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FARAONISCH EGYPTE exactes des personnages représentés3, les stèles relevant avant tout d’une tradition religieuse. La prégnance des croyances FITZENREITER M. — Genealogie — Realität und Fiktion funéraires et du modèle osirien invite parfois à rester prudent von Identität.IBAES (Internet Beiträge zur Ägyptologie sur les interprétations à adopter pour certaines expressions de und Sudanarchäologie vol. 5). Golden House Publica- filiation. Dans ce modèle, la restauration par le fils des monu- tion, Londen, 2005. (29,5 cm XIV, 206). ISBN 0- ments du père (et des autres ancêtres) prend évidemment une 9547218-8-8. £ 25,-. place importante. Le cas fort intéressant de Djéhoutynakht fils de Téti, gouverneur du XVème district de Haute Égypte L’ouvrage présenté ici est la version imprimée des actes (Deir El-Barsha) à la Première Période Intermédiaire est étu- d’un colloque des 4 et 5 juin 2004, publiés également sur diée par M. De Meyer (p. 125-135). L’auteur présente les Internet. On ne peut que se réjouir de cette publication parce nouvelles données fournies par les fouilles de L’Université qu’elle assure la pérennité des articles ainsi rassemblés, ce catholique de Louvain sur le site4. Les neuf textes de restau- que ne permet malheureusement pas toujours la mise en ligne ration dont ce nomarque est l’auteur, répartis dans autant de sur le web. Cet ouvrage revêt un intérêt particulier parce qu’il tombes et deux nécropoles, montrent l’insistance à se ratta- s’agit tout simplement d’une des premières tentatives de ras- cher à une lignée, non pas familiale, puisque la généalogie sembler les données pour une analyse de la notion de généa- du personnage n’est pas connue, mais en rapport avec la logie en Égypte ancienne. Certes, quelques remarques avaient charge qui l’occupe. Si Djéhoutynakht se réfère à ses prédé- été publiées ça et là1, mais elles avaient l’inconvénient de ne cesseurs remontant jusqu’à la fin de l’Ancien Empire, sans porter que sur des périodes limitées ou sur des aspects très d’ailleurs y effectuer la moindre restauration semble-t-il, c’est particuliers de la question. Avec ce recueil, les égyptologues avant tout à des fins de propagande et de légitimation de son bénéficient maintenant d’un outil majeur pour l’analyse du pouvoir de nomarque. Ici déjà, on remarque que le roi n’est fait généalogique2. Chaque article y présente les caractéris- plus le point de référence; c’est la lignée, réelle ou fictive qui tiques du fait généalogique pour une période donnée à tra- prend le relais dans le processus de légitimation du pouvoir vers une documentation spécifique. N’étant pas spécialiste, des fonctionnaires régionaux, ce phénomène se réitérant nous ne saurions nous prononcer en détail sur les articles de durant les autres «Périodes Intermédiaires». Martin Fitzen- Manfred Kropp, Michael Zach, Martin Stohwasser, Claus reiner développe ensuite une étude du contexte social des Schönig concernant la transmission des listes et généalogies stèles familiales de l’Ancien Empire au Nouvel Empire (p. des rois éthiopiens, les généalogies de Jésus dans les évan- 69-96). Lui aussi remarque la difficulté récurrente à identi- giles et les généalogies fictives transmises par une encyclo- fier des liens familiaux précis, qui montre que la notion de pédie turque du XIème siècle. Ces contributions montrent que famille en Égypte n’était pas ce qu’elle est dans notre société la problématique généalogique ne se limite pas au champ occidentale. D’un autre côté, la fonction de ces objets offre égyptologique, mais englobe au contraire l’ensemble des une clé d’interprétation: sacralisant les liens familiaux, elle périodes historiques. C’est surtout à partir des autres contri- sont des références communes à des individus parfois sans butions que l’égyptologue pourra tirer des enseignements de lien réel autre que celui qui les lie avec le propriétaire. Le et sur l’analyse généalogique. groupe familial égyptien était donc très large à la fois agna- Dès l’introduction (p. 1 à 10), Martin Fitzenreiner met en tique et cognatique5. C’est sans doute pour cette raison que avant l’importance de l’étude du fait généalogique pour la le choix du successeur dans la fonction paternelle n’était pas compréhension des évolutions sociales des civilisations systématiquement le fils aîné comme le révèle l’analyse de anciennes. La référence généalogique, qu’elle soit réelle ou certaines sections d’un «Manuel du temple» par J. F. Quack fictive, correspond en effet à la définition d’une place de l’in- (p. 97-102)6. La fonction sacerdotale était transmise au fils dividu dans la société. Ce faisant, l’étude des évolutions du aîné de manière préférentielle, mais pas uniquement, la com- fait généalogique dans la diachronie permet de mieux saisir pétence personnelle constituant un autre critère possible. K. la structure sociale d’un État et ses mutations éventuelles. Il Jansen-Winkeln (p. 137-145) présente quant à lui une ana- est donc à noter que certains de ces articles laissent une part lyse du développement des généalogies à l’époque tardive. non négligeable à l’analyse anthropologique, à commencer Cependant, on ne peut souscrire sans réserves à la théorie de par celui de O. Briese (p. 11-20.), qui s’attache à exposer les l’origine libyenne de ces généalogie longues. Elle apparais- liens entre mythes fondateurs et généalogies. sent certes au moment où des chefs d’origine libyenne mon- La présentation que fait Wolfram Grajetzki (p. 57-68) des tent sur le trône pharaonique, mais elles n’ont-elles pas plu- données généalogiques des nomarques de la Première Période tôt pour origine les changements socio-économiques de la fin Intermédiaire permet de nuancer l’idée selon laquelle les du Nouvel Empire? La mise en place des lignages et sa mani- généalogies n’apparaîtraient qu’à la fin du Nouvel Empire. festation dans des énoncés généalogiques semble découler L’auteur met en évidence la volonté politique des gouver- tant de l’hérédité croissante des fonctions que de l’affaiblis- neurs de Meir des XIème et XIIème dynasties de se relier à leurs sement de l’autorité royale: on tient sa fonction de ses prédécesseurs en remontant jusqu’à la IVème dynastie. D’un ancêtres et moins de la faveur du roi. Ce phénomène n’a, me autre côté, étudiant quelques stèles familiales du Moyen Empire, Grajetzki signale la difficulté à reconstituer les liens 3) On comparera avec l’avis similaire de A. Spalinger, RdE 32, 1980, p. 95-116, étudiant la famille tentaculaire de la reine Noubkhâes. 1) Notamment M. L. Bierbrier, Late New Kingdom Egypt, Warminster, 4) Cf. H. O. Willems et alii, MDAIK 60, 2004, p. 237-283. 1973, p. xiii-xvi, et D. Franke, Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen, 1983, p. 159- 5) C’est à dire indifférenciée: C. Levi-strauss, Les structures élémen- 174 et D. Henige, JEA 67, 1981, p. 182-184 et J. Elias, Coffin Inscription in taires de la parenté, Paris, 1967, p. 120-124; Ch. Ghasarian, Introduction Egypt after the New Kingdom: a Study of Text Production and Use in Elite à l’étude de la parenté, Paris, 1996, p. 64-66 et A. Forgeau, dans A. Bur- Mortuary Preparation, UMI, Chicago, 1993, notamment p. 20-44. guière et alii, Histoire de la famille, Paris, 1986, p. 135-162. 2) Auquel il faudra adjoindre le tout récent recueil M. Campagno (éd.), 6) Pour une présentation générale de ce papyrus, cf. J. Quack, BSFE Studies on Kinship and State in Ancient Egypt, Buenos Aires, 2006. 160, 2004, p. 9-25. 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:35 Pagina 464

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semble-t-il, rien à voir avec l’ethnicité des dirigeants. Étant nswt) 10. Si ces idées semblent bien argumentées, on retirera donné que la plupart des généalogies longues sont le fait de de la lecture l’impression que la documentation est quelque prêtres thébains non Libyens et que les généalogies concer- peu surinterprétée. Étant donné son caractère à la fois lacu- nant ces derniers sont datables de l’extrême fin de la période, naire et obscure11, il semble un peu hasardeux de s’en ser- ils ont bien peu de chance d’en être à l’origine7. La réappa- vir pour prouver la matrilinéarité de la succession koushite12. rition dans cette période troublée de l’attachement généalo- L’originalité du culte dynastique des Lagides13, connu par gique est plus probablement liée à la constitution de lignages les listes d’ancêtres divinisés et par les titres des prêtres-épo- dont la structure est de plus en plus patrilinéaire, apparition nymes, est mise en évidence par F. Herklotze (p. 155-164). qui découle de la crise de l’État centralisé ramesside. Le cas Ce culte, qui allie des éléments égyptiens et grecs se met en de la famille de Ammon de Panopolis, étudié par Frank Feder place progressivement à partir de Ptolémée II Philadelphe (p. 103-107), montre que malgré les changements socio-poli- (prêtres-éponymes), mais des évolutions sont perceptibles tiques importants, cette solidarité familiale pesait encore lourd encore sous Ptolémées IV Philopator (apparition des listes dans les stratégies des élites égyptienne à la fin de l’époque royales dans les temples)14. Surtout, il s’agit essentiellement romaine. de la célébration d’une lignée de couples roi-reine15. Si La légitimation de l’autorité par la référence familiale ou quelques individus isolés et n’ayant pas réellement régné généalogique est moins utilisée par le pharaon, qui, en tant comme Ptolémée Eupatôr, Ptolémée Néos Philopatôr ou que fils et héritier des dieux, n’a que rarement besoin d’une Cléopâtre IV16 y sont intégrés, ce n’est que pour des raisons légitimité terrestre. C’est pourtant par ce moyen que le roi de politique personnelle de leurs successeurs et non d’une unificateur Montouhotep II a cherché à asseoir son pouvoir règle générale. On a là un des éléments de la place originale comme le montre Ludwig D. Morenz (p. 109-124). La réfé- des reines lagides dans l’histoire égyptienne17, que F. Herk- rence à la famille divine (notamment comme dieu-fils de lotze lie de manière plausible à l’ascension du culte isiaque Montou et d’Hathor) y est doublée d’allusions claires à la et à la position particulière d’Arsinoé II. famille terrestre du roi (ses prédécesseurs thébains Antef I, Au détour de ces articles, il apparaît que le fait généalo- II et III). Morenz rejoint donc l’analyse récente de L. Pos- gique, réel ou fictif, prend une importance particulière durant tel, qui voit en Montouhotep II l’initiateur d’une politique les «périodes intermédiaires». Durant ces temps troublés et dynastique, caractérisée par la mise en avant des ancêtres de au profit de la décadence, parfois relative, du pouvoir cen- la lignée, éventuellement quasi-fictifs comme le nomarque tral, la référence royale s’efface devant la sécurité des soli- Antef et le fondateur supposé de la XIème dynastie, Montou- darités familiales. Les puissants lignages qui se constituent hotep Ier, opportunément (et de manière posthume) nommé durant ces périodes ont peut-être constitué un facteur de sta- «L’Ancêtre» (tpy-¨)8. Les modalités de rattachement du roi bilité. En effet, la famille redevient alors à un cadre de réfé- à la famille divine dans les Textes des Pyramides sont étu- rence socio-politique et un instrument de légitimation. diée par C.-B. Arnst (p. 165-172). L’auteur fait notamment L’égyptologie a encore beaucoup à apprendre de l’anthropo- de ce rattachement une «adoption» qui serait marquée par logie familiale et politique, cet ouvrage constitue désormais des rites de passages, tels que la simulation de naissance et pour le chercheur un jalon obligatoire. l’allaitement. Cette position divine du roi égyptien est par- tagée par les autres souverains des grands états de l’Anti- IFAO, Le Caire, Frédéric PAYRAUDEAU quité orientale et c’est peut-être là une explication de l’uti- août 2006 lisation de lien de parenté dans leur correspondance. M. Müller (p. 173-182) présente les termes utilisées aux XIIIème et XIVème siècles avant J.-C. par les rois d’Égypte, de Baby- ** lone, d’Assyrie, du Hatti et des petits états syro-palestiniens. * Il montre que l’utilisation de ces termes entre égaux («frères») ou entre subordonné et suzerain («père») trouve son origine dans l’universalité du modèle familial, mais 11) Notamment, les liens généalogiques exacts des rois de la XXVème qu’elle ne supplante jamais complètement les termes poli- dynastie ne sont pas tous certains et il existe un biais qui consiste à recons- tiques («maître» / «serviteur»). A. Lohwasser (p. 147-154) tituer la famille royale en partant de règles de succession au lieu de partir des liens généalogiques certains pour établir les règles qui ont pu exister. réétudie quant à elle la question complexe des ancêtres d’As- 12) Cf. aussi les remarques de D. Kahn, MittSAG 16, 2005, p. 142-163, pelta mentionnés sur la stèle de ce roi napatéen au Gebel qui en vient à considérer, de façon plutôt convaincante, que la succession Barkal. Comme jadis K.-H. Priese9, elle considère, au vu de koushite, se faisait par primogéniture masculine, parfois altérée par la néces- l’importance des dames royales dans les représentations et sité pratique d’avoir un roi adulte en pleine possession de ses moyens. 13) Cf. déjà H. Hauben, dans Egitto e storia antica dall’ellenismo all’età inscriptions napatéennes, que la structure familiale révélée araba. Atti del Colloquio internazionale, Bologna 1987, Bologne, 1989, p. par la stèle d’Aspelta est fortement matrilinéaire, les droits 441-467. au trône passant à tous les fils issus des sœurs royales (snt 14) Cf. aussi, abondamment cité par l’auteur, M. Minas, Die hierogly- phischen Ahnenreihen der ptolemäischen Könige: ein Vergleich mit den Titeln der eponymen Priester in den demotischen und griechischen Papyri, Mainz am Rhein, 2000. 7) Cf. Fr. Payraudeau, Administration, société et pouvoir à Thèbes sous 15) Les conclusions de Herklotze rejoignent bien celles de E. Winter, la 22ème dynastie, à paraître, p. 145-148. «Derr Herrscherkult in den ägyptischen Ptolemäertempeln», dans Das pto- 8) Cf. L. Postel, Protocole des souverains egyptiens et dogme monar- lemäische Ägypten, Mayence, 1978, p. 147-160. chique au debut du Moyen Empire.Des premiers Antef au début du règne 16) M. Chauveau, BIFAO 90, 1990, p. 135-158 et dans W. Clarysse et d’Amenemhat Ier (MRE 10), Bruxelles, 2004, p. 7-54 notamment p. 25 et alii (éd.), Egyptian Religion. The Last Thousand Years. Studies Dedicated 53-54. to the Memory of Jan Quaegebeur, II, Louvain, 1998, p. 1263. 9) K. -H. Priese, ZÄS 108, 1981, p. 49. 17) Sur la place particulière des reines lagides, cf. les remarques de G. 10) A. Lohwasser avait déjà développé ces idées dans un autre article: Hölbl sur les reines régnantes dans S. V. Bonacasa et alii (éd.), Faraoni A. Lohwasser, BzS 7, 2000, p. 85-102. Pour Priese (cf. note précédente), le come dei, Tolomei come Faraoni. Atti del V° Congresso internazionale droit au trône passait uniquement aux fils de la sœur aînée. italo-egiziano, Turin, 2003, notamment p. 90-95. 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:35 Pagina 465

