The Take Care Clause and Executive Discretion in the Enforcement of Law
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Load more
Recommended publications
-
Petitioner, V
No. 19-____ In The Supreme Court of the United States ____________________ ROBERT A. PEREZ, Petitioner, v. STATE OF COLORADO, Respondent. ____________________ On Petition for a Writ of Certiorari to the Supreme Court of Colorado ____________________ PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI ____________________ Ned R. Jaeckle Jeffrey L. Fisher COLORADO STATE PUBLIC O’MELVENY & MYERS LLP DEFENDER 2765 Sand Hill Road 1300 Broadway, Suite 300 Menlo Park, CA 94025 Denver, CO 80203 Meaghan VerGow Kendall Turner Counsel of Record O’MELVENY & MYERS LLP 1625 Eye Street, N.W. Washington, DC 20006 (202) 383-5204 [email protected] i QUESTION PRESENTED Whether, and to what extent, the Sixth and Four- teenth Amendments guarantee a criminal defendant the right to discover potentially exculpatory mental health records held by a private party, notwithstand- ing a state privilege law to the contrary. i STATEMENT OF RELATED PROCEEDINGS Perez v. People, Colorado Supreme Court No. 19SC587 (Feb. 24, 2020) (available at 2020 WL 897586) (denying Perez’s petition for a writ of certio- rari) People v. Perez, Colorado Court of Appeals No. 16CA1180 (June 13, 2019) (affirming trial court judg- ment) People v. Perez, Colorado District Court No. 14CR4593 (Apr. 7, 2016) (granting motion to quash subpoena seeking mental health records) ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page QUESTION PRESENTED ........................................ i STATEMENT OF RELATED PROCEEDINGS ....... i PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI ........... 1 OPINIONS BELOW .................................................. 1 JURISDICTION ........................................................ 1 RELEVANT CONSTITUTIONAL AND STATUTORY PROVISIONS .................................... 1 INTRODUCTION ..................................................... 2 STATEMENT OF THE CASE .................................. 4 REASONS FOR GRANTING THE WRIT................ 8 A. State high courts and federal courts of appeals are openly split on the question presented. -
The President, Congress, and the Courts
The Yale Law Journal Volume 83, Number 6, May 1974 The President, Congress, and the Courts Raoul Bergert I. Subpoenaing the President: Jefferson v. Marshall in the Burr Case We do not think that the President is exalted above legal process .. .and if the President possesses information of any nature which might tend to serve the cause of Aaron Burr, a subpoena should issue to him, notwithstanding his elevated station. Alexander McRae, of counsel for President Jefferson' Chief Justice Marshall's rulings on President Jefferson's claim of right to withhold information in the trial of Aaron Burr have been a source of perennial debate. Eminent writers have drawn demon- strably erroneous deductions from the record. For example, Edward t Charles Warren Senior Fellow in American Legal History, Harvard University Law School. 1. 1 T. CARPENTER, THE TRIAL OF COLONEL AARON BURR 75 (1807). McRae's co-counsel, William Wirt, who served as Attorney General of the United States for twelve consecu- tive years, stated that "if the production of this letter would not compromit [sic] the safety of the United States, and it can be proved to be material to Mr. Burr, he has a right to demand it. Nay, in such a case, I will admit his right to summon the President ... ."Id. at 82. His associate, George Hay, the United States Attorney, stated, I never had the idea of clothing the President . with those attributes of di- vinity. That high officer is but a man; he is but a citizen; and, if he knows anything in any case, civil or criminal, which might affect the life, liberty or property of his fellow-citizens . -
No. 19-5331 in the UNITED STATES COURT of APPEALS for the DISTRICT of COLUMBIA C
