DOCSLIB.ORG

INTRODUCTION It Is Not Clear When Caria and the Carians Enter Into

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
INTRODUCTION It Is Not Clear When Caria and the Carians Enter Into CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION It is not clear when Caria and the Carians enter into ancient History. This is dependent on equating classical Caria with the land of Karkiya/ Karkisa mentioned in Hittite sources. This supposition, eminently suit- able from a purely linguistic point of view (karkº in Karkisa, Karkiya is practically identical to the Old Persian word for ‘Carian’, kºka-), is complicated by the uncertainties regarding the exact location of Karkisa/ Karkiya on the map, a problem intimately bound to the complex ques- tion of Hittite geography, a topic still subject to controversy despite the great progress made in recent years. In any case, no information about the language of the land of Karkiya/Karkisa can be obtained from Hittite sources, so that even if the equation could be confirmed, its value for the study of the Carian language would be very limited. The only relevant (but overly generic) datum is that Karkiya/Karkisa is a land located in the western region of Anatolia, an area occupied by Luwian population groups, and thus consistent with the clear similarities between Carian and Luwian, Lycian and other Indo-European Anatolian dialects that can now, since the decipherment of Carian, be clearly traced (see Chapter 10). Classical Caria, the country situated in western Anatolia between Lydia and Lycia, must therefore be the starting point of the research on Carian language. It is during this period that we find both direct documentation of Carian and a wealth of information about this land and its inhabitants in indirect, mostly Greek, sources. Particularly meaningful are the consistent ties that we can establish between various types of records on Carian and the Carians regard- ing one of the most remarkable characteristics of Carian language doc- umentation: the fact that the greatest number of Carian inscriptions have been found in Egypt, and not in Caria itself. From Greek sources, we know that Carian and Ionian mercenaries were employed by the pharaoh Psammetichus I (664–610) for consol- idating his throne (Herod. I, 151). According to Herodotus, these mer- cenaries were based in the Delta area, near Bubastis (Herod. II, 154). It is no coincidence then that the oldest datable Carian document from 2 chapter one Egypt, a bilingual inscription on a statuette of the goddess Neith (E.Sa 2) from the times of Psammetichus I, can be traced to Sais, another Egyptian city situated on the Delta. A further connection can be drawn between Carian documents and historical facts under the reign of the grandson of Psammetichus I, Psammetichus II (595–589): a well-known Greek graffito from Abu Simbel attests the participation of foreign mercenaries in his Nubian campaign (593/592, see below p. 31 for this dating), and this infor- mation is consistent with the existence of Carian graffiti in Abu Simbel and in other locations further to the south (Buhen, Gebel el-Sheik el- Suleiman). Under Amasis (568–526), Ionian and Carian settlements were moved from the Delta to the city of Memphis (Herod. II, 154), where a ‘Carian quarter’ (KarikÒn) and a ‘Greek quarter’ (ÑEllhnikÒn) existed for many years (Aristagoras of Milet apud Stephan of Byzantium, s. v. ÑEllhnikÒn). Once again this event can be linked to epigraphical evidence: the most important sub-corpus of Carian inscriptions is the collection of funer- ary stelae found in Saqqâra, one of the necropoleis of Memphis. As for the rest of Carian inscriptions found in Egypt—mostly graffiti— from Thebes, Abydos, Silsilis, etc.), no connections can be established with historical facts, and we can only assume that they are the marks of Carian visitors, similar to Greek graffiti found in these and another parts of Egypt. Caria itself does not offer such striking results. The Carian inscrip- tions found in Caria are far less numerous than those from Egypt, come from different cities, and appear more heterogeneous, both in content and in form, thus constituting a very fragmentary and incom- plete view and lacking a clear connection with historical facts.1 In fact, the sole inscription that gives any indication of a link to the history of Caria is the bilingual inscription from the temple of the god Sinuri (C.Si 2), which can confidently be interpreted as a decree enacted by the Carian dynasts of the Hekatomnid era, Idrieus and Ada, whose joint reign is dated in the period 351/350–344/343. But not even this inscription has any real implications for Carian history: it is simply part of a wider corpus of regulations of a local syngeneia—mostly in Greek— produced by the satrapal couple. In the case of another of the most 1 This is not the place for a history of Caria. I refer the reader to Hornblower (1982)..