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QUIRKE, S. — Egyptian Literature 1800 BC questions and framed by a dramatic narrative.” Moreover, he suggests that readings. (GHP Egyptology 2). Golden House Publica- the social dynamic of the piece has been misrepresented by tions, London, 2004. (29,5 cm, 226). ISBN 0-9547218- modern translators, who have missed the sharp division 6-1. £30,-. between oasis dweller/nomad and settled farmer of the Nile Valley. Quirke (p. 151) has translated s ty as “marsh- Collections of English language translations of Egyptian Ì dweller,” which makes sense; s t means the countryside as literary texts have come a long way over the last 30 or 40 Ì opposed to the town (n wt), but could be either field or years; this collection of readings by Stephen Quirke breaks í marshland. Quirke’s title “The Tale and Laments of Khun- new ground by including transliterations along with the Eng- inpu” indicates some equivocation as to the genre of the lish translations. The inclusion of the Egyptian language in piece, but combinations of genres within literary works are transliteration means readers have a clear expression of the common in ancient Egyptian literature. ancient Egyptian vocabulary behind the translations.1 Col- The Egyptian genre of sbyt or “teaching” is a bit lections of English translations of Egyptian literature have unwieldy covering traditional wisdom literature in the bibli- typically been addressed to a general audience, most of whom cal sense, royal testaments or exhortations to loyalty, and were not expected to have any familiarity with the ancient such didactic pieces as found in the Onomastica and Egypt- Egyptian language itself. Of note are the 1927 translation by ian miscellany texts. Quirke’s division of Ptahhotep, A Man Aylward Blackman of Adolf Erman’s Die Literatur der of His Son, and the Loyalist Instruction as didactic, versus (1923), that was reissued as late as 1966 with an Aegypter Merikare, the Satire of the Trades, and Amenemhat I as introduction by William Kelly Simpson, and The Literature reflective is a useful categorization of subgenres (cf. Parkin- of Ancient Egypt: An Anthology of Stories, Instructions and son 1997 p. 8). Quirke lists the Satire of the Trades under the edited by William Kelly Simpson, which first Poetry name of its author, Duau Khety, as does Parkinson (1997), appeared in 1972 and is now in a third expanded edition though Quirke (p. 31) notes that the whole notion of “author” (2003). Closely following the first appearance of the Simp- may have been different in ancient Egypt than today.3 son anthology, Miriam Lichtheim began publication of a Quirke’s final category of Middle Kingdom literature, lamen- three volume work entitled Ancient Egyptian Literature tations, is also used in the recent anthology edited by W.K. which divided the material into three chronological divisions: Simpson (2003). The pessimistic literature often associated 1. Old and Middle Kingdom (1973), 2. New Kingdom with the First Intermediate Period, however, has been cate- (1976), and 3. Late Period (1980). Thereafter, collections of gorized differently by other anthologists. Lichtheim (1973) texts from particular periods and genres have regularly has considered such texts as the Admonitions of Ipuwer and appeared. Of special importance for Middle Kingdom litera- the Prophecies of Neferty as didactic, whereas Parkinson ture are the anthologies of R.B. Parkinson, Voices from (1997) has positioned them as discourses ( ). (1991) and mdwt Ancient Egypt The Tale of Sinuhe and Other Following the 100 plus pages of well preserved literary (1997).2 Ancient Egyptian Poems 1940-1640 BC texts, Quirke presents some 33 pages of less well-preserved The fourteen substantially preserved literary compositions examples from the same categories as above, but organized of the Middle Kingdom are categorized by Quirke into four according to whether a) the beginning of the text is preserved, genres: 1) tales; 2) didactic teachings (dominated by the b) the end of the text is preserved, or c) neither the beginning imperative); 3) reflective teachings (dominated by the nor end is preserved. Prominent among these fragmentary descriptive mode); and 4) laments. The three examples of texts are examples from Lahun, on which Quirke has been narrative (Simpson) or prose (Lichtheim) tales are standard, working.4 Finally, though considered at the “boundaries of but Quirke has assigned them new titles. The Story of Sin- literature” (Quirke p. 199), the Hymn to the Nile and the uhe is entitled “Tale of the Exile of Sanehat;” a more up- Hymns to Senusret III are presented. If literature is defined to-date vocalization of the protagonist’s name is used. The in terms of functionality or the lack thereof (Quirke p. 25), Shipwrecked Sailor has been more correctly dubbed “The then hymns, which may have been used in rituals or cere- Shipwrecked Official;” we know the protagonist by his title monies, do not necessarily qualify. (retainer) and there is good evidence that he was a smsw Quirke introduces each genre with a brief definition in royal official who was a passenger on a ship, rather than a which he includes any parallels that he has noted with Ara- crew member or “sailor.” No standard title has been devel- bic literature, principally through his reading of R. Allen’s oped for the work preserved in Papyrus Westcar, called by (2000). Readers should Quirke “Tales of Wonder at the Court of King Khufu.” An Introduction to Arabic Literature note that references to this work can be confusing; “Allen Whereas other anthologists have classified “The Eloquent 2000” as a citation usually refers to the work of R. Allen Peasant” as a narrative tale (Parkinson 1997 and Simpson noted above, but at times (e.g. Quirke p. 9) refers to James 2003) or even as didactic (Lichtheim 1973), Quirke (p. 151) Allen’s has interpreted this work as a “cycle of nine laments … Middle Egyptian: An Introduction to the Language and Culture of Hieroglyphs (2000). Since both books are in Quirke’s bibliography, they should be distinguished in the parenthetical references; both are cited as Allen 2000. Fur- 1) Quirke includes a number of relevant discussions of ancient Egypt- ther points of comparison between Egyptian and Arabic lit- ian vocabulary, such as ss “scribe” but perhaps emphasizing accounting erature are noted in connection with individual texts, but it is skills as much as writing (Quirke p. 46) and Ìm frequently translated as “Majesty,” but rendered by Quirke (p. 7) as “Power.” Since other terms, for example bw, are also glossed as “power,” I prefer the suggestion by Allen Middle Egyptian: An Introduction to the Language and Culture of 3) A more poetic and descriptive title is that provided by Foster Ancient Hieroglyphs (2000) p. 31 to render Ìm as “Incarnation.” Egyptian Literature (2001), namely “Instruction for Little Pepi on His Way 2) Quirke p. 166 also notes that a comprehensive listing of Middle King- to School.” dom literature with bibliography is provided by R. Parkinson Poetry and 4) See M. Collier and S. Quirke The UCL Lahun Papyri. Letters (2002) Culture in Middle Kingdom Egypt: A dark side to perfection (2002). and Literary, Legal, Mathematical and Medical (2004). 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:35 Pagina 466