USCA Case #19-5331 Document #1871493 Filed: 11/16/2020 Page 1 of 87 [ORAL ARGUMENT SCHEDULED FOR FEBRUARY 23, 2021] No. 19-5331 IN THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA CIRCUIT COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY OF THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Plaintiff-Appellee, v. DONALD F. MCGAHN, II, Defendant-Appellant. On Appeal from the United States District Court for the District of Columbia EN BANC BRIEF FOR APPELLANT JEFFREY BOSSERT CLARK Acting Assistant Attorney General SOPAN JOSHI Senior Counsel to the Assistant Attorney General MARK R. FREEMAN MICHAEL S. RAAB COURTNEY L. DIXON DENNIS FAN Attorneys, Appellate Staff Civil Division, Room 7243 U.S. Department of Justice 950 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20530 (202) 353-8189 USCA Case #19-5331 Document #1871493 Filed: 11/16/2020 Page 2 of 87 CERTIFICATE AS TO PARTIES, RULINGS, AND RELATED CASES Pursuant to D.C. Circuit Rule 28(a)(1), the undersigned counsel certifies: A. Parties and Amici The defendant-appellant is Donald F. McGahn, II. The plaintiff-appellee is the Committee on the Judiciary of the United States House of Representatives. Amici curiae in this Court are: Republican legal experts, former government officials, and former members of Congress (Steve Bartlett, Jack Buechner, Tom Coleman, George Conway III, Mickey Edwards, Stuart Gerson, Gordon Humphrey, Bob Inglis, James Kolbe, Steven Kuykendall, Jim Leach, Mike Parker, Thomas Petri, Trevor Potter, Reid Ribble, Jonathan Rose, Paul Rosenzweig, Peter Smith, J.W. Verret, Dick Zimmer); James Murray; former members of Congress and former Executive Branch officials (Thomas Andrews, William Baer, Brian Baird, Michael Barnes, John Barrow, Douglas Bereuter, Howard Berman, Rick Boucher, Barbara Boxer, Bruce Braley, Carol Mosley Braun, Roland Burria, Lois Cappa, Jean Carnahan, Robert Carr, Rod Chandler, Linda Chavez, Bill Cohen, James Cole, Jerry Costello, Mark S. -
On Petition for a Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit
No. 20-331 IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES IN RE DONALD J. TRUMP On Petition for a Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit Motion for Leave to File Brief and Brief for Scholar Seth Barrett Tillman and the Judicial Education Project as Amici Curiae Supporting Petitioner ROBERT W. RAY JOSH BLACKMAN Counsel of Record 1303 San Jacinto Street Zeichner Ellman & Krause LLP Houston, TX 77002 1211 Avenue of the Americas, 40th Fl. 202-294-9003 New York, New York 10036 [email protected] (212) 826-5321 [email protected] JAN I. BERLAGE CARRIE SEVERINO Gohn Hankey & Berlage LLP Judicial Education Project 201 N. Charles Street, Suite 2101 722 12th St., N.W., 4th Fl. Baltimore, Maryland 21201 Washington, D.C. 20005 (410) 752-1261 (571) 357-3134 [email protected] [email protected] October 14, 2020 Motion for Leave to File Brief as Amici Curiae Supporting Petitioner Amici curiae Scholar Seth Barrett Tillman and the Judicial Education Project respectfully move for leave to file a brief explaining why this Court should grant certiorari to review the judgment of the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit. Notice of intent to file this brief was provided to Respondents on October 6, 2020 with less than ten days’ notice. Respondents granted consent that same day. Notice of intent to file this brief was provided to Petitioner on October 8, 2020, six days before the filing deadline. The Petitioner did not respond to Amici’s request for consent. These requests were untimely under Supreme Court Rule 37(a)(2). -
Alabama Legislative Black Caucus V. Alabama, ___ F.Supp.3D ___, 2013 WL 3976626 (M.D
No. _________ ================================================================ In The Supreme Court of the United States --------------------------------- --------------------------------- ALABAMA LEGISLATIVE BLACK CAUCUS et al., Appellants, v. THE STATE OF ALABAMA et al., Appellees. --------------------------------- --------------------------------- On Appeal From The United States District Court For The Middle District Of Alabama --------------------------------- --------------------------------- JURISDICTIONAL STATEMENT --------------------------------- --------------------------------- EDWARD STILL JAMES U. BLACKSHER 130 Wildwood Parkway Counsel of Record Suite 108 PMB 304 P.O. Box 636 Birmingham, AL 35209 Birmingham, AL 35201 E-mail: [email protected] 205-591-7238 Fax: 866-845-4395 PAMELA S. KARLAN E-mail: 559 Nathan Abbott Way [email protected] Stanford, CA 94305 E-mail: [email protected] U.W. CLEMON WHITE ARNOLD & DOWD P. C . 