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Anatolian Evidence Suggests That the Indo- European Laryngeals * H2 And
    Indo-European Linguistics 6 (2018) 69–94 brill.com/ieul Anatolian evidence suggests that the Indo- European laryngeals *h2 and *h3 were uvular stops Alwin Kloekhorst Leiden University [email protected] Abstract In this article it will be argued that the Indo-European laryngeals *h2 and *h3, which recently have been identified as uvular fricatives, were in fact uvular stops in Proto- Indo-Anatolian. Also in the Proto-Anatolian and Proto-Luwic stages these sounds prob- ably were stops, not fricatives. Keywords Indo-European – laryngeals – phonological change – Indo-Anatolian 1 Background It is well-known that the Indo-European laryngeals *h2 and *h3 have in some environments survived in Hittite and Luwian as consonants that are spelled with the graphemes ḫ (in the cuneiform script) and h (in the hieroglyphic script).1 Although in handbooks it was usually stated that the exact phonetic interpretation of these graphemes is unclear,2 in recent years a consensus seems to have formed that they represent uvular fricatives (Kümmel 2007: 1 Although there is no full consensus on the question exactly in which environments *h2 and *h3 were retained as ḫ and h: especially the outcome of *h3 in Anatolian is debated (e.g. Kloekhorst 2006). Nevertheless, for the remainder of this article it is not crucial in which environments *h2 and *h3 yielded ḫ and h, only that they sometimes did. 2 E.g. Melchert 1994: 22; Hoffner & Melchert 2008: 38. © alwin kloekhorst, 2018 | doi:10.1163/22125892-00601003 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the prevailing CC-BY-NC license at the time of publication.
    [Show full text]
  • Herodotus' Conception of Foreign Languages
    Histos () - HERODOTUS’ CONCEPTION OF FOREIGN LANGUAGES * Introduction In one of the most famous passages in his Histories , Herodotus has the Athe- nians give the reasons why they would never betray Greece (..): first and foremost, the images and temples of the gods, burnt and requiring vengeance, and then ‘the Greek thing’, being of the same blood and the same language, having common shrines and sacrifices and the same way of life. With race or blood, and with religious cult, language appears as one of the chief determinants of Greek identity. This impression is confirmed in Herodotus’ accounts of foreign peoples: language is—with religious customs, dress, hairstyles, sexual habits—one of the key items on Herodotus’ checklist of similarities and differences with foreign peoples. That language was an important element of what, to a Greek, it meant to be a Greek, should not perhaps be thought surprising. As is well known, the Greeks called non- Greeks βάρβαροι , a term usually taken to refer pejoratively to the babble of * This paper has been delivered in a number of different versions at St. Andrews, Newcastle, and at the Classical Association AGM. I should like to express my thanks to all those who took part in the subsequent discussions, and especially to Robert Fowler, Alan Griffiths, Robert Parker, Anna Morpurgo Davies and Stephanie West for their ex- tremely valuable comments on written drafts, to Hubert Petersmann for kindly sending me offprints of his publications, to Adrian Gratwick for his expert advice on a point of detail, and to David Colclough and Lucinda Platt for the repeated hospitality which al- lowed me to undertake the bulk of the research.