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unfortunate that none of the analogies are fully developed. have been changed. Quirke (p. 39) notes that “periodisation Even these brief notes help correct the perception of Egyp- establishes accurate sight-lines for research” and a narrower tology as an orientalist discipline and remind us of how much focus on the Middle Kingdom would be justified. Though modern Egypt and Arabic language and literature can con- oral tradition is mentioned by Quirke (p. 36), it is not given tribute to Egyptology.5 enough emphasis as the background against which the flow- For each text Quirke is careful to present the extant sources ering of written literature in the Middle Kingdom should be and copies preserved, as well as the published sources from viewed. As writing and literacy were developed in the Pro- which he worked. Transliterations and translations have been todynastic and Early Dynastic periods of Egyptian history, thoughtfully divided into lines, with the transliterations on there was a gradual expansion through to the end of the Old the left and the translations on the right. The transliterations Kingdom or First Intermediate Period. By the Middle King- follow the traditional Anglo-American style of Gardiner’s dom, however, we have evidence for a more fully literate grammar (not the German style used in Allen’s Middle Egypt- society.7 Against this background, situations such as the ian). Each text has been carefully divided into numbered sec- preservation of literary manuscripts from a Middle Kingdom tions of various lengths, but if there are sections in the texts tomb at the Ramesseum or the Middle Kingdom authors written in red ink (indicated by bold type, cf. Quirke p. 7), immortalized in Papyrus Chester Beatty 4 (British Museum these form the beginning of a section. It is annoying that sec- EA 10684 and translated by Quirke on pp. 33-34) attest to tions of translations are not ended by a period and that new the growing power of the written word in ancient Egypt. lines, even in the middle of a sentence, often begin with cap- It seems unlikely, given the strength of oral tradition, to ital letters. Translations of 2nd tense forms are not explicitly expect that any “large ancient Egyptian library” (Quirke p. indicated, as for example in the Tale of Sanehat (Quirke p. 14) even existed in the Middle Kingdom. It is uncertain just 59) where for a phrase such as “The envoys found him on how the pr m∂t or “house of books” should be interpreted. the road, And (sic) had reached him at the time of dusk,” I Almost surely it would not conform to a modern definition8 would have preferred something like “It was on the road that of a “library” as “a collection of materials organized to pro- messengers found him. It was at the time of night that they vide physical, bibliographical, and intellectual access to a tar- reached him.” The line after this (Berlin 10499 lines 20-21) get group, with a staff that is trained to provide services and I would have transliterated n sp sín.n.f rs-sy vs. Quirke’s n programs related to the needs of the target group.” In addi- sp sínn.f r-ssy, but such differences are a matter of interpre- tion to the pr m∂t at Edfu noted by Quirke (p. 14) as the tation. only surviving example, there is another preserved at the The larger Readings section of Quirke’s work is prefaced Temple of Isis at Philae,9 clearly labeled pr m∂t pw n(y)† by a shorter Questions section, which raises the following Sst wrt “It is the house of books of the great (lady) four questions about Egyptian literature of the Middle Seshat.”10 Closer to the modern conception of a library may Kingdom: be another ancient Egyptian institution known as the pr ¨nÌ 11 1. Survival – how does literature survive from 1800 BC? or “house of life.” 2. Definition – what is literature 1800 BC? There is one major typographical error in the book. On p. 3. Authoring – how is literature composed 1800 BC? 31 we read “Laments and Tales may begin ‘There was a man 4. Reception – how is literature received 1800 BC? called N’ (Khuninpu, Neferpesdet), or with the);” this sen- tence is not in the website, but context indicates that it should These discussions derive from the content of the “Digital end with something like “or with the phrase ∂d.ín ‘then said’ Egypt for Universities” website www.digitalegypt.ucl.ac.uk. (Shipwrecked Official and Papyrus Westcar).” The context of the website is broader than that of the book; As the title suggests, Quirke’s work is limited precisely a website reader must click on communication, then language to raising some very pertinent questions about ancient and writing, then on separate sections for literature and Egyptian literature and providing a set of examples of this libraries. There are elements of the website that cannot be literature through a series of readings, defining through lit- adequately reproduced in print, such as the audio examples 6 erary warrant the scope of Middle Kingdom literature, orga- of spoken ancient Egyptian. The graphics and illustrations nized in a set of categories both mutually exclusive and col- of the website are also missing in the printed work. The order lectively exhaustive. Quirke’s (p. 47) suggestion for further in the book is straightforward and progressive; it is not the research on literacy in ancient Egypt by identifying order that many, if any, readers would use on the website. For example, once one clicks on (Ancient Egyptian) Litera- ture, the first subtopic is “Definition of literature” and then the second is “List of surviving compositions in Middle 7) For orality and literacy in Ancient Egypt see especially C. Eyres and Egyptian;” the sections on authors and reception are mixed J. Baines “Interactions between Orality and Literacy in Ancient Egypt” pp. 91-119 in Literacy and Society edited by Karen Schousboe and Mogens with other sections on language and writing materials. Trolle Larsen (1989) and Donald B. Redford “Scribe and Speaker” pp. 145- The website focuses on ancient Egypt as a whole, but the 218 in Writings and Speech in Israelite and Ancient Near Eastern Prophecy book is specifically limited to the Middle Kingdom, ca. 1800 edited by E.B. Zvi and M.H. Floyd (2000). BC; however, the discussion on the questions raised is much 8) ALA Glossary of Library and Information Science 1983 p. 130 9) See Porter and Moss Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egypt- the same in the two sources, only the headings in the book ian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings VI p. 221 and Günther Burkard “Bibliotheken im alten Ägypten” Bibliothek 4 (1980) pp. 85 and 102, both citing Berlin photo 856 for the text. 5) Examples of this would be Nicole Hansen’s use of modern Egyptian 10) Seshat is the goddess of writing, often referred to as nbt pr m∂t, wedding songs as the basis for a new interpretation of the ancient Egypt- “mistress of the house of books” and this epithet also appears after the ian “love poetry” (presented at ARCE 2005) and the work of A.M. Bakir name of a principally New Kingdom form of Seshat, Sefkhet-abwy. Notes on Late Egyptian Grammar (1983). 11) On the possible influence of the House of Life on the Alexandrian 6) But note the pronunciation guide given on Quirke p. 56, where library see my “The Oriental Origins of the Alexandrian Library” Libri transliterated Egyptian is rendered phonetically in English characters. v.43 no. 2 (1993) pp. 142-172. 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:35 Pagina 467

487 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 488

“observable internal differentiation within officialdom in might have taken place. In the next and longest chapter (p. each age for which literary manuscripts are attested” is a 16-80) Quack examines the narrative texts in considerable good one. The questions raised in Quirke’s work cry out for detail. After some introductory comments on the structure, answers, or at least further investigation, and his transla- style, literary devices, central themes, protagonists, locations tions cry out for explanations and further commentary. and dating of the stories, he discusses in turn each of the sur- Hopefully, Stephen Quirke will continue to address these viving narratives. These are ordered chronologically, accord- topics and provide us with a second expanded edition of this ing to the period in which the story is set. While the author work in due time. stresses that this arrangement is purely for practical reasons and that the presence of individual rulers or historical figures University of Toronto Steven Blake SHUBERT cannot be taken as an indication of when the story was actu- Toronto, Canada ally composed, it does allow an understanding to be reached July 2006 of which characters and which periods were uppermost in the literary mind. It also avoids any need to try and provide a dating framework based upon the vexed questions of palaeog- ** raphy, content and language, any conclusions from which * would, in the current state of research and with so many unpublished manuscripts, be rather premature and subject to QUACK, J.F. — Einführung in die altägyptische Lite- revision. Each of the principal narratives of Demotic litera- raturgeschichte III. Die demotische und gräko-ägyptische ture is discussed in turn, in some cases accompanied by Literatur. (Einführungen und Quellentexte zur Ägyp- extensive quotations from the works concerned. Particular tologie - Band 3). LIT Verlag, Münster, 2005. (23,5 cm, attention is, accordingly, given to the Setne Stories (p. 30- XII, 200). ISBN 3-8258-8222-5. / 19,90. 42), the Inaros-Petubastis Cycle (p. 44-61) and the more- An exemplary edition of two of the masterpieces of recently published selection of tales associated with Petese Demotic literature appeared over a century ago,1 and other son of Petetum (p. 69-74). Quack does not, however, limit major literary papyri, often of considerable length, have himself to the main texts but extends his analysis to other, been published since then.2 Despite this it is only compara- often only fragmentary, narratives. These include P. Saqqâra tively recently that any serious work of synthesis or analy- 2 (p. 26-27, possibly set in the time of Badja of Dynasty 2), sis has been devoted to the Demotic material,3 which stands an expedition of Pharaoh Djoser and his famous vizier in sharp contrast to the attention that has been given to the Imhotep to Assyria (p. 27), P. Tebtunis Tait 7 (p. 27-28, literature of the earlier periods. In this book Quack sets out where Hordjedef is mentioned), P. Wien D 62 vo (p. 29, set to redress the balance. After noting that the amount of liter- probably in the reign of Thutmosis III), Naneferkasokar and ary material in the Demotic script is greater than that of the the Babylonians (p. 42-43, Dynasty 25), P. Berlin 13588 (p. earlier periods put together, he examines in turn each of the 62, Dynasty 26), Amasis and the Sailor (p. 63), P. Saqqâra 8 different categories that can be classified as “literary”. His and 9 (p. 63, possibly Dynasty 27), the recently-discovered focus is on the Demotic material but he makes the valid Demotic text of the Dream of Nectanebo (p. 64-65) and a point that any analysis of the texts also needs to include the number of other texts from the EES excavations in the Mem- Graeco-Egyptian literature; for several of these papyri are phite Necropolis (p. 74-78). As well as published papyri, certainly, or very likely to be, translations from the Egypt- Quack also highlights some of the stories that are to be found ian language (often of texts that have not otherwise sur- in unpublished texts, drawing on both his own familiarity vived) and, in other cases, are surely influenced by the with the material and the preliminary remarks of other schol- indigenous literature. ars. In particular, there is a story concerning Pharaoh Amen- The book opens with some general remarks on the length emhet and Prince Sesostris (p. 28), P. Carlsberg 75, where of the texts, the occasional use of literary devices such as sen- Nubian leaders are ruling in Egypt (p. 44), the Bes Narrative tence markers and verse points, colophons, the information (p. 46), the Story of Nachthorshena (p. 61, late Libyan that we have, or that can be gleaned, about the provenance Period) and the Tale of Hor son of Punesh (p. 62, probably of the texts (and, in particular, the importance of the mater- Dynasty 26), which is also known from an Aramaic text of ial from Tebtynis and Soknopaiou Nesos), the rare examples the Persian Period. As well as describing the contents of the of literary ostraca, possibly school exercises, and some inter- individual narratives Quack also seeks to place them in their esting thoughts on the audience for whom the texts were historical and cultural setting, paying particular attention to intended, whether they were read or recited and where this the controversial topic of the extent of the influence of Greek literature on the Demotic material (and vice-versa), both gen- erally and in the context of individual stories. The analysis 1) F. Ll. Griffith, Stories of the High Priests of Memphis. The Sethon of of Demotic literature, however, is not confined to texts writ- Herodotus and the Demotic Tale of Khamuas, 2 vols, Oxford, 1900 (vol- ten in the Demotic script. Particular attention is, accordingly, ume 1 reprinted Osnabrück, 1985). 2) Cf. M. Depauw, A Companion to Demotic Studies (Papyrologica given to P. Vandier, composed in the Demotic language, Bruxellensia 28), Bruxelles, 1997, p. 86-103. albeit with the presence of some older forms, but written in 3) One notable exception is F. Hoffmann, Ägypten Kultur und hieratic (p. 65-69). He also notes two probable examples of Lebenswelt in griechisch-römischer Zeit: eine Darstellung nach den demo- narrative texts in abnormal-hieratic (both currently being pre- tischen Quellen (Studienbücher Geschichte und Kultur der Alten Welt), Berlin, 2000. The systematic publication of the vast collection of papyri pared for publication, p. 42 and p. 73). Quack also includes from Tebtynis in the Carsten Niebuhr Institute of Near Eastern Studies in those texts that are written in Greek or Aramaic, but which Copenhagen, “The Carlsberg Papyri”, under the direction of Kim Ryholt, may well be translations from Demotic originals, e.g. the has made a major contribution to our understanding of Demotic literature Sesostris/Sesonchosis stories (p. 28-29), a tale about by significantly increasing the range and number of manuscripts available for study. Amenophthis (p. 29-30, the name is partially in lacuna but it 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:35 Pagina 468

