So Close and Yet So Far
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Conservative Party Strategy, 1997-2001: Nation and National Identity
Conservative Party Strategy, 1997-2001: Nation and National Identity A dissertation submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy , Claire Elizabeth Harris Department of Politics, University of Sheffield September 2005 Acknowledgements There are so many people I'd like to thank for helping me through the roller-coaster experience of academic research and thesis submission. Firstly, without funding from the ESRC, this research would not have taken place. I'd like to say thank you to them for placing their faith in my research proposal. I owe a huge debt of gratitude to Andrew Taylor. Without his good humour, sound advice and constant support and encouragement I would not have reached the point of completion. Having a supervisor who is always ready and willing to offer advice or just chat about the progression of the thesis is such a source of support. Thank you too, to Andrew Gamble, whose comments on the final draft proved invaluable. I'd also like to thank Pat Seyd, whose supervision in the first half of the research process ensured I continued to the second half, his advice, experience and support guided me through the challenges of research. I'd like to say thank you to all three of the above who made the change of supervisors as smooth as it could have been. I cannot easily put into words the huge effect Sarah Cooke had on my experience of academic research. From the beginnings of ESRC application to the final frantic submission process, Sarah was always there for me to pester for help and advice. -
Hyperdemocracy: Euroscepticism and Elections in the United Kingdom
History in the Making Volume 12 Article 13 January 2019 Hyperdemocracy: Euroscepticism and Elections in the United Kingdom Edward Reminiskey CSUSB Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Reminiskey, Edward (2019) "Hyperdemocracy: Euroscepticism and Elections in the United Kingdom," History in the Making: Vol. 12 , Article 13. Available at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making/vol12/iss1/13 This History in the Making is brought to you for free and open access by the History at CSUSB ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in History in the Making by an authorized editor of CSUSB ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. History in the Making Hyperdemocracy: Euroscepticism and Elections in the United Kingdom By Edward Reminiskey Abstract: In the early hours of June 24th, 2016, the results of a referendum asking the United Kingdom to determine its membership status in the European Union were made official. Decided by a slim majority, the decision was made by the electorate to leave the European Union. To characterize this moment as being uncertain would be an understatement. It stood as a major turning point in twenty-first century politics, and presents an opportunity to explore the recent phenomenon affecting liberal democracy. “Brexit,” as it would be referred to, instigated scholars to ask important questions about the contemporary state of liberal democracy. What happens when a liberal democracy undermines itself? How can scholars characterize the latest trends in liberal democracy? This paper attempts to answer these types of questions by viewing recent developments in the United Kingdom, utilizing the lens of hyperdemocracy theory, and applying it to elections and political media analysis. -
The EU Referendum and EU Reform
EUROPEAN UNION COMMITTEE The EU referendum and EU reform Evidence Volume Catherine Bearder MEP, Ashley Fox MEP and Glenis Willmott MEP—Oral Evidence (QQ 126-133) ........................................................................................................................................................ 4 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Centre for European Policy Studies and European Policy Centre—Oral Evidence (QQ 134-139) ......................................................................................................................... 19 Elmar Brok MEP and Danuta Hübner MEP—Oral Evidence (QQ 120-125) .............................. 33 CBI, TheCityUK and TUC—Oral Evidence (QQ 53-64) ............................................................... 44 The Centre for Cross Border Studies—Written Evidence (VEU0008) ...................................... 65 Centre for European Policy Studies, Bertelsmann Stiftung and European Policy Centre—Oral Evidence (QQ 133-138) ......................................................................................................................... 80 Convention of Scottish Local Authorities—Written Evidence (VEU0006) ................................ 81 Professor Laura Cram and Professor Andrew Scott—Oral Evidence (QQ 98-105) ............... 89 Alun Davies AM, Suzy Davies AM, Rt Hon Lord Elis-Thomas AM David Melding AM, and William Powell AM—Oral Evidence (QQ 22-27) .......................................................................... 115 Suzy Davies AM, Alun Davies AM, Rt Hon Lord Elis-Thomas -
Brexit: Initial Reflections