    [Show full text]
  • Greek-Anatolian Language Contact and the Settlement of Pamphylia
    CHRISTINA SKELTON Greek-Anatolian Language Contact and the Settlement of Pamphylia The Ancient Greek dialect of Pamphylia shows extensive influence from the nearby Anatolian languages. Evidence from the linguistics of Greek and Anatolian, sociolinguistics, and the histor- ical and archaeological record suggest that this influence is due to Anatolian speakers learning Greek as a second language as adults in such large numbers that aspects of their L2 Greek became fixed as a part of the main Pamphylian dialect. For this linguistic development to occur and persist, Pamphylia must initially have been settled by a small number of Greeks, and remained isolated from the broader Greek-speaking community while prevailing cultural atti- tudes favored a combined Greek-Anatolian culture. 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 BACKGROUND The Greek-speaking world of the Archaic and Classical periods (ca. ninth through third centuries BC) was covered by a patchwork of different dialects of Ancient Greek, some of them quite different from the Attic and Ionic familiar to Classicists. Even among these varied dialects, the dialect of Pamphylia, located on the southern coast of Asia Minor, stands out as something unusual. For example, consider the following section from the famous Pamphylian inscription from Sillyon: συ Διϝι̣ α̣ ̣ και hιιαροισι Μανεˉ[ς .]υαν̣ hελε ΣελυW[ι]ιυ̣ ς̣ ̣ [..? hι†ια[ρ]α ϝιλ̣ σιι̣ ọς ̣ υπαρ και ανιιας̣ οσα περ(̣ ι)ι[στα]τυ ̣ Wοικ[. .] The author would like to thank Sally Thomason, Craig Melchert, Leonard Neidorf and the anonymous reviewer for their valuable input, as well as Greg Nagy and everyone at the Center for Hellenic Studies for allowing me to use their library and for their wonderful hospitality during the early stages of pre- paring this manuscript.
    [Show full text]
  • The Carian Language HANDBOOK of ORIENTAL STUDIES SECTION ONE the NEAR and MIDDLE EAST
    The Carian Language HANDBOOK OF ORIENTAL STUDIES SECTION ONE THE NEAR AND MIDDLE EAST Ancient Near East Editor-in-Chief W. H. van Soldt Editors G. Beckman • C. Leitz • B. A. Levine P. Michalowski • P. Miglus Middle East R. S. O’Fahey • C. H. M. Versteegh VOLUME EIGHTY-SIX The Carian Language by Ignacio J. Adiego with an appendix by Koray Konuk BRILL LEIDEN • BOSTON 2007 This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Adiego Lajara, Ignacio-Javier. The Carian language / by Ignacio J. Adiego ; with an appendix by Koray Konuk. p. cm. — (Handbook of Oriental studies. Section 1, The Near and Middle East ; v. 86). Includes bibliographical references. ISBN-13 : 978-90-04-15281-6 (hardback) ISBN-10 : 90-04-15281-4 (hardback) 1. Carian language. 2. Carian language—Writing. 3. Inscriptions, Carian—Egypt. 4. Inscriptions, Carian—Turkey—Caria. I. Title. II. P946.A35 2006 491’.998—dc22 2006051655 ISSN 0169-9423 ISBN-10 90 04 15281 4 ISBN-13 978 90 04 15281 6 © Copyright 2007 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill Hotei Publishers, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA.
    [Show full text]
  • Homer's Iliad Via the Movie Troy (2004)
    23 November 2017 Homer’s Iliad via the Movie Troy (2004) PROFESSOR EDITH HALL One of the most successful movies of 2004 was Troy, directed by Wolfgang Petersen and starring Brad Pitt as Achilles. Troy made more than $497 million worldwide and was the 8th- highest-grossing film of 2004. The rolling credits proudly claim that the movie is inspired by the ancient Greek Homeric epic, the Iliad. This was, for classical scholars, an exciting claim. There have been blockbuster movies telling the story of Troy before, notably the 1956 glamorous blockbuster Helen of Troy starring Rossana Podestà, and a television two-episode miniseries which came out in 2003, directed by John Kent Harrison. But there has never been a feature film announcing such a close relationship to the Iliad, the greatest classical heroic action epic. The movie eagerly anticipated by those of us who teach Homer for a living because Petersen is a respected director. He has made some serious and important films. These range from Die Konsequenz (The Consequence), a radical story of homosexual love (1977), to In the Line of Fire (1993) and Air Force One (1997), political thrillers starring Clint Eastwood and Harrison Ford respectively. The Perfect Storm (2000) showed that cataclysmic natural disaster and special effects spectacle were also part of Petersen’s repertoire. His most celebrated film has probably been Das Boot (The Boat) of 1981, the story of the crew of a German U- boat during the Battle of the Atlantic in 1941. The finely judged and politically impartial portrayal of ordinary men, caught up in the terror and tedium of war, suggested that Petersen, if anyone, might be able to do some justice to the Homeric depiction of the Trojan War in the Iliad.