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is probably to be identified with one of the Pharaohs Amen- the story and discusses the nature of the text (p. 128-140). hotep of Dynasty 18), the Alexander Romance (p. 65), P. While he does not hesitate to give a detailed description of Michigan inv. 3378 (p. 80) and in Aramaic the text on the some of the fables, he also makes the point that these are only tomb wall in a cave in the vicinity of Sheikh Fadl (p. 44). one part of the complex discourse, not its raison d’être. The In the following chapter on poetry, Quack warns first Myth of the Sun’s Eye has survived in at least seven Demotic against a too-hasty judgement on the distinction between reli- papyri (as well as a Greek version), but for the Book of Thoth gious and “secular” poetry, as some texts classified as we have over 40 manuscripts, marking it clearly as one of the belonging to the latter category may, in fact, allude to the most important texts from the milieu of the temples in the feasting that took place at certain religious festivals. The Greek and Roman Periods (one, extensive, manuscript is emphasis on drunkenness and debauchery in some of the assigned by the editors to the 1st Century BCE; the others are poems may be a true reflection of actual dissolute behaviour placed in the Roman Period). The Book of Thoth (p. 140- (cf. what Herodotus, II.60, had to say about the festival at 142) is a discourse between “the-one-who-loves-wisdom” Bubastis). The texts discussed in this section include the and the god Thoth, who is provided with a variety of epithets, Hymns to Amun at the end of P. Rylands IX (p. 81-82), the and the focus of the work is on the value of scribal, schol- vilification of the Harpist (p. 83-85), the extraordinary P. arly and theological knowledge and the provision of this to Carlsberg 69, which appears to combine extremes of deca- the aspiring student. Quack provides a helpful summary of dent behaviour with complex theological overtones, set some of the main episodes and draws attention to the clear against the backcloth of a festival of drunkenness in honour similarities in form and structure (and the presence of “Thoth, of Bastet (p. 85-87; the publication by Quack and Hoffmann the Thrice Great”) with the later Hermetic literature.4 Also is in preparation), “the mockery of women” (p. 88), a frag- discussed in this chapter are a complicated text written in the mentary text in Berlin of a Harpist’s song that extols the plea- hieratic script but in the language of Middle Egyptian and sures of life on earth (p. 88-89; cf. the description of the ban- provided with an early Demotic translation (P. BM EA quet in Herodotus II.78), sections of the Myth of the Sun’s 69574; p. 142-143), another not-yet-fully-understood text in Eye (p. 91) and certain texts from the Archive of Hor (p. 91- which an unnamed (at least in the surviving fragments) 92), as well as the well-known Isis Aretalogy (p. 89-90; this Pharaoh is in discussion with Imhotep (p. 143-144), two is written in Greek, but is very likely to be a translation of a episodes from the Krugtexten (p. 144-146), two badly-pre- Demotic original), certain hymns to the gods that are written served extracts on the back of the Demotic Chronicle (p. 146- in hieroglyphs on the temple-walls but in the Demotic lan- 147) and some fragmentary papyri. guage (p. 92), the Graeco-Demotic Moschion Stela (p. 92- The chapter on “prophecy” begins with the question of 93) and some fragmentary unpublished papyri. definition and classification of the genre and whether the In the chapter on wisdom literature, Quack examines the Egyptian texts can be termed “eschatological” (which Quack texts in turn, noting in particular the differences in structure, concludes they should not be — in the strict sense of the order and content that are to be found when a text is repre- word). The question of why these documents originated is sented by more than one manuscript (i.e. P. Insinger and P. addressed and their relatively-restricted number discussed Carlsberg 2). Considerable attention is devoted to the struc- (there are only a limited number of texts and, with the excep- ture and individual sections of the principal texts, e.g. P. tion of the Greek Oracle of the Potter, these are each only Insinger (p. 96-107), P. Brooklyn 47.218.135 (p. 107-110, attested in one manuscript). The principal texts that are both hieratic script but predominately Demotic language) and described and analysed include a fragmentary Aramaic Chasheshonqi (p. 111-119), and to the various themes that papyrus of the 5th Century, which is probably a translation are discernible in each of the texts. He compares the struc- from the Demotic (p. 150), the Lamb of Bokchoris (p. 150- ture of the Demotic material with texts from earlier periods 152), the Oracle of the Potter (p. 152-154), the Demotic and addresses the possibility of foreign influence on the Chronicle (p. 155-159) and a recently-published fragmentary Demotic texts (p. 95, 105-107 and 118-121), accepting the text from Tebtynis (p. 159-160). The penultimate chapter is likelihood of influence from the Aramaic Wisdom of Ahiqar concerned with those texts which could, perhaps, be classi- (which was, of course, also translated into Demotic, p. 120- fied as “semi-literary”, but which should not be categorised 121), but finding the arguments for Greek influence much as “literary” in the strictest sense, or which are difficult to less compelling. Other texts that are brought into the discus- interpret. Here are discussed the Petition of Petese (p. 162- sion include the Greek narrative of Tinouphis (p. 121; pub- 166, which despite its narrative style and content Quack lished in the Fs. Turner), which may be an adaptation/trans- rightly defines as non-literary, drawing particular attention to lation of an Egyptian original, P. Louvre N 2414 and other the fact that it was found in a family archive with eight other texts from the Memphite Necropolis (p. 121-123) and P. Ash- purely legal documents), one of the more obscure texts from molean 1984.77 (p. 123-124), as well as some fragmentary the Krugtexten (p. 166-167), selected examples from the papyri. Quack also provides a brief description of the unpub- Medinet Madi ostraca (p. 168-169) and the Late Demotic lished P. Oxy. Inv. 79/103-104 (p. 126-127). This text Gardening Agreement (p. 169-170, which Quack thinks may appears to share certain characteristics with what the ancient be a school exercise made deliberately complicated to edu- writers tell us about the teaching methods of Pythagoras, who cate the trainee scribe on all possibilities that he may is, of course, reputed to have been the beneficiary of instruc- encounter in his working life, although he does not rule out tion from the Egyptian priesthood. The two texts that are the focus of the rather-difficult-to- define category of “discursive and dialogic” are the Myth of 4) The Book of Thoth had not been published when Quack wrote his the Sun’s Eye and the Book of Thoth. After some initial com- manuscript, but the editors provided him with information about it; cf. R. ments on the structure of Mythus, Quack describes the prin- Jasnow — K.-Th. Zauzich, The Ancient Egyptian Book of Thoth: A Demotic Discourse on Knowledge and Pendant to the Classical Hermetica, 2 vols, cipal episodes, themes and fables that are contained within Wiesbaden, 2005. 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:35 Pagina 469

491 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 492

that it might also be a deliberate parody), as well as a few Oriental Studies der Oxford University approbierte Disserta- other enigmatic texts. tion über den Text auf dem Recto des pLeiden I 344 zurück, In the concluding chapter Quack turns again to one of the der in der Ägyptologie überwiegend unter dem modernen basic questions that he addressed in the different sections Kurztitel „Admonitions“ bekannt ist. throughout the book and which he himself notes has become Das genannte Betreuerverhältnis spiegelt sich deutlich the dominant issue in the study of Demotic literature today, erkennbar in der formalen Anlehnung an PARKINSONs Edition namely the extent of foreign influence on the Demotic mate- des „Beredten Bauern“ (Oxford, 1991) wieder — ein Punkt, rial. He recognises the likelihood of this in a limited number der in der Notwendigkeit einer relativen formalen Verein- of instances (in particular Setne II, the Amazon episode from heitlichung ägyptologischer Texteditionen durchaus positiv the Inaros-Petubastis Cycle and the Wisdom of Ahiqar), but zu sehen ist. Auch die neue Edition des pLeiden I 344 recto in other cases, while accepting there may have been areas of ist in (I) „Introduction“, (II) „Abbreviations and Referen- contact and convergence, rightly asks about the extent of ces“, (III) „Hieroglyphic Transcription and Notes“, sowie influence in the other direction, i.e. from the Egyptian (par- einem Tafelteil (IV) gegliedert, wobei speziell die in (I) ent- ticularly taking into account the clear presence of Greek haltenen Abschnitte „the manuscript and publication translations of Egyptian texts). He also emphasises the need history“, „provenance“,„decription“ sowie „dating of the to consider whether, given the many similarities in interests manuscript“ wertvolle Neuinformationen zur Erwerbsge- and concerns, there could have developed, alongside the cul- schichte und mutmaßlichen Herkunft des pLeiden I 344 lie- tural contact, a commonality in modes of thought and expres- fern. sion within the intellectual milieu across the Near East and Die inhaltliche Trennung zwischen einer Literaturliste zur the Mediterranean. In any case, irrespective of the degree of Bearbeitungsgeschichte seit GARDINERs editio princeps cross-cultural interaction, Demotic literature clearly devel- („research since 1909“) und einer Referenzbibliographie oped out of the Egyptian literary tradition, although in so („Abbreviations and Reverences“) hält sich zwar an PAR- doing it created its own identity, which is no doubt also a KINSONs Vorgabe, erweist sich jedoch für den Benutzer zum reflection of the significantly-changed environment that pre- einen wegen der alphabetischen Ordnung zum anderen wegen vailed in the later periods of Egyptian history. The signifi- der ohnehin recht überschaubaren Zahl an Einträgen beider cance of Dynasty 26 as the formative period in the develop- Bibliographien letztlich als unpraktisch — zumal auch die ment of this literature is perhaps greater than has generally Auswahl der Referenzen für die „research“-Liste nicht been realised. immer nachvollziehbar ist. Zahlreiche für den Bearbeitungs- The book concludes with an extensive bibliography and und Verständnisprozess des Textes relevante Beiträge blei- detailed indices covering texts discussed (Egyptian, Greek, ben ungenannt (z.B. FEDERN, in: ZÄS 93, 1966, 55-56; Akkadian, Hebrew, Aramaic and Indian), divine names, royal SCHOTT, in: GM 13, 1974, 29-30, JUNGE, in: WdO 7, names, personal names, place names, literary/poetic terms 1973/74, 267-73; ders., in: Fs Otto, 1977, 275-84; and general topics. In a short review like this it is not possi- GUGLIELMI, SAK 11, 1984, 347-64; LOPRIENO, Topos und ble to give an adequate reflection of the clear and balanced Mimesis, 1988, insbes. 36, 43f., 50; BUCHBERGER, in: WdO discussion with which Quack approaches these often very 20-21, 1989-90, 11-13 und 24f., ders., Transformation und complex texts. In his meticulous examination of the material Transformat, 1993, 363-65 und QUACK, Lehre für Merikare, he provides an excellent analysis of the wealth of informa- 1992, 87f., ders., in: LingAeg 3, 1993, 59-79). Andere tion that is to be found within Demotic literature and the Werke, die kaum produktiv oder nachhaltig auf die For- issues that need to be addressed in future research. It was a schung eingewirkt haben (beispielsweise die Übersetzungs- pleasure to read this most interesting book. vorschläge von M. GILULA, Does God exist, in: Fs. Polotsky, 1981, 390-400), wurden dagegen aufgenommen. Insgesamt London, July 2006 Cary J. MARTIN bietet die „research“-Liste damit einen wenig repräsentati- ven Überblick über den bisherigen Arbeitsprozess am pLei- den I 344 recto und ist daher von eingeschränktem prakti- ** schen Nutzen. Eine Abweichung von der formalen Vorlage * PARKINSONs und Anpassung an die Ansprüche des editierten Textes wäre hier angebracht gewesen. ENMARCH, R. (ed.) — The Dialogue of Ipuwer and the Lord Da sich der Quellenbestand zu den nach of All. (Griffith Institute Publications). Oxbow Books, „Admonitions“ wie vor auf den Papyrus Leiden I 344 recto beschränkt, arbei- Oxford 2005. (29,5 cm, 84). ISBN 0-900416-86-6. tet ENMARCH in dem Abschnitt „Hieroglyphic Transcription Es ist noch nicht allzu lange her, dass L. MORENZ in sei- and Notes“ auf derselben Materialbasis, die schon GARDI- nem Beitrag „Geschichte als Literatur“ (in: J. ASSMANN und NERs (1909) und HELCKs (1995) Edition zugrunde lag. Die E. BLUMENTHAL (Hrsg.), Literatur und Politik, 1999, 111, Umschrift der noch erhaltenen 17 Kolumnen ist optisch Anm. 1) den Mangel einer „umfassenden Neubearbeitung“ ansprechend und dank des klaren Hieroglyphen-Fonts gut der „Admonitions of an Egyptian Sage“ beklagte. Diese nachvollziehbar. Die modernen technischen Möglichkeiten sollte neben einer kritischen Textausgabe auch die schon von ausschöpfend stattet der Verfasser die einzelnen Kommen- FECHT (Vorwurf an Gott, 1972, 5) zur Publikation angekün- tare und Lesungsvorschläge großzügig mit Faksimiles aus. digten Infrarot-Photographien des pLeiden I 344 recto ent- Die Einsicht der Originale im Museum Leiden sowie die halten. Zumindest in Teilen behebt die hier besprochene Neu- von ihm herangezogenen Infrarot- und Tageslicht-Photogra- erscheinung dieses dringende Desiderat. phien ermöglichen es dem Verfasser, einige bislang fragliche „The Dialogue of Ipuwer and the Lord of All“ geht auf Lesungen zu klären. Bei den weiterhin zahlreichen Problem- eine unter Leitung von Prof. J. BAINES (Oxford) und Prof. stellen des Papyrus orientiert sich ENMARCH überwiegend an R.B. PARKINSON (London) entstandene und an der Faculty of den Rekonstruktionsvorschlägen GARDINERs (1909). 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:36 Pagina 470