2025 Third Avenue North, Suite 500 Birmingham, AL 35203 E-mail: [email protected] ================================================================ COCKLE LEGAL BRIEFS (800) 225-6964 WWW.COCKLELEGALBRIEFS.COM i QUESTION PRESENTED Whether a state violates the requirement of one person, one vote by enacting a state legislative redis- tricting plan that results in large and unnecessary population deviations for local legislative delegations that exercise general governing authority over coun- ties. ii PARTIES The following were parties in the Court below: Plaintiffs in Civil Action No. 2:12-CV-691: Alabama Legislative Black Caucus Bobby Singleton Alabama Association of Black County Officials Fred Armstead George Bowman Rhondel Rhone Albert F. Turner, Jr. Jiles Williams, Jr. Plaintiffs in consolidated Civil Action No. 2:12-CV-1081: Demetrius Newton Alabama Democratic Conference Framon Weaver, Sr. Stacey Stallworth Rosa Toussaint Lynn Pettway Defendants in Civil Action No. 2:12-CV-691: State of Alabama Jim Bennett, Alabama Secretary of State Defendants in consolidated Civil Action No. -
Nixon Now: the Courts and the Presidency After Twenty-Five Years
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Law Review 1999 Nixon Now: The ourC ts and the Presidency after Twenty-five Years Michael Stokes Paulsen Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Paulsen, Michael Stokes, "Nixon Now: The ourC ts and the Presidency after Twenty-five Years" (1999). Minnesota Law Review. 1969. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr/1969 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Law Review collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Nixon Now: The Courts and the Presidency After Twenty-five Years Michael Stokes Paulsent United States v. Nixon' was, and remains today, a case of enormous doctrinal and political significance-easily one of the five most important Supreme Court decisions of the last fifty years. The decision proximately led to the forced resignation of a President of the United States from office. The decision helped spawn a semi-permanent statutory regime of Independ- ent Counsel, exercising the prosecutorial power of the United States and investigating executive branch officials 2-- a regime that has fundamentally reshaped our national politics. Nixon provided not only the political context that spawned the Inde- pendent Counsel statute, but a key step in the doctrinal evolu- tion that led the Court to uphold its constitutionality, incor- rectly, fourteen years later, in Morrison v. Olson.3 United States v. Nixon also established the principle that the President possesses no constitutional immunity from com- pulsory legal process, a holding that led almost inexorably to the Supreme Court's unanimous rejection of presidential im- munity from civil litigation for non-official conduct, twenty- three years later, in Clinton v. -
International Law at Home: Enforcing Treaties in U.S. Courts
Article International Law at Home: Enforcing Treaties in U.S. Courts Oona A. Hathawayt, Sabria McElroytt & Sara Aronchick Solowtft I. IN TR O DU CTIO N ................................................................................................................................ 5 1 II. THE HISTORY OF INTERNATIONAL LAW AT HOME....................................................................56 A . Foundingto W orld War II..............................................................................................57 1. Contract ......................................... ......... 60 2. Property and Inheritance ...................................... 60 3. Detention and Habeas Corpus ................................... 61 4. Right to "Carry on Trade ...................................... 62 B . W orld W ar II to M edellin............................................................................................. 63 1. The Presumption in FavorofEnforcement Weakens....................................... 63 2. The Bricker Backlash .............................................. 68 C. After Medellin ................................................... 70 1. A PresumptionAgainst PrivateRights ofAction..............................................71 2. An End to the Carve-Outfor Private Law ........................... 73 Ill. How INTERNATIONAL LAW COMES HOME................................................................................76 A. Indirect Enforcement .............................................. 77 1. Implementing Legislation ........................... -
The Original Meaning of the Constitution's Postal Clause