    [Show full text]
  • Monuments, Materiality, and Meaning in the Classical Archaeology of Anatolia
    MONUMENTS, MATERIALITY, AND MEANING IN THE CLASSICAL ARCHAEOLOGY OF ANATOLIA by Daniel David Shoup A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Classical Art and Archaeology) in The University of Michigan 2008 Doctoral Committee: Professor Elaine K. Gazda, Co-Chair Professor John F. Cherry, Co-Chair, Brown University Professor Fatma Müge Göçek Professor Christopher John Ratté Professor Norman Yoffee Acknowledgments Athena may have sprung from Zeus’ brow alone, but dissertations never have a solitary birth: especially this one, which is largely made up of the voices of others. I have been fortunate to have the support of many friends, colleagues, and mentors, whose ideas and suggestions have fundamentally shaped this work. I would also like to thank the dozens of people who agreed to be interviewed, whose ideas and voices animate this text and the sites where they work. I offer this dissertation in hope that it contributes, in some small way, to a bright future for archaeology in Turkey. My committee members have been unstinting in their support of what has proved to be an unconventional project. John Cherry’s able teaching and broad perspective on archaeology formed the matrix in which the ideas for this dissertation grew; Elaine Gazda’s support, guidance, and advocacy of the project was indispensible to its completion. Norman Yoffee provided ideas and support from the first draft of a very different prospectus – including very necessary encouragement to go out on a limb. Chris Ratté has been a generous host at the site of Aphrodisias and helpful commentator during the writing process.
    [Show full text]
  • Hittites and Etruscans
    136 HITTITES AND ETRUSCANS. (though better scholars may modify many of my renderings) is also a very strong argument. I now desire to state the points which seem safe. I. That the Hittites were an Ugro-Altaic people whose language was earest to those of the Finnic group. 2. That their language was agglutinative. 3. That "packets" occur on the texts. 4. That the ideographic values are the same in some case~ as in gyptian. 1 5. That certain comparisons are possible with the earliest known ;cuneiform. ;! 6. That the inscriptions are possibly Talismans in several cases if not in all. What is now needful is the verification of the roots by careful comparative study, which will require some time and labour to accomplish. To this I hope to devote spare time in the future. C. R. CONDER. HITTITES AND ETRUSCANS. THE work which Dr. I~aac Taylor published in 1874, called "Etruscan Researches," was the foundation of a true knowledge of Etruscan lan­ guage. He found that, like the Akkadian-which has been called the Sanskrit of the Turanian languages-Etruscan was an Ugro-Altaic language, closely akin to the Finnic dialects. It is therefore clear that it will assist us in studying what is popularly called Hittite. The Etrus­ cans were akin to the Pelasgi, the Lydians, Lycians and Carians, and the syllabaries of Lycia and Caria are closely related to the Cypriote, which preserves for us the sounds of the Hittite language. The following notes I have put down in reading Dr. Isaac Taylor's book. Page 12.
    [Show full text]
  • Archaeology and History of Lydia from the Early Lydian Period to Late Antiquity (8Th Century B.C.-6Th Century A.D.)