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Entsprechend der Gesamtausrichtung der Publikation ver- Lies . zichtet der Verfasser auf jegliche inhaltliche oder philologi- 6.2 sche Diskussion im Sinne einer kritischen Edition des pLei- 6.3 Lies . den I 344 recto. Gemäß dem offensichtlichen Ziel, der Forschung eine neue grundlegende Textausgabe und damit 6.6 Lies . eine Basis für philologische und inhaltliche Diskussionen zu 7.9 Rubrum zu weit gezogen. liefern, beschränkt sich der Verfasser darauf, den aktuellen 8.8 Lies . Ist-Zustandes des Textes in Form einer hieroglyphischen Transkription zu präsentieren. Insofern verzichtet ENMARCH 9.3 Zu und vgl. Kommentar 3.10c. auch darauf, weitreichende Textergänzungen — wie sie etwa Lies . der HELCK’schen Edition (1995) eigen sind — der hierogly- 9.3 phischen Transkription hinzuzufügen. Auf Restitutionsvor- 11.13 Lies . schläge früherer Bearbeiter, die angesichts des völligen Feh- lens direkter Parallelen weiterhin als spekulativ gewertet 12.6 Lies (vgl. GARDINER, 1909, 83 und HELCK, werden müssen (vgl. MORENZ, op.cit., 119 Anm. 52), wird 1995, 55). jeweils im Kommentar verwiesen. 12.11 b Gegen ENMARCH (Kommentar) transkribiert GARDI- Mit Blick auf die eben geschilderte pragmatische Ausrich- NER (1909, pl. 12) hieroglyphisch und er- tung der Edition ist die klare Ausgrenzung einer philologi- schen/inhaltlichen Kommentierung einerseits berechtigt und gänzt gemäß seiner Anmerkung (n. l) zu sinnvoll, andererseits erschwert das Fehlen einer solchen Kom- ín-í[w=]f] (…). Entsprechend der ramessidisch gut mentierung in gewissem Masse die Nachvollziehbarkeit derje- ÖLLER nigen Passagen, in denen ENMARCH von früheren Lesungsvor- belegten Graphie von hieratisch (M , op.cit., gaben abweicht. Im Falle der Neulesung von Admon. 12.14 sei 1927, No. 200) scheint mir eine Lesung hier allerdings auf den jüngst erschienenen Beitrag ENMARCHs wahrscheinlicher. „New work on old texts“ (in: EA 28, 2006, 34f.) verwiesen. Bei der Durchsicht der hieroglyphischen Transkription fan- 13.6 a Lies . den sich einige Stellen, die zu korrigieren bzw. ergänzen sind 13.13 Lies . (Zitationen mit Minuskel nach ENMARCH): Lies (MÖLLER, op.cit., No. 518). 2.11 d Hierzu QUACK (Ani, 1994, 198; Ergänzung zu 15.1 [w∂b].yw sw.yw). Die im Anhang der Publikation beigefügten Tafeln mit Infra- 3.6 b Weitere Spuren nach . rot-Photographien der Kolumnen 1-4 und 6-17 des pLeiden I 344 recto (Kol. 5 ist als Normal-Photographie, Kol. 6 in 3.9 b Lies . Infrarot- und Normal-Photographie wiedergegeben) stellen angesichts der hohen Qualität zweifellos eine entscheidende 3.10 c Mit GARDINER (1909, 34) ist statt (MÖLLER, Paläo- Bereicherung für die zukünftige Diskussion um die „Admo- graphie II, No. 578 m. Anm. 2) ein (No. 485) zu nitions“ dar. lesen (vgl. GARDINER, EG3, 502 und GOMAÁ, Besied- Ungeachtet der marginalen textkritischen und formalen lung Mittelägyptens, 1986, 19-22). Die von FECHT Einwände bietet sich mit der hier besprochenen Edition end- lich eine neue Basis für inhaltliche wie sprachliche Einzel- erwogene Lesung bleibt möglich studien sowie für eine umfassende philologische Neubear- (alternativ: bzw. ; beitung des Textes. Da nicht abzusehen ist, dass sich an der vgl. etwa KRI I, 51 Z. 31f.). Belegsituation der „Admonitions“ und damit der Ergän- zungsmöglichkeit zu bis dato unlesbaren Passagen in naher 5.1 a Lies (MÖLLER, op.cit., VI). Zukunft etwas ändern wird, ist nur bedingt mit größeren Korrekturen von Lesungen und damit auch am ägyptologi- oder entsprechend der sonst üblichen Deter- 5.8 schen Textverständnis zu rechnen. Insofern dürften auch die minierung zu lesen? „großen“ Fragen — also die Diskussion um die Datierungs-, Autoren- und Gattungsfrage sowie der damit verbunden 5.11 a Lies s{.w (vgl. 5, 14 und MÖLLER, op.cit., Frage nach der soziokulturellen bzw. historisch-politischen No. 480). Relevanz des Textes — nur bedingt direkt von der neuen 5.12 b Mit HELCK (1995, 25) ist entweder Edition profitieren. Antworten auf derartige Fragen sind eher von dem zuletzt durch SITZLER (Vorwurf gegen Gott, oder zu lesen (MÖLLER, op.cit., XVII). 1995), QUACK (in: Fs Röllig, 1997, 345-54) und MORENZ (op.cit.) für die „Admonitions“ vorgezeichneten Weg eines Raum zwischen und zu groß für ENMARCHs 5.13 b übergeordneten kontext- und genreorientierten Ansatzes zu Lesung. erwarten. 5.14 b HELCK liest gegen ENMARCH (Kommentar zu 5.14b) Zweifellos wird die Auseinandersetzung mit dem Text . Spuren am Beginn der Schadstelle vielleicht zu dank der nun vorliegenden Photographien und der übersicht- nbj.w „Schwimmer“ (?) zu ergänzen. Vgl. im Pfor- lich kommentierten hieroglyphischen Transkription des Papy- tenbuch (9. Stunde) die parallele Formulierung rus einen neuen Antrieb erfahren. Wegen ihrer modernen und praktischen Gestaltung dürfte ENMARCHs Edition besonders . im ägyptologischen Sprachunterricht dankbar aufgenommen 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:36 Pagina 471

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werden, aus welchem ja nicht selten produktive Vorschläge D’autres aspects, comme la matrilinéarité en milieu monar- zu Lesungen und Textverständnis in die ägyptologische Text- chique, domaine si fondamental pour aborder le rôle d’Isis, forschung einfließen. ne sont l’objet que d’une note (sur l’exemple cité p. 120 note In Verbund mit den bereits zahlreich vorliegenden inhalt- 15, que le lecteur complètera par le livre de J. Girard L’or du lichen und philologischen Diskussionen zu diesem ebenso Bambouk, Genève, 1992 et par notre présentation dans Dis- „schwierigen wie reizvollen“ (MORENZ, op.cit., 111 Anm. 1) cussions in Egyptology 32, Oxford, 1995). Text schließt die neue Textedition des pLeiden I 344 recto Dans le sous-chapitre concernant les pratiques judiciaires eine lange beklagte Lücke. Für diesen Beitrag ist dem Autor du Nouvel Empire (p. 115-118), on est, de même, surpris de besonders zu danken. ne pas trouver mention de l’étude de P. Vernus Affaires et scandales sous les Ramsès, Paris, 1997. München, July 2006 Faried ADROM Le chapitre 4 (p. 109-137) nous présente finalement la nouveauté tant attendue: notre conte serait en rapport avec l’évolution d’une société parentale et tribale qui va vers ** l’état centralisé et monarchique. Cette idée, à première vue * à la fois simple et tentante, masque en vérité le fond du pro- blème. On en vient à oublier que le récit nous parle d’un cas CAMPAGNO, M. — Una lectura de la contienda entre Horus d’usurpation, un des thèmes les plus fréquents dans ce type y Seth. Universidad de Buenos Aires, Facultad de Filo- de littérature, et de reconnaissance d’un héritier né, et même sofia y Letras, Buenos Aires, 2004. (21 cm, 166). ISBN conçu, post mortem de son père. Cette dispute a lieu dans 987-1074-14-X. le cadre d’une monarchie déjà établie. Par ailleurs, le pas- Comme l’indique son titre, cet ouvrage présente une lec- sage d’une société tribale à une nationale et royale doit faire ture (nouvelle?) du conte égyptien bien connu d’Horus et de appel à des considérations géo-politiques, comme la prévi- Seth. Le structure du livre reste classique pour un travail aca- sion annuelle générale des conséquences économiques de démique: après une introduction contenant des hommages l’inondation, et à leurs transcription dans un cadre mytho- appuyés envers ceux qui ont aidé l’auteur, ainsi qu’une logique. bibliographie des précédents travaux sur le papyrus Chester Les sources font ici aussi défaut: l’étude des deux stèles Beatty 1, on présente au lecteur une nouvelle traduction en abydéniennes de Ramsès IV aurait été essentielle pour le espagnol dudit papyrus (p. 37-63), puis le chapitre suivant (p. thème de l’usurpation et de la succession. 65-108) trace un historique des interprétations que le texte a Dans son cinquième et dernier chapitre (p. 139-46), nous suscitées, en soulignant que celles-ci ne répondraient pas aux trouvons enfin quelques considérations sur la réalisation et questions essentielles, chose que l’auteur, bien entendu, va l’adressé du texte, chose fondamentale, que l’on aurait aimé faire dans la section suivante (p. 109-137), avant de donner voir dans l’introduction. Il est évident qu’il ne s’agit pas d’un une conclusion (p. 139-147). rituel opératoire ou rituel vivant, basé sur le do ut des, ni d’un Outre l’aspect conventionnel d’une telle présentation, il rituel funéraire. Les passages grivois ne semblent pas être faut relever déjà des lacunes dans les sources bibliogra- appropriés à un texte éducatif (cf. à ce propos nos considé- phiques générales. rations dans BSEG 15, 1991). On en revient donc à une expli- D’abord, citons quelques sources manquantes sur le mythe cation simple et directe de l’ordre de la nature. d’Horus et de Seth: Le livre de M. Campagno, malgré ses simplifications, reste 1. M. Bellion Catalogue des manuscrits, Paris, 1987, p. 344. une source de reflexion pour l’avenir. 2. J. Leclant Les textes des pyramides de Pépi Ier, CRAIBL, Paris, 1977. Université de Genève, Massimo PATANÈ 3. Horusmythe, Lexikon der Ägyptologie, vol. III, Wiesba- juillet 2006 den, 1980, col. 54-59, part. col. 56 (qui mentionne les interprétations historicisantes du mythe, celle proposée par ** notre auteur n’étant qu’une variante de ce genre.) * 4. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, D. Redford ed., Oxford University Press, 2001, vol. 2, p. 122. WALLIN, P. — Celestial Cycles. Astronomical Concepts of Regeneration in the Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts. Signalons également un travail à paraître, celui de François (Uppsala Studies in Egyptology 1). Uppsala University, Gaudard, ancien étudiant de l’Université de Genève et actuel- Uppsala, 2002. (24 cm, VIII, 196). ISBN 91-506-1538- lement collaborateur de l’Oriental Institute de Chicago, qui 6. ISSN 1650-9838. concerne un papyrus démotique de Berlin en rapport avec le présent sujet. This remarkable book fills the last gap among the mono- C’est pourtant dans le chaptitre 3 (p. 65-108) que les courtes graphs expressly centred on parts of the corpus of textual vues de l’auteur se font le plus sentir. Il aurait été intéressant sources dealing with ancient Egyptian astronomy, these de dire au lecteur qu’un mythe fondateur ne peut être compris monographs being Luft (1992, ÖAWph 598, on Illahun d’une seule manière: dès la première moitié du XVIIIème papyri), Leitz (1995, OLA 62, on star „clocks“), Krauss siècle, G. Vico met en évidence les liens entre mythologie et (1997, ÄA 59, on pyramid texts), and von Lieven (2006, mentalités; plus près de nous, les théories de V. Propp et de CNIP 31, on the book of Nut). For completeness of this com- E. Otto auraient mérité au moins une mention. Le structura- pilation, mention should be made of EAT I-III and Maravelia lisme mérite bien plus que quelques pages: les études d’un lin- (see the next paragraph of this review). The part so far guiste comme Jean-Michel Adam, dont nous citerons L’ana- neglected is indeed the corpus of the Middle Kingdom Cof- lyse des récits, Paris, 1996, sont complètement ignorées. fin Texts (CT in the sequel). Since these texts represent an 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:36 Pagina 472