Brexit: initial reflections ANAND MENON AND JOHN-PAUL SALTER* At around four-thirty on the morning of 24 June 2016, the media began to announce that the British people had voted to leave the European Union. As the final results came in, it emerged that the pro-Brexit campaign had garnered 51.9 per cent of the votes cast and prevailed by a margin of 1,269,501 votes. For the first time in its history, a member state had voted to quit the EU. The outcome of the referendum reflected the confluence of several long- term and more contingent factors. In part, it represented the culmination of a longstanding tension in British politics between, on the one hand, London’s relative effectiveness in shaping European integration to match its own prefer- ences and, on the other, political diffidence when it came to trumpeting such success. This paradox, in turn, resulted from longstanding intraparty divisions over Britain’s relationship with the EU, which have hamstrung such attempts as there have been to make a positive case for British EU membership. The media found it more worthwhile to pour a stream of anti-EU invective into the resulting vacuum rather than critically engage with the issue, let alone highlight the benefits of membership. Consequently, public opinion remained lukewarm at best, treated to a diet of more or less combative and Eurosceptic political rhetoric, much of which disguised a far different reality. The result was also a consequence of the referendum campaign itself. The strategy pursued by Prime Minister David Cameron—of adopting a critical stance towards the EU, promising a referendum, and ultimately campaigning for continued membership—failed. -
1 Inevitability and Contingency: the Political Economy of Brexit1 Placing
Inevitability and contingency: the political economy of Brexit1 Placing Britain’s vote on 23 June 2016 to leave the European Union in historical time raises an immediate analytical problem. What was clearly the result of a number of contingencies, starting with the 2015 general election where we can see how events could readily have turned out otherwise and was a shock to the British government that had not prepared for this outcome might also represent the inevitable end of Britain’s membership of the EU seen from the distant future. This paper seeks to take both temporal perspectives seriously. It aims to provide an explanation of the vote for Brexit that recognises the referendum result as politically contingent and also argue that the political economy of Britain generated by Britain’s position as non-euro member of the EU whilst possessing the offshore financial centre of the euro zone and Britain’s eschewal in 2004 of transition arrangements on freedom of movement for A8 accession states made Brexit an eventual inevitability, saving a prior collapse of the euro zone. Keywords: Brexit, European Union, Cameron, the euro, freedom of movement Britain’s vote on 23 June 2016 to leave the European Union (EU) presents a temporal paradox. Seen from the distant future, Brexit is likely to appear the inevitable outcome of the long history of Britain’s membership of the EU and its predecessors. Britain joined a partial economic union whose rules had been determined by others, when that union became a currency union it was unwilling to sacrifice monetary sovereignty and opted-out, and when that currency union produced an economic crisis that both required more political union and had spill-over effects for Britain, membership was rendered unsustainable. -
Life After BREXIT: What Are the UK's Options Outside the European
P APER BREXIT01 #CEPBREXIT Life after BREXIT: What are the UK’s options outside the European Union? Swati Dhingra and Thomas Sampson CEP BREXIT ANALYSIS Life after Brexit: What are the UK’s options outside the European Union? It is highly uncertain what the UK’s future would look like outside the European Union (EU), which makes ‘Brexit’ a leap into the unknown. This report reviews the advantages and drawbacks of the most likely options. After Brexit, the EU would continue to be the world’s largest market and the UK’s biggest trading partner. A key question is what would happen to the three million EU citizens living in the UK and the two million UK citizens living in the EU? There are economic benefits from European integration, but obtaining these benefits comes at the political cost of giving up some sovereignty. Inside or outside the EU, this trade-off is inescapable. One option is ‘doing a Norway’ and joining the European Economic Area. This would minimise the trade costs of Brexit, but it would mean paying about 83% as much into the EU budget as the UK currently does. It would also require keeping current EU regulations (without having a seat at the table when the rules are decided). Another option is ‘doing a Switzerland’ and negotiating bilateral deals with the EU. Switzerland still faces regulation without representation and pays about 40% as much as the UK to be part of the single market in goods. But the Swiss have no agreement with the EU on free trade in services, an area where the UK is a major exporter. -
Britain's No-Deal Debacle?