Birmingham City School of Law British Journal of British Journal of American Legal Studies | Volume 7 Issue 1 7 Issue Legal Studies | Volume British Journal of American American Legal Studies Volume 7 Issue 1 Spring 2018 ARTICLES Founding-Era Socialism: The Original Meaning of the Constitution’s Postal Clause Robert G. Natelson Toward Natural Born Derivative Citizenship John Vlahoplus Felix Frankfurter and the Law Thomas Halper Fundamental Rights in Early American Case Law: 1789-1859 Nicholas P. Zinos The Holmes Truth: Toward a Pragmatic, Holmes-Influenced Conceptualization of the Nature of Truth Jared Schroeder Acts of State, State Immunity, and Judicial Review in the United States Zia Akthar ISSN 2049-4092 (Print) British Journal of American Legal Studies Editor-in-Chief: Dr Anne Richardson Oakes, Birmingham City University. Associate Editors Dr. Sarah Cooper, Birmingham City University. Dr. Haydn Davies, Birmingham City University. Prof. Julian Killingley, Birmingham City University. Prof. Jon Yorke, Birmingham City University. Seth Barrett Tillman, National University of Ireland, Maynooth. Birmingham City University Student Editorial Assistants 2017-2018 Mercedes Cooling Graduate Editorial Assistants 2017-2018 Amna Nazir Alice Storey Editorial Board Hon. Joseph A. Greenaway Jr., Circuit Judge 3rd Circuit, U.S. Court of Appeals. Hon. Raymond J. McKoski, Circuit Judge (retired), 19th Judicial Circuit Court, IL. Adjunct Professor of Law, The John Marshall Law School, Chicago, IL. Prof. Antonio Aunion, University of Castille-la Mancha. Prof. Francine Banner, Phoenix School of Law, AZ. Prof. Devon W. Carbado, UCLA, CA. Dr. Damian Carney, University of Portsmouth, UK. Dr. Simon Cooper, Reader in Property Law, Oxford Brookes University. Prof. -
The Breadth of Congress' Authority to Access Information in Our Scheme
H H H H H H H H H H H 5. The Breadth of Congress’s Authority to Access Information in Our Scheme of Separated Powers Overview Congress’s broad investigatory powers are constrained both by the structural limitations imposed by our constitutional system of separated and balanced powers and by the individual rights guaranteed by the Bill of Rights. Thus, the president, subordinate officials, and individuals called as witnesses can assert various privileges, which enable them to resist or limit the scope of congressional inquiries. These privileges, however, are also limited. The Supreme Court has recognized the president’s constitutionally based privilege to protect the confidentiality of documents or other information that reflects presidential decision-making and deliberations. This presidential executive privilege, however, is qualified. Congress and other appropriate investigative entities may overcome the privilege by a sufficient showing of need and the inability to obtain the information elsewhere. Moreover, neither the Constitution nor the courts have provided a special exemption protecting the confidentiality of national security or foreign affairs information. But self-imposed congressional constraints on information access in these sensitive areas have raised serious institutional and practical concerns as to the current effectiveness of oversight of executive actions in these areas. With regard to individual rights, the Supreme Court has recognized that individuals subject to congressional inquiries are protected by the First, Fourth, and Fifth Amendments, though in many important respects those rights may be qualified by Congress’s constitutionally rooted investigatory authority. A. Executive Privilege Executive privilege is a doctrine that enables the president to withhold certain information from disclosure to the public or even Congress. -
Congress's Authority to Influence and Control Executive
Congress’s Authority to Influence and Control Executive Branch Agencies Updated December 19, 2018 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45442 SUMMARY R45442 Congress’s Authority to Influence and Control December 19, 2018 Executive Branch Agencies Todd Garvey The Constitution neither establishes administrative agencies nor explicitly prescribes the manner Legislative Attorney by which they may be created. Even so, the Supreme Court has generally recognized that Congress has broad constitutional authority to establish and shape the federal bureaucracy. Daniel J. Sheffner Congress may use its Article I lawmaking powers to create federal agencies and individual Legislative Attorney offices within those agencies, design agencies’ basic structures and operations, and prescribe, subject to certain constitutional limitations, how those holding agency offices are appointed and removed. Congress also may enumerate