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evolutionary continuation of the Pyramid Texts (PT in the pleasingly personal features such as „hard work“, „spiritual sequel), which are a few centuries older, Wallin’s approach guidance“ or „love of my life“, as well as to the publisher is naturally more similar to Krauss’s (loc.cit.), both dealing for welcoming such expressions. more extensively with the religious contexts than the other authors mentioned above. Such similarity may even be noted Grüt-Gossau, Switzerland Kurt LOCHER in the pleasing style of presentation of both authors. Unlike June 2006 Krauss, however, Wallin gives more frequent consideration to and comparisons with the text sources other than PT and ** CT, which was to be expected since he is the last of the 5 * authors mentioned at the very beginning, before von Lieven. Although the latter’s book is still in the press, its relatively BACKES, B. — Das altägyptische „Zweiwegebuch“. Stu- huge size is already known, and much of its outstanding con- dien zu den Sargtext-Sprüchen 1029-1130. (Ägyptologi- tent can be guessed at from hearsay. It will be organically sche Abhandlungen, Band 69). Verlag Otto Harrasso- appropriate to read exactly now, before the publica- Wallin witz, Wiesbaden, 2005. (24,5 cm, XIV, 466 + 16 Abb.). tion of . von Lieven ISBN 3-447-05237-6. ISSN 10568-0476. / 98,-. Wallin’s book is a doctoral dissertation like Maravelia’s (2004, Presses universitaires de Limoges), the latter also Mit seiner Dissertation legt der Verf., der bisher mit einer extending to most other sources besides CT, but chapter kleineren Arbeit über den Webergott Hedjhotep hervorgetre- III.2 of which is roughly equivalent to Wallin’s book with ten war, eine sich wohl in der Zukunft als Standardwerk respect to both content and size, though different in style. erweisende Arbeit zu den Sargtexten CT 1029-1130 vor. Maravelia gives reference to Wallin in her footnotes I.47 Diese Sprüche wurden erstmals 1903 von H. Schack- and III.72. Schackenburg als „Zweiwegebuch“ herausgebracht und sind Much lucidity is obtained by Wallin’s arrangement of the unter diesem modernen Namen innerhalb der Ägyptologie CT sources according to their focus on either the yearly bekannt geworden. Wenngleich die Sprüche auf drei Särgen (apparent stellar), the monthly (lunar), or the daily (appar- auf der Westwand oder dem Deckel angebracht sind, sind sie ent solar) cycle, dealt with respectively in his chapters 3, 4, als traditionelle Bodentexte der Särge aus el-Bersheh zu klas- 5. These chapters cover two thirds of the whole book, with sifizieren. Der Verf. erhebt den Anspruch mit seiner Unter- emphasis being given throughout to the astral allegory of suchung die Basis für eine zukünftige Beschäftigung mit dem religious rejuvenation, as literally (=rnpt) present in the Zweiwegebuch zu schaffen und formuliert darüber hinaus die yearly cycle, but also convincingly argued for the other two. Absicht, innerhalb des Faches eine Bresche für die Textkri- In clear arrangement 22 appendix pages (145-166) subdi- tik zu schlagen. So nehmen erwartungsgemäß die erste Hälfte vide the Egyptian astronomical notions according to their des Buches die textkritischen Studien ein: Erstellung der zwei occurrence on the individual coffins, differentiating them, Hauptstränge des Stemmas, Rekonstruktion und eine mit unlike Maravelia, also orthographically. On the other hand, Anmerkungen versehene Übersetzung des hypothetischen Maravelia gives full details in citing (by transliteration only) Urtextes, Varianten zum Urtext, eine gesonderte Behandlung the complete astronomical CT spells, which spares the reader der Torsprüche BH3/4C aus Beni Hassan und KH1KH aus the parallel use of a CT compendium. Not so with Wallin. Kôm el-Hisn und ein nicht weniger als 64 Seiten umfassen- Although Wallin is well acquainted with the practical der Fehlerindex. (Der Verf. zieht „Fehler“ der Bezeichnung visual aspect of the celestial phenomena, as is obvious from „Deviation“ vor). Zur Problematik der Textkritik weist der his fitting descriptions on pp. 16, 57, and 91, as well as in Verf. auf J. Zeidlers Ausführungen zu den Pfortenbuchstu- fig.12, his use of the term ecliptic and the choice of some of dien (GOF IV/36, 1999) hin. his computer-generated star-charts reveal a certain degree of Der zweite Teil des Buches ist den inhaltlichen Studien misconception. Whereas ecliptic is apparently used correctly gewidmet. Die Kommentare zu den einzelnen Textabschnit- in most contexts, this is not the case on pp. 15, 57, and 122, ten umfassen für CT 1029-1033 Thematik, Sprechsituation, where its mention along with „east/west“ and the „horizon“ Rollen, Textaufbau und Inhalt sowie im Einzelnen verwen- strongly evokes the idea of a symmetry with respect to the dete Ausdrücke, Stilmittel und Begriffe. In der „Ersten Zwei- meridian instead of obliquity to it. Of course this obliquity is wegesektion“, CT 1034-1068, leitet der Forschungsüberblick not meant on those pages, which is why ecliptic should be über bisherige Deutungen die Untersuchung des oberen replaced simply by apparent path, diurnal or nocturnal Weges ein. Eine Auseinandersetzung mit bisherigen Deu- accordingly. A similar symmetrical idea is out of place in tungen geht ebenfalls der Untersuchung des unteren Weges fig. 1, of which the software input parameters are mislead- voraus. Die Mündung der beiden Wege in den Feuersee und ingly chosen so as to obtain a symmetrical ecliptical arc, a der Eingangsbereich zu den beiden Wegen schließen die superspecial case among a thousand possible contrary ones. Behandlung dieses Abschnitts ab. Hierbei übernimmt der Fig. 2 is correctly captioned „heliacal rising“, although its Verf. von Waitkus (BiOr 53, 1996) den ansprechenden crucial detail, the sun below the horizon, is lacking and only Gedanken, die Torbereiche für beide Wege geltend zu indirectly imaginable by the (fortuitous) presence of Mercury. machen. Die „Zweite Zweiwegesektion mit Osirisgrab“, CT This very fortuity, however, is absent from fig.3, so that here 1071-1088, wird vom Verfasser als Wiedergabe der großen the caption „heliacal“ is not justified (though intentional), Kartensektion mit anderer Gewichtung aufgefasst. Der fol- the representation giving any one of the roughly 100 observ- gende Abschnitt „Thot-Bereich und Barke des Sonnen- able yearly settings of Sirius instead of the intended single gottes“, CT 1089-1098, ist der Reihenfolge der Texte, Zuord- heliacal one. nung der Beischriften, Sprechsituation, Funktionen des I would like to pay my uncurtailed tribute to Wallin’s Verstorbenen und Adressaten gewidmet. Ein Exkurs zu ˆI.w engagingly revealing preface, where he does not refrain from ist eingeschoben. Darüber hinaus wird der Zusammenhang 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:36 Pagina 473

499 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 500

dieses Abschnittes mit anderen Sektionen geprüft. CT 1099 struierten Urtextes, beziehungsweise „Fehler“ zur Stützung wird als eigene Einheit betrachtet. Bei diesem Text werden seiner Interpretation heranzieht. Ein Problem, das dieser insbesondere Schwierigkeiten der Lesung, Textaufbau und Ansatz jedoch mit sich führt, besteht darin, dass, selbst bei die Rolle des Verstorbenen erforscht. Die Untersuchung des aller denkbaren Gründlichkeit einer Studie, der Einbeziehung nächsten Abschnittes, CT 1100-1117, „Torpassagen und des Ko-textes und der Prüfung innertextlicher Beziehungen, Bereiche des Älteren Horus“ wird wiederum mit bisherigen ein Text ohne seinen Kontext behandelt wird und deshalb Deutungen eingeleitet. Die Schwerpunkte liegen, wie schon immer sozusagen in einem Vakuum verbleibt. Obwohl der im vorigen Abschnitt, auf der Einteilung der Texte, Fragen Verf. zu Recht den Anspruch erhebt, dass die Textkritik im zur Anordnung, Abgrenzung, sowie der Zuordnung von Bild Dienst der inhaltlichen Analyse stehe (S. 2), ersetzt sie nicht und Text. Der Verf. interpretiert die verschiedenen Torfolgen den Kontext. Textkritik allein kann dieses „Vakuum“ nicht als mehrfache Bearbeitung eines einzigen Themas. Ein kur- füllen. Darin liegt nach Meinung der Rez. sowohl die Begren- zer Exkurs gilt der Gestalt des Ìr.í n†.=f. Im vorletzten zung dieser Untersuchung als auch die Ursache für etwas Abschnitt, CT 1118-1124 „Bereich der Osirisbarke“, werden zweifelhafte Deutungen. Ohne die Verdienste der Textkritik deren Lokalisierung im Jenseits und die in den Beischriften in irgendeiner Weise schmälern zu wollen ist diese gleich- vorgestellten göttlichen Gestalten untersucht. Die Sprüche CT wohl als eine Vorarbeit zu betrachten, die geleistet wird, um 1120, CT 1122 und CT 1123 werden als eine zusammen- zum Verständnis eines Textes vorzudringen. In diesem hängende Rede begriffen. Überlegungen zur Textstruktur, Zusammenhang sei darauf hingewiesen, dass unter der Über- Zuordnung und Abgrenzung haben auch den Vorrang im letz- schrift „Sitz im Leben“ (S. 48) weder die Entstehungssitua- ten, vom Verfasser „Letzter Zugang zur Sonnenbarke und tion noch die Verwendung der Texte behandelt werden, son- Abschluss“ betitelten Abschnitt CT 1125-1130. dern mögliche Vorlagen und der Schreiber, der mit diesen Unter „Übergreifende Fragestellungen“ fasst der Verf. in arbeitet! Kürze Aufbau und Inhalt der Textsammlung, die untersuchte Der mit Ausnahme des bekannten Abschluss-Spruches CT Jenseitstopographie, Ziele und Rollen des Verstorbenen und 1130 ausführliche, sich in großen Teilen auf frühere oder die Rolle des Gottes Thot zusammen. Des Weiteren berührt ‚zeitgleiche’ Belege stützende und ideenreiche Kommentar er die Frage nach der Stellung des Zweiwegebuches in der im inhaltlichen Teil beginnt mit der Thematik des behandel- ägyptischen Religionsgeschichte. Ein Epilog, Literaturver- ten Abschnittes. Darauf folgt beim ersten Spruch, CT 1029, zeichnis, Stellen-, Wort-, Sach-, Götternamen und -epitheta - „Sprechsituation und Ziel des Verstorbenen“ (Zeit und Ort index, die schematische Gesamtansicht sowie einige Teilan- der Rezitation, Identität und Ziel des Sprechers). Dem sichten des Bodens der Särge B3C und B1C, die A. de Bucks schließt sich der Kommentar zu einzelnen Passagen an. The Egyptian Coffin Texts VII entnommen sind, beschließen Abschließend wird die inhaltliche Struktur des Sargtextes den Band. präsentiert. Bei dieser Disposition der Untersuchung bleibt Diese besonders schwierig zu interpretierenden Texte bil- der Verf. jedoch nicht. Stattdessen vertauscht er die Reihen- den eine Spruchgruppe, die auf 21Särgen aus el-Bersheh und folge der behandelten Punkte oder passt sie (und die Über- einem Sarg aus Theben auszugsweise oder ganz wiederge- schriften, die dadurch oftmals ihren Informationswert für den geben und auf manchen Särgen mit Vignetten versehen ist. Leser verlieren) dem an, was er zum jeweiligen Spruch Auf 16 Textträgern gehen einige Sprüche den behandelten gerade aufgreift. Ein derartiges Vorgehen trägt schwerlich zur Sargtexten voraus oder es schließen sich noch weitere Klarheit einer Studie derart komplexer Texte bei. Wün- Sprüche an. Doch ist das Zweiwegebuch so umfangreich, schenswert im Kommentarteil wäre auch eine knappe Präsen- dass seine Texte und Darstellungen in der Regel einen Groß- tation im Hinblick auf die Gestaltung der Texte („mit einem teil des Bodens eines Kastensarges bedecken. Auf B3C, B4C, breiten roten Rand umgeben“ etc.) und auf die Bilder, oder B6C, B17C (?) und B1L schließen die Bodentexte mit CT zumindest ein Hinweis auf die Abbildungen am Schluss des 1130. Worauf der Verf. selbst hinweist, ist die herausragende Bandes. Leerstelle seiner Arbeit die fehlende Bearbeitung von L. Dem Verständnis des Zweiwegebuches als eine (vom Leskos Version C (CT 1131-1185). Ägyptologen zu entschlüsselnde) Landkarte von Jenseitsre- Der Verf. konzentriert sich in seiner Untersuchung aus- gionen entsprechend stehen Fragen nach Örtlichkeiten, schließlich auf das Zweiwegebuch als Text. Er misst dem Wegen, deren Verlauf, Anschluss, Anfang und Ende, Rich- Textträger als solches keine Bedeutung bei (z. B. gibt es kein tungen und Passagen im Vordergrund. Zu den bisherigen Deu- Verzeichnis der Textzeugen, wird die Frage nach der Loka- tungsversuchen von H. Kees, D. Müller, L. Lesko, E. Herm- lisierung auf dem Sargboden nicht angeschnitten, etc.) und sen, W. Waitkus und (vor allem) U. Rössler-Köhler wird setzt auch die sonst üblichen Eckdaten zu den Quellen als ausführlich Stellung genommen und eine eigene Deutung Kenntnisse bei allen Lesern voraus. Letzteres wirkt sich inso- angeboten. Doch entgegen des möglicherweise zu erwarten- fern störend auf die Arbeit aus, da Behauptungen wie „den den Zusammenhangs zwischen der Funktion des Textes und Befund stützend sei die Tatsache erwähnt, dass der Sarg B9C seinem Inhalt, der in kritischen Fällen für eine fortlaufende etwas älter ist als die Särge aus der d-Gruppe“ (S. 13) eben- Lesung als Ausdruck eines Weges (den der Tote ja bekannt- falls nicht mit einer Anmerkung zur Datierung der fraglichen lich ohne Hindernisse zurücklegen will) oder einer Vereini- Textzeugen versehen sind. gung zweier Wege spräche, entscheidet sich der Verf. in Die textkritische Untersuchung ist sorgfältig durchgeführt. Zweifelsfällen mehrmals zugunsten einer Text-Funktion als Die dazu erforderliche Terminologie ist klar dargelegt und Darstellung einer Alternative, einer zusätzlichen Perspektive auf das Notwendige begrenzt. Für Lösungen wird argumen- oder als übergreifende Präsentation eines Vorhabens. Der tiert und Wertungen im Einzelnen als „Fehler“ beziehungs- Kommentar zu den einzelnen Abschnitten ist ebenso der oben weise „Variante“ begründet. Die Wertung der Textkritik als genannten Problematik untergeordnet, was manchmal auf Schlüssel zum Verständnis des Inhalts wirkt sich positiv auf Kosten anderer, für das Textverständnis wichtige Aspekte, wie alle Fälle aus, in denen der Verf. den Wortlaut des rekon- die Beachtung eines Wechsels der Sprecherrollen, geht. 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:36 Pagina 474