Britain’s No-Deal Debacle? The Costs at Home and Likely Setbacks Abroad John Ryan STRATEGIC UPDATE OCTOBER 2020 LSE IDEAS is LSE’s foreign policy think tank. Ranked #1 university affiliated think tank in the world in the 2019 Global Go To Think Tank Index. We connect academic knowledge of diplomacy and strategy with the people who use it. CONTENTS Brexit—Endgame of the Reluctant European?— 4 The Phase of Scepticism 1945-2016 No-Deal Brexit Consequences for Ireland 7 The 2020 Irish Republic Election Result 11 Has Recast Ireland’s Political Dynamics A Joe Biden Presidency and Congress May 14 Block US-UK Post-Brexit Trade Deal Conclusion 18 References 20 ‘‘ Britain’s No-Deal Debacle? The Costs at Home and Likely Setbacks Abroad | John Ryan 3 he UK left the EU on 31 January 2020 after 47 years of membership. If a No-Deal Brexit Tbecomes a reality, it may not only be a sore The historic awakening for Boris Johnson and his government, but ‘‘commitment by the also for the United Kingdom as a whole. In this paper, US government to I will examine UK scepticism over Europe as a long- the peace process established phenomenon as well as the failure over the withdrawal agreement and the problems with the in Northern Ireland poorly executed UK strategy for Brexit negotiations. is a factor, but in I will then look at how a No-Deal Brexit scenario will addition the Irish complicate the economic and political consequences American vote ‘‘ for Ireland, and the associated repercussions for trade matters in US negotiations for the UK with the United States. -
Our Guide to Britain's EU Referendum
JUNE 2016 The Brexit briefs Our guide to Britain’s EU referendum THE BREXIT BRIEFS ON JUNE 23rd Britain will hold a referendum on whether to remain in or leave the European Union. This will be the country’s most important vote in at least half a century. Alas, the debate has often been neither informative nor enlightening. The Economist is not neutral: we are convinced that a decision to leave (a so-called Brexit) would be bad for Britain, Europe and the world. But we also believe in the importance of objective analysis and reasoned argument. Over the past few months we have published a series of factual briefs that examine the main issues around Brexit. To help interested readers, we have now assembled all our Brexit briefs together. Zanny Minton Beddoes, Editor-in-chief CONTENTS 1. March 5th 2016 7. April 16th 2016 13. May 28th 2016 TRUTH AND LIES BUSINESS BUREAUCRACY Voters want clear facts about the Most businesses want to stay in the EU Brexiteers say they will scrap much EU European Union. They are given myths but some are cautious of saying so regulation, but they may not end up instead doing so 8. April 23rd 2016 2. March 12th 2016 THE TERMS OF THE DEAL 14. June 4th 2016 EUROSCEPTICISM Being out of the euro and Schengen HOW TO LEAVE Hostility to the EU in Britain is different gives Britain the best of both worlds Britain’s withdrawal process from the EU from anything found on the continent could be long and painful 9. -
Metaphorical Creativity in British Political Discourse on Brexit
JOSIP JURAJ STROSSMAYER UNIVERSITY OF OSIJEK FACULTY OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES Lejla Aljukić METAPHORICAL CREATIVITY IN BRITISH POLITICAL DISCOURSE ON BREXIT Doctoral thesis Osijek, 2020 JOSIP JURAJ STROSSMAYER UNIVERSITY OF OSIJEK FACULTY OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES Lejla Aljukić METAPHORICAL CREATIVITY IN BRITISH POLITICAL DISCOURSE ON BREXIT Doctoral thesis Supervisor: Sanja Berberović, Ph.D., Associate Professor Osijek, 2020 SVEUČILIŠTE JOSIPA JURJA STROSSMAYERA U OSIJEKU FILOZOFSKI FAKULTET Lejla Aljukić METAFORIČKA KREATIVNOST U BRITANSKOM POLITIČKOM DISKURSU OF BREXITU Doktorska disertacija Mentorica: dr.sc. Sanja Berberović,izv.prof. Osijek, 2020 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abbreviations, symbols and font styles ......................................................................... 1 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................. 2 1.1. The aims of dissertation .............................................................................................. 4 2. Theoretical background ............................................................................................. 6 2.1. Historical overview of figurative language studies .................................................... 6 2.2. Cognitive theory of metaphor and metonymy ............................................................ 8 2.2.1. Conceptual metaphor ............................................................................................... 9 2.2.1.1. Conceptual domains -
Learning from History? the 1975 Referendum on Europe Transcript