    Dokuz Eylül University – DEU The Research Center for the Archaeology of Western Anatolia – EKVAM Colloquia Anatolica et Aegaea Congressus internationales Smyrnenses IX Archaeology and history of Lydia from the early Lydian period to late antiquity (8th century B.C.-6th century A.D.). An international symposium May 17-18, 2017 / Izmir, Turkey ABSTRACTS Edited by Ergün Laflı Gülseren Kan Şahin Last Update: 21/04/2017. Izmir, May 2017 Websites: https://independent.academia.edu/TheLydiaSymposium https://www.researchgate.net/profile/The_Lydia_Symposium 1 This symposium has been dedicated to Roberto Gusmani (1935-2009) and Peter Herrmann (1927-2002) due to their pioneering works on the archaeology and history of ancient Lydia. Fig. 1: Map of Lydia and neighbouring areas in western Asia Minor (S. Patacı, 2017). 2 Table of contents Ergün Laflı, An introduction to Lydian studies: Editorial remarks to the abstract booklet of the Lydia Symposium....................................................................................................................................................8-9. Nihal Akıllı, Protohistorical excavations at Hastane Höyük in Akhisar………………………………10. Sedat Akkurnaz, New examples of Archaic architectural terracottas from Lydia………………………..11. Gülseren Alkış Yazıcı, Some remarks on the ancient religions of Lydia……………………………….12. Elif Alten, Revolt of Achaeus against Antiochus III the Great and the siege of Sardis, based on classical textual, epigraphic and numismatic evidence………………………………………………………………....13. Gaetano Arena, Heleis: A chief doctor in Roman Lydia…….……………………………………....14. Ilias N. Arnaoutoglou, Κοινὸν, συμβίωσις: Associations in Hellenistic and Roman Lydia……….……..15. Eirini Artemi, The role of Ephesus in the late antiquity from the period of Diocletian to A.D. 449, the “Robber Synod”.……………………………………………………………………….………...16. Natalia S. Astashova, Anatolian pottery from Panticapaeum…………………………………….17-18. Ayşegül Aykurt, Minoan presence in western Anatolia……………………………………………...19.
    [Show full text]
  • Ptolemaic Foundations in Asia Minor and the Aegean As the Lagids’ Political Tool
    ELECTRUM * Vol. 20 (2013): 57–76 doi: 10.4467/20800909EL.13.004.1433 PTOLEMAIC FOUNDATIONS IN ASIA MINOR AND THE AEGEAN AS THE LAGIDS’ POLITICAL TOOL Tomasz Grabowski Uniwersytet Jagielloński, Kraków Abstract: The Ptolemaic colonisation in Asia Minor and the Aegean region was a signifi cant tool which served the politics of the dynasty that actively participated in the fi ght for hegemony over the eastern part of the Mediterranean Sea basin. In order to specify the role which the settlements founded by the Lagids played in their politics, it is of considerable importance to establish as precise dating of the foundations as possible. It seems legitimate to acknowledge that Ptolemy II possessed a well-thought-out plan, which, apart from the purely strategic aspects of founding new settlements, was also heavily charged with the propaganda issues which were connected with the cult of Arsinoe II. Key words: Ptolemies, foundations, Asia Minor, Aegean. Settlement of new cities was a signifi cant tool used by the Hellenistic kings to achieve various goals: political and economic. The process of colonisation was begun by Alex- ander the Great, who settled several cities which were named Alexandrias after him. The process was successfully continued by the diadochs, and subsequently by the follow- ing rulers of the monarchies which emerged after the demise of Alexander’s state. The new settlements were established not only by the representatives of the most powerful dynasties: the Seleucids, the Ptolemies and the Antigonids, but also by the rulers of the smaller states. The kings of Pergamum of the Attalid dynasty were considerably active in this fi eld, but the rulers of Bithynia, Pontus and Cappadocia were also successful in this process.1 Very few regions of the time remained beyond the colonisation activity of the Hellenistic kings.