501 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXIII N° 5-6, september-december 2006 502

Die vom Verf. angebotene eigene Deutung, den oberen Wie eingangs erwähnt, wird sich diese Dissertation in und den unteren Weg von rechts nach links zu lesen, hat viel Zukunft als Standardwerk zum Zweiwegebuch erweisen, und für sich, sie wird aber nicht überzeugend dargelegt. Viele Fra- zwar in erster Linie auf Grund der geleisteten textkritischen gen vor allem zur Jenseitstopographie, der Rolle des Spre- Untersuchung. Dem Anspruch zur inhaltlichen Zugänglich- chers und den Zielen, die er verfolgt, werden zwar angedeu- keit der Texte und Darstellungen beizutragen wird die Arbeit tet, bleiben aber offen. Die große Mühe, die auf die nach Ansicht der Rez. nur bedingt gerecht. Das liegt Argumentation gegen angebotene Deutungen verwendet hauptsächlich in dem gewählten Ansatz begründet, da ver- wird, kann als Vorteil angesehen werden, sie lässt aber ande- sucht wird, über den Wortlaut und die inner- und intertextli- rerseits den Mut des Verfassers sich mit frischem Blick dem chen Beziehungen allein zum Inhalt und Textverständnis des Text- und Bildmaterial zu nähern vermissen. Die Vorsicht „Zweiwegebuches“ vorzudringen. des Verf., gepaart mit dem Anspruch durch die Textkritik den Sinn des Zweiwegebuches zu erschließen, führt in Teil II zu Uppsala, Juni 2006 Erika MEYER-DIETRICH einem, vor allem in den Kommentaren zum Inhalt spürbaren Mangel an Stringenz. Auch die interessanten und in Erwä- ** gung zu ziehenden Kommentare erwecken oftmals eher den * Eindruck von Stellungnahmen und Ideen des Verf. als von Belegen, die durch den Text selbst oder aktuelle For- JANSSEN, J.J. — Grain Transport in the Ramesside Period. schungsergebnisse gestützt werden können. Beispielsweise Papyrus Baldwin (BM EA 10061) and Papyrus Amiens. geht aus Anm. 104 zur Übersetzung von CT 1029 hervor, (Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum VIII), British dass U. Rössler-Köhler als Sprecher Nut annimmt. Der Verf. Museum Press, London, 2004. (31,5 cm, XVI, 119 + pls. schreibt, dass er sich zu einer begründeten Entscheidung nicht 22). ISBN 0-7141-1959-8. in der Lage sähe (S. 55). Im Kommentar steht daraufhin ohne Diskussion der in der entsprechenden Stelle verwendeten Lorsqu’ils eurent mesuré tout l’intérêt que les voyageurs Götternamen, Adressaten, Personalpronomen oder des Sitz im européens attachaient aux antiquités pharaoniques, les Leben des Spruches: „Der Verstorbene selbst steht noch völ- fouilleurs clandestins qui opéraient en Égypte au XIXe siècle lig im Hintergrund, ihn dürfen wir aber als Sprecher ansehen, adoptèrent parfois la pratique de couper en deux les rouleaux zumindest im Rahmen unserer Textsammlung“ (S. 245). Lei- de papyrus qu’ils découvraient, pour en proposer séparément der bleibt es nicht bei einer unbegründeten Aussage. Zur Pro- les tronçons à la vente, et doubler ainsi leurs bénéfices. La blematik der Re, beziehungsweise Osiris, eigentümlichen frustration de ne disposer aujourd’hui que de l’un des tron- Aspekte werden sehr passend die Sargtexte CT 44, CT 746, çons d’un document ainsi mutilé explique la sensation qu’a CT 819 und CT 307 (Anm. 580) angeführt. Doch bleibt es provoqué à plusieurs reprises, au cours du XXe siècle, la dann bei einem kurzen Satz in den Anmerkungen obgleich découverte généralement fortuite du second tronçon: on (außer von S. Bickel, auf die der Verf. hinweist) diese Fra- pense notamment à celle du papyrus Léopold II, en 1936, par- gen anhand von Sargtexten auch von J. Assmann/M. Bom- tie jusque-là manquante du Papyrus Amherst1. Les documents mas (Heidelberg 2002) und H. Willems (OLA 103, 2001) publiés ici forment un autre exemple d’une telle mutilation behandelt worden sind. et d’un tel happy end, puisqu’en 1995 le Pr Janssen eut la Auch die Wahl von Belegen für einzelne Vorstellungen ist bonne fortune de découvrir que le Papyrus Baldwin (BM EA nicht immer die am nächsten liegende. So wird als Beleg für 10061), acheté à Assioût, en 1881 au plus tard2, conservé au die Annäherung an den Osthorizont die 12. Stunde des British Museum depuis janvier 1882, et depuis complètement Amduat gewählt, anstatt Aussagen aus den Bodentexten, die ignoré des savants, n’était autre que la partie inférieure du auf anderen Särgen stehen, den Vorzug zu geben. Auch ein Papyrus Amiens3, un document important pour notre connai- Sachfehler hat sich eingeschlichen. Es hebt nämlich nicht sance de l’économie égyptienne, et bien connu, à ce titre, Schu (S. 373) sondern Nun das Sonnenschiff in der Schlus- depuis l’étude poussée qu’en avait réalisée Gardiner en svignette des Pfortenbuches empor. 19414. Dass Übersetzungen immer vom Textverständnis des Über- L’ouvrage que nous offre aujourd’hui le Pr Janssen est setzers abhängen, ist nicht Neues. Bedenklich wird dies nur, donc l’édition princeps du document ainsi reconstitué. Cet wenn wesentliche Aspekte des Textes durch Nichtbeachtung ouvrage se compose de trois grandes sections: une introduc- der Grammatik oder freie Wortwahl verloren gehen. Letzte- tion générale (p. 1-6), une partie traitant du recto du texte (p. res ist beispielsweise der Fall in der Übersetzung von CT VII 7-38) et une partie traitant de son verso (p. 39-68); le fait que 259a-c: „Möge ich mit ihnen gemeinsam zum Lotus-Kai hin- recto et verso bénéficient chacun d’une partie distincte résulte absteigen, zum Landeplatz (wÌrt) der Götter! Möge ich dort de leur nature divergente, comme nous le dirons plus bas. die Barke hernehmen (sd.y=í), mit den beiden Lotusblüten an den beiden Enden. Möge ich in ihr gen Himmel ausfahren (prj)!“ Nach Ansicht der Rez. sind in dieser Übersetzung für 1) J. Capart, A. H. Gardiner, B. Van de Walle, «New Light on the Ramesside Tomb Robberies», JEA 22, 1936, p. 163-193, pl. 10-16. das Textverständnis der Stelle so bedeutende Elemente, wie 2) Détail significatif: le papyrus Amiens est entré au musée d’Amiens, die Werft, das Aushöhlen des Bootes und das Hervorkommen aujourd’hui musée de Picardie, en 1882, date à laquelle le P. Baldwin entrait (aus dem Nachtbereich) abhanden gekommen. Ein weiteres au British Museum. Beispiel: Den Sinn der Stelle stark beeinflussend wird CT VII 3) En termes de texte, le P. Amiens contient la partie supérieure et le P. Baldwin la partie inférieure du recto, mais comme le verso est écrit tête- 267b ssp.(w) m ítn=f „der als sein Gestirn leuchtet“ übersetzt. bêche, il portent également, le P. Amiens, la partie inférieure et le P. Bald- Es wäre zu dieser Übersetzung zumindest eine Anmerkung zu win la partie supérieure du verso. Il manque malheureusement une ou plu- erwarten. Auch die Übersetzung von sí mit „Verstand“ ist sieurs lignes à la jonction des deux documents. für den gegebenen Kontext der Wegeöffnung in den Augen 4) A. H. Gardiner, «Ramesside Texts relating to the Taxation and Trans- port of Corn», JEA 27 (1941), p. 19-73; pl. VII-VIII; texte dans Rames- der Rez. keine glückliche Wahl. side Administrative Documents, Londres, 1948, p. 1-13. 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:36 Pagina 475