Learning from History? The 1975 Referendum on Europe Transcript Date: Monday, 23 May 2016 - 6:00PM Location: Museum of London 23 May 2016 Learning from History? The 1975 Referendum on Europe Professor Vernon Bogdanor Ladies and gentlemen, this is a lecture on the previous referendum that we had on Europe, in 1975, held not by a Conservative Government but by a Labour Government, and I think it does show that Europe has been a very divisive issue for many years – it is not just on the present time. Perhaps the most prescient comment made about Europe was made by Ernest Bevin, the Foreign Secretary in the Labour Government after the War, when Britain was asked to join the European Coal & Steel Community, which was the precursor of the European Union, and Bevin said no. He said, “Once you open that Pandora’s Box, all sorts of Trojan horses will fly out.” We joined the European Community, as a precursor of the European Union, in 1973, after two failed applications, but we wanted, in a way, to be in Europe but not perhaps quite of it. All Prime Ministers I think have tried to straddle the benefits of membership with the Eurosceptic feelings of the British public. The question now of course is whether one can still keep those two horses, to change a metaphor, whether you can still straddle those two horses. But Europe has been the poisoned chalice for so many post-War Prime Ministers: Harold Macmillan, whose Government was ruined by De Gaulle’s first veto; Edward Heath, who lost narrowly in 1974, partly because of the European issue; Margaret Thatcher fell from power because of the European issue; John Major’s Government was ruined by the squabble over Maastricht, another European issue; and Europe of course helped split the Labour Party in the 1980s. -
Part III Eurosceptic Civil Society
Part III Eurosceptic Civil Society 8 Performing Euroscepticism: The UK Press and Cameron’s Bloomberg Speech Oliver Daddow Introduction UK newspapers have exerted manifest structuring effects over Britain’s national debates about ‘Europe’. First, the UK newspaper market is dominated by various forms of Eurosceptical sentiment and since the Eurozone crisis in particular has expounded a form of ‘hard Euroscepticism’ (Taggart and Szczerbiak 2004) which extolls the merits of EU withdrawal. Second, Eurosceptical journalists have popularized a Eurosceptic discourse through which European integration is constructed both as ‘over there’ and as an implied or explicit threat to British sovereignty interests and national identity (Anderson and Weymouth 1998; Hawkins 2012). Chris Gifford has usefully described this ‘populist politics’ of Euroscepticism in his account of the ideological manifestations of Euroscepticism in the UK (Gifford 2014, p.6). It draws on an obsession with past conflicts and the Second World War especially, which have provided British Eurosceptics with a range of linguistic weapons to keep their audiences in a ‘permanent state of discursive war’ (Daddow 2011, pp.109–34) with a malign ‘other’ across the English Channel (Gifford 2006). Third, with elite Europhile opinion seeping away in elite political discourse and policy the UK press has been a significant factor in agenda-setting on European issues policy through the ‘climate of fear’ it has generated against the public espousal of pro-European narratives (Daddow 2012). Comparatively speaking, Britain is home to an ‘unusually Eurosceptical media market’ especially on the press side: this goes for the volume of Eurosceptical coverage and the bombastic, nationalistic and sometimes xenophobic tone of that coverage (Ford et al. -
The Effect of Thatcherism on Nationalist Movements in the United
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara The Bulldog and the Thistle: The Effect of Thatcherism on Nationalist Movements in the United Kingdom A Thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science by Isabella Christina Gabrovsky Committee in charge: Professor Benjamin J. Cohen, Chair Professor Amit Ahuja Professor Bridget L. Coggins Professor Michael Kyle Thompson, Pittsburg State University September 2017 The thesis of Isabella Christina Gabrovsky is approved. ______________________________________________ Amit Ahuja _____________________________________________ Bridget L. Coggins ____________________________________________ Michael Kyle Thompson ____________________________________________ Benjamin J. Cohen, Chair August 2017 The Bulldog and the Thistle: The Effect of Thatcherism on Nationalist Movements in the United Kingdom Copyright © 2017 by Isabella Christina Gabrovsky iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank all the people who have helped me during the writing process. First and foremost, I would like to thank my Committee Chair and Academic Advisor, Professor Benjamin J. Cohen, for his constant support and guidance. I would also like to thank the members of my committee, Professors Amit Ahuja, Bridget Coggins, and Michael Kyle Thompson for their advice and edits. Finally, I would like to acknowledge my family for their unconditional love and support as I completed this thesis. iv ABSTRACT The Bulldog and the Thistle: The Effect of Thatcherism on Nationalist Movements in the United Kingdom by Isabella Christina Gabrovsky The purpose of this thesis is to explain the origins of the new wave of nationalism in the United Kingdom, particularly in Scotland. The popular narrative has been to blame Margaret Thatcher for minority nationalism in the UK as nationalist political parties became more popular during and after her tenure as Prime Minister.