the powers, duties, and functions to be exercised by agencies, as well as directly counteract, through later legislation, certain agency actions implementing delegated authority. The most potent tools of congressional control over agencies, including those addressing the structuring, empowering, regulating, and funding of agencies, typically require enactment of legislation. Such legislation must comport with constitutional requirements related to bicameralism (i.e., it must be approved by both houses of Congress) and presentment (i.e., it must be presented to the President for signature). The constitutional process to enact effective legislation requires the support of the House, Senate, and the President, unless the support in both houses is sufficient to override the President’s veto. There also are many non-statutory tools (i.e., tools not requiring legislative enactment to exercise) that may be used by the House, Senate, congressional committees, or individual Members of Congress to influence and control agency action. -
Mail Fraud State Law and Post-Lopez Analysis George D
Cornell Law Review Volume 82 Article 1 Issue 2 January 1997 Should Federalism Shield Corruption?-Mail Fraud State Law and Post-Lopez Analysis George D. Brown Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation George D. Brown, Should Federalism Shield Corruption?-Mail Fraud State Law and Post-Lopez Analysis , 82 Cornell L. Rev. 225 (1997) Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol82/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SHOULD FEDERALISM SHIELD CORRUPTION?- MAIL FRAUD, STATE LAW AND POST-LOPEZ ANALYSIS George D. Brownt I. INTRODUCTION-PROTECTION THROUGH PROSECUTION? There is a view of state and local governments as ethically-chal- lenged backwaters,' veritable swamps of corruption in need of the ulti- mate federal tutelage: protection through prosecution. Whether or not the view is accurate, the prosecutions abound.2 Many metropoli- tan newspapers have chronicled the federal pursuit of errant state and local officials.3 The pursuit is certain to continue. In the post-Water- gate period, the Justice Department has made political corruption at all levels of government a top priority.4 A vigorous federal presence in t Professor of Law and Associate Dean, Boston College Law School. A.B. 1961, Harvard University, LL.B. 1965, Harvard Law School. Chairman, Massachusetts State Eth- ics Commission. -
Of the National Security Act
The President’s Compliance with the “Timely Notification” Requirement of Section 501(b) of the National Security Act Under the Constitution, the President has plenary authority to represent the United States and to pursue its interests outside the borders of the country, subject only to limits contained in the Constitution itself and to such statutory limitations as the Constitution permits Congress to impose by exercising one of its enumerated powers. The conduct of secret negotiations and intelligence operations lies at the very heart of the President’s executive power. Statutory requirements that the President report to Congress about his activities in the realm of foreign policy must be construed consistently with his constitutional authority. A statute requiring the President to give Congress notice of covert operations “in a timely fashion” if he withholds prior notification should be construed to permit the President sufficient discretion to choose a reasonable moment for notifying Congress, including withholding notification at least until the secret diplomatic or covert undertaking has progressed to a point when disclosure will not threaten its success. December 17, 1986 M e m o r a n d u m O p in io n f o r t h e A t t o r n e y G e n e r a l This memorandum responds to your request that this Office review the legality of the President’s decision to postpone notifying Congress of a recent series of actions that he took with respect to Iran. As we understand the facts, the President has, for the past several months, been pursuing a multifaceted secret diplomatic effort aimed at bringing about better relations between the United States and Iran (partly because of the general strategic importance of that country and partly to help end the Iran-Iraq war on terms favorable to our interests in the region); at obtaining intelligence about political conditions within Iran; and at encouraging Iranian steps that might facilitate the release of American hostages being held in Lebanon.