labour MPs) failed to connect with its

more reluctant voting base.

6. Big beasts - Boris Johnson and Michael

Gove - put rocket boosters under the Vocabulary Leave campaign. 7. Older voters flocked to polls and 60% of

voters over 64 said they wanted to leave. 8. The UK's relationship with Europe has UKIP share of UKs votes, The Daily Mail, October 2014. never been simple and earlier ambivalence turned into outright hostility. ‘Eight reasons Leave won the UK's referendum on the EU’, BBC News, 24 June 2016.

HISTORY  - Title :  The Brexit withdrawal agreement negotiated by Prime Minister Theresa May and approved by the EU on 25 In the biggest speech of her premiership to date […] There- November 2018 organises UK-EU relationship during the transition period from 29 March 2019 (when the UK sa May set out what Britain wants from the upcoming nego- leaves the EU) to 31 December 2020 (when a new trade relationship has been agreed on). tiations: “A comprehensive, bold and ambitious free trade CS4 The Conservatives The deal codifies the rights of UK citizens currently living in the EU27 states and of EU nationals in Britain; agreement with the European Union.” ‘What Theresa May and Brexit 2010-2020 settles the UK’s bill to Brussels for a payment of around £39bn; and keeps Britain in EU single market and wants’, Tom McTague, Politico, 17 January 2017. customs union. If no trade agreement is reached by 31 December 2020, the transitional period would be extended and an How did ambivalence turn into - Irish backstop (safety net) enforced: UK would stay in a customs union to avoid a hard border between North- acrimonious- divorce? ern Ireland (UK) and the Republic of Ireland (EU). Sources: ‘The Brexit deal explained’, Politico, Institute for Government, The Guardian, The Independent, The Week, 2018-2019. Structure  2010-2016 the run-up to Brexit: Da- vid Cameron, a soft Eurosceptic hijacked by his own party - Title : -

- Brexit Day, 31 January 2020. The Independent, 1-2 February 2020

 2016-2020 negotiating the Brexit: from Theresa May’s failures to Boris Johnson’s success -

Notions

Theresa May realised she wouldn’t get a majority if she tabled the deal a fourth time. The

Daily Telegraph, 25 May 2019.

Theresa May resigned because she failed to deliver Brexit and stepped down as leader of the Tory Party yesterday. Her deal was rejected three times by Parliament. Consequently the UK didn't leave on the planned 29 March date and had to postpone it twice. Efforts to find a compromise with the opposition Labour Party failed but ultimately it was because she had no majority and lost the support of her own MPs. The Northern Ireland unionists of the DUP – on whose votes in Westminster the government’s majority depends – think the deal breaches their red lines on identical treatment for Northern Ireland. Conservative Brexiters are appalled at the prospect of Britain potentially being “trapped” forever in a customs union with the EU. For its part, Labour has said the agreement looks unlikely to support jobs and the economy or guarantee standards and protections. ‘PM resigns over Brexit: What happened?’, BBC News 4 July 2019. Vocabulary

- Title : On 17 October 2019, Boris Johnson came back from Brussels with a renegotiated deal. The new Brexit deal is essentially the old Brexit deal with a new chap- ter on the protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland. Overall the backstop has essentially been replaced by a full stop whereby Northern Ireland remains aligned to the EU, so in the single market and customs union, from the end of the transition period for at least four years. After unsuccessfully blackmailing MPs to pass his deal in time to leave on 31 October -with or without a deal as he had promised when becoming PM, Boris Johnson had to ask Brussels for a third extension and MPs for a snap election. His promise to “get Brexit done” formed the centrepiece of his election campaign and he was rewarded for the Conservatives’ thumping general election victory with a majority of 124 for his Brexit deal in the House of Commons. ‘Brexit: MPs pass withdrawal agreement bill by 124 majority’, Heather Stewart, The Guardian, 20 December 2019 .