    [Show full text]
  • Remembering Sappho”
    HELLENIC LINK–MIDWEST Newsletter A CULTURAL AND SCIENTIFIC LINK WITH GREECE No. 113 December 2020–January 2021 EDITORS: Constantine Tzanos, S. Sakellarides http://www.helleniclinkmidwest.org P.O. Box 3, Park Ridge, IL 60068-0003 Upcoming Events lecture titled “Remembering Sappho”. Because of the pandemic, this lecture will be delivered online. Information POSTPONED *** Chicago Greeks at the Turn of on how to join the lecture will be provided separately by the 20th Century *** POSTPONED email and regular mail. On Sunday December 13, 2020, at 3:00 pm, Hellenic Link– Midwest presents Dr. Michael Davros in an online lecture According to one ancient account, Solon, the Athenian poet titled "Chicago Greeks at the Turn of the 20th Century”. and politician credited as the “Father of Democracy,” asked Because of the pandemic, this lecture will be delivered his nephew to teach him a song by Sappho. When someone online. The Zoom link for this webinar is asked Solon why he made this request, he responded “So, https://us02web.zoom.us/j/84783181970, and the webinar once I learn it, I may die.” ID is: 847 8318 1970. Sappho, a lyric poet from the island of Lesbos about 600 Dr. Davros will present archival research on Greeks from BCE, composed poems to and about women that won the their early arrival in the city of Chicago. Greeks played a admiration of contemporary and future poets, historians, significant role in rebuilding the city after the Chicago Fire, philosophers, and artists. This talk places Sappho in her yet confronted many of the same acculturation difficulties time, surveys noteworthy individuals and media influenced faced by all immigrants at the turn of the 20th century.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Article (PDF)
    Miguel Valério University of Barcelona; [email protected] ̔΋ΌЁΙΓΖΒΘΚ and word-initial lambdacism in Anatolian Greek The lexical pair formed by Mycenaean da-pu(2)-ri-to- and later Greek ΦΜΝВΪΤΧΣΩΫ presents a contrast between Linear B d and alphabetical Φ in a position where one would expect to find a similar sound represented. This orthographic inconsistency has been taken as a synchronic fluctuation between /d/ and /l/, both optimal adaptations of what is assumed to be a non- Greek (Minoan) sound in da-pu(2)-ri-to-. In turn, it has been proposed that this “special” and wholly theoretical sound, which according to some suggestions was a coronal fricative, was behind the Linear A d series. Here it is argued that there is actually no evidence that /d/ and /l/ alternated synchronically in Mycenaean Greek, and that therefore the /l-/ of ΦΜΝВΪΤΧΣΩΫ is more likely the result of a later shift. Starting from this premise, it is hypothesized that ΦΜΝВΪΤΧΣΩΫ derives from a form closer to Mycenaean da-pu(2)-ri-to-, an unattested *ΟΜΝВΪΤΧΣΩΫ, that underwent a shift /d-/ > /l-/ in Southern or Western Anatolia. The pro- posed motivation is the influence of some local Anatolian language that prohibited /d/ word- initially. The same development is considered for ΦηίΧ΢ and ΦϲάΥΩΫ, which Hesychius glossed as Pergaean (Pamphylian) forms of standard Greek ΟηίΧ΢ ‘sweet bay’ and ΟϲάΥΩΫ ‘discus, quoit’, and possibly also for the Cimmerian personal name Dugdammê/̥ВΞΟΜ÷ΤΫ. Of course, this hypothesis has implications for our perception of the Linear A d series and certain open questions that concern the Aegean-Cypriot syllabaries.
    [Show full text]
  • EVIDENCE for INFLUENTIAL WOMEN REPRESENTED on INSCRIBED BASES and SCULPTURE on KOS a Thesis Presented
    MONEY, POWER, AND GENDER: EVIDENCE FOR INFLUENTIAL WOMEN REPRESENTED ON INSCRIBED BASES AND SCULPTURE ON KOS A Thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School at the University of Missouri-Columbia In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by NAOMI RUTH KALOUDIS Dr. Susan Langdon, Thesis Supervisor May 2007 © Copyright by Naomi Kaloudis 2007 All Rights Reserved The undersigned, appointed by the dean of the Graduate School, have examined the thesis entitled MONEY, POWER, AND GENDER: EVIDENCE FOR INFLUENTIAL WOMEN REPRESENTED ON INSCRIBED BASES AND SCULPTURE ON KOS presented by Naomi Kaloudis, a candidate for the degree of Master of Arts, and hereby certify that, in their opinion, it is worthy of acceptance. Professor Susan Langdon Professor Kathleen Slane Professor James McGlew I would like to thank my mother, father, and brother for their support and willingness to listen to every word I had to say no matter how trivial for then, now, and the journey still to come.... In my couple years in graduate school I learned to appreciate Socrates’ statement the: ßn o‰da ˜ti oÈd°n o‰da. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank the professors in my thesis committee for all their help throughout this process. I would like to thank Professor Langdon for advising me over the past months. I would like to also thank Professor Slane for her knowledge and input on the Hellenistic period when I was stuck in my research. Finally, I want to thank Professor McGlew for his understanding while I was writing my thesis.
    [Show full text]