503 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 504

Chacune de ces deux parties est divisée à son tour en trois échange de biens de nature inconnue, exprimés par un mot chapitres, offrant respectivement une présentation, une tra- que le Pr Janssen lit avec doute Ìbsw, «vêtements», ce qui duction et un commentaire philologique de la partie concer- paraît fort douteux. L’ensemble de ce petit texte présente née du texte. Trois appendices concluent le volume: une table d’ailleurs le plus grand nombre de difficultés de lecture et la de concordance mettant en parallèle les entrées identiques ou plus grande proportion de mots laissés non transcrits par comparables apparaissant en plusieurs points du document l’éditeur que le reste du document. La raison en est naturel- (p. 69-74); un commentaire relatif aux signes de pointage lement sa nature divergente, qui ne permet d’utiliser, comme employés devant certaines lignes du texte (p. 75); enfin, une ailleurs, pour en faciliter la transcription, la comparaison entre note paléographique concernant les graphies hiératiques de différentes graphies du même mot. la préposition composée r-Ìt (p. 77). À l’extrême-fin figurent La col. V, quant à elle, détaille à trois reprises, selon trois les indices de rigueur (p. 79-83), une transcription hiérogly- critères comptables différents (quantités reçues, lieu de col- phique du document (p. 87-119) et sa couverture photogra- lecte, part prise par chaque domaine dans leur fourniture), le phique complète (P. Amiens + P. Baldwin), qui n’occupe pas grain prélevé sur la collecte évoquée col. IV par les équipages moins de 22 planches. La qualité de ces planches nous a paru des deux bateaux qui y sont cités. bien supérieure à la moyenne de celles qu’on rencontre géné- Enfin, la col. VI comprend deux textes distincts. Respec- ralement dans ce genre d’ouvrage. tivement le compte rendu d’une inspection du grain déposé Commenté aux p. 27-37, le texte du recto est la mise au dans les greniers et les magasins d’un village entourant un net d’un document enregistrant la collecte, par 21 bateaux temple, et le détail de petites quantités de grain fournies par d’une flotille appartenant au domaine d’Amon de Thèbes, du diverses personnes, selon diférentes modalités, à un destina- grain dû à ce domaine ou à une quinzaine d’institutions qui taire inconnu. en dépendaient, produit sur leurs terres situées dans le Xe nome de Haute-Égypte (la région de Qaou el-Kébîr), et * déposé en vue de leur passage sur des aires de battage (tre- shing-floors), placées sous l’autorité d’agents administratifs Il est toujours particulièrement agréable de rendre compte locaux du Domaine d’Amon; parfois les administrateurs des des ouvrages du Pr Janssen, dans la mesure où ses travaux terres qui avaient produit ce grain. représentent toujours des modèles de clarté et de solidité Le produit complet de cette collecte, que récapitule la col. scientifique, et celui-ci ne fait pas exception à la règle. Un V, atteignait plus de 2 271 khar de grain (orge et blé amidon- trait particulièrement agréable, venant d’un aussi grand nier), soit près de 159 000 litres, sur lesquels étaient prélevées savant, est la simplicité avec laquelle il souligne, quand les rations servant à l’entretien des équipages des bateaux besoin est, et sans essayer de les dissimuler, les incertitudes (dont nous connaissons, dans un cas, la composition: 8 marins, de transcription ou d’interprétation du texte. Il est vrai que la un adolescent et six garçons). Il est à noter que les quantités forme particulière et très cursive du hiératique qui y est uti- collectées par chaque bateau ne sont pas uniformes, mais lisé présente souvent d’énormes difficultés de lecture et que varient de 300 à 1 000 khar de grain (21 000 à 70 000 l). sa seule transcription représente un véritable tour de force. Comme la destination finale du grain était le temple La communauté égyptologique saura gré au Pr Janssen de d’Amon à Karnak et les autres institutions citées dans le livrer, grâce à ce beau volume, une édition magistrale d’un document, Gardiner pensait que le grain, après collecte, était document important et qui n’était jusque-là, littéralement, amené directement à Thèbes pour répartition. De son côté, qu’à moitié connu. Seule petite frustration: la reconstitution cependant, le Pr Janssen émet l’hypothèse qu’il ait pu d’abord du document complet n’a pas permis de le dater enfin de être déposé dans un entrepôt répartiteur situé en Assioût (p. manière précise. S’il date sans conteste, de manière générale, 31-33), lieu de découverte du document. Comme l’auteur en de la seconde moitié de la XXe dynastie, l’éditeur se voit convient lui-même, cette suggestion n’est guère convaincante, contraint d’hésiter, et son lecteur avec lui, entre les règnes de son seul mérite étant d’expliquer l’apparition du document Ramsès V, VII et VIII. dans cette ville de Moyenne-Égypte, que rien, sinon, ne semble pouvoir justifier. Paris, juin 2006 Pierre GRANDET Si le recto du texte forme une unité, il n’en est pas de même du verso, dont chaque colonne forme un document dis- ** tinct, bien qu’il paraisse, dans l’ensemble, se référer à la * région d’Hermopolis, plus au nord que celle où avaient lieu les opérations de collecte évoquées au recto. Malgré une sec- MUNRO, I. — Ein Ritualbuch für Goldamulette und Toten- tion regroupant des remarques d’ordre général (p. 64-67), le buch des Month-em-hat. (Studien zum Altägyptischen commentaire de cette face du texte est donc divisé en autant Totenbuch 7). Verlag Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, de sections qu’il comprend de colonnes (p. 46, 49, 51, 55, 2003. (24 cm, X, 64 + 12 Taf. + CD). ISBN 3-447- 59-60, 62 et 63). 04778-X; ISSN 1430-9726. / 58,-. La col. II, ainsi que la col. IV contiennent en tout trois textes assez proches de celui du recto, puisqu’ils enregistrent This book is a text edition of a funerary manuscript aussi des collectes de grain par plusieurs bateaux du Domaine inscribed for a certain Montuemhat, son of Psammetichus, d’Amon. Cependant, à la différence du recto, ce sont des per- who may have died sometime in the late fourth century BCE. sonnes privées et non des domaines appartenant à de grandes The manuscript is a singular document, because it contains a institutions qui devaient tenir ce grain à la disposition des number of spells to be recited over gold amulets hitherto agents de collecte. unknown from other sources. Irmtraut Munro presents us La col. III, très différente du reste du document fournit une with a careful and comprehensive edition of the manuscript liste de biens acquis par un scribe, dans divers villages, en that can serve as a solid basis for future studies about Late 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:36 Pagina 476

505 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXIII N° 5-6, september-december 2006 506

Period funerary culture. She rightfully deserves praise for this hieratic transcribed into hieroglyphs. The pdf files are of good work. quality and very helpful since they allow for zooming in on The manuscript is currently housed in the Egyptian details. With the help of the high resolution infrared reflec- Museum of the University of Bonn, Germany, with inventory tography (IRR) the text has again become well readable and number pBonn L1647, as a long-term loan from a private col- the regular, well-trained hieratic hand presents few tran- lection. It was presented as an unopened papyrus roll to the scription problems. On pages 22 to 45 each column is given museum in May 2000 and only revealed its riches, after it in a hand copy with transcribed hieroglyphs followed by had been carefully unrolled, conserved, and photographed translation into German and concise philological comments. with high resolution infrared reflectography (IRR). The The final part of the book, pages 46 to 60, is devoted to process of conservation is minutely described in two chap- an analysis of the spells and vignettes. The parallel phrases ters written by Katrin Janis and Robert Fuchs. Katrin Janis and text units from the Pyramid Texts, Coffin Texts, Mut Rit- describes in detail the conservation methods used and, in ual and pBusca are given in an orderly list. In a separate sec- addition, presents an analysis of the painting techniques and tion the vignettes are carefully described and the prescribed pigments used in the production of the colorful vignettes. amulets are discussed. Very helpful are the references to the Robert Fuchs reports about the infrared reflectography tech- other amulet papyri where the same amulets appear. How- nique and the scientific analysis of the pigments in the other ever, a comparison of these amulet texts deserves more atten- chapter. tion than is afforded in these few pages. The concise presen- The manuscript contains 23 spells, 6 of which are from the tation is also confusing at times. This final observation does Book of the Dead and directly (BD 155, 157, 89, 162) or not count as a critique, but serves as an encouragement to indirectly (BD 129, 100) concerned with the production of continue work on this very important new document. Irm- amulets. Two spells appear to be variants of spells which traut Munro has provided us now with a basis to start from. were already known from the group of 12 amulet spells at the end of pBusca, a Book of the Dead manuscript of the 19th UCLA, May 2006 Jacco DIELEMAN dynasty. The remaining 15 spells represent unique material unknown from other sources to date, which probably all ** derive from a handbook called ‘The compilation of rituals * concerning golden amulets’ (mentioned in column 6, ll. 1-2). The spells were meant to be recited over amulets of gold or BACKES, B. — Wortindex zum späten Totenbuch (pTurin gold leaf and thus to imbue those with protective power. The 1791). Unter Mitarbeit von Imtraut Munro und Simone amulets were then to be hung around the neck of the Stöhr. (Studien zum Altägyptischen Totenbuch 9). Ver- deceased. lag Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 2005. (24 cm, XII, The manuscript is adorned with 9 colorful vignettes inter- 198). ISBN 3-447-05258-9. ISSN 1430-9726. / 36,-. spersed in the text. In addition to 16 images depicting golden amulets referred to in the spells, there are images of Isis as This new volume of the series Studien zum Altägyptischen hippopotamus guarding the bull’s foreleg (the Big Dipper), a Totenbuch is the only systematic and updated index ever solar bark with Isis and Thoth as passengers (vignette belong- compiled for the Book of the Dead. Its source is a milestone ing to BD 100 and 129), and, to close the papyrus roll, the of the Book of the Dead studies: pTurin 1791 (belonging to deceased dressed as lector priest. The amulet depictions are ˆIw.f-¨nÌ), whose facsimile was published by Lepsius in painted with auripigment to imitate the gold of the actual 1842.1 The numeration of the chapters of the Book of the objects. This idea of imitation was, according to Munro, the Dead presently in use is still based on such a manuscript, motivation for selecting amulet spells to compose a funerary whose arrangement in 165 chapters is representative of the papyrus. The spells and depictions could stand in for the so-called Saite redaction of the Late Period. actual golden amulets, so that, when buried with the Due to the high number of textual variants, it would have deceased, the manuscript would afford the same protection been virtually impossible to include more documents as from harm as expensive gold amulets would have done. This sources for a word index of the Book of the Dead. Therefore, idea also helps to explain the 12 additional amulet spells at we must agree with the author2 and his collaborators (I. the end of the already mentioned pBusca (19th dynasty), the Munro and S. Stöhr), who are members of the Totenbuch Berlin amulets tablet (New Kingdom), the amulet table on Project housed in Bonn, that pTurin 1791 was the best choice the verso of pMacGregor (probably late 1st c. BCE), and the possible for an index of the Book of the Dead of the Late amulet plan at the end of pBM EA 10098+10844 (late 1st c. Period. The publication of pTurin made by Lepsius was BCE or early 1st c. CE). To these documents, mentioned by already included in the database of the Wörterbuch3 but in Munro, one could add the amulet list carved in the doorway the latter the references to pTurin are not easy to recognize to the third room of the western Khoiak chapel on the tem- and locate in the manuscript. On the other hand, references ple roof of the Hathor temple at Denderah. This table was to the Wörterbuch are widely present in this Wortindex and certainly not meant to only document the types and number of protective amulets to be laid upon the Khoiak corn mummy, but also to function as a substitute amulet in its own 1) R. Lepsius, Das Todtenbuch der Ägypter nach dem hieroglyphischen right prominently placed at the entrance to the tomb to ward Papyrus in Turin, Leipzig 1845. In 1875 Lieblein attempted to compile an Index alphabétique de tous les mots contenus dans le Livre des Morts pub- off any evil coming from outside. lié par Lepsius. To facilitate study of the document Munro provides us 2) From now onwards abbreviated in A. with black and white photos of the manuscript at the back of 3) A. Erman, H. Grapow, Wörterbuch der ägyptischen Sprache, Band the book, color and black and white photos as pdf files on a I-V; Band VI: Deutsch-Ägyptisches Wörterverzeichnis; Band VII: Rück- läufiges Wörterverzeichnis; Band VIII-X: Belegstellenverzeichnis, Berlin CD-Rom, and a careful hand copy of the manuscript with the 1950 — 1963. 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:36 Pagina 477

507 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 508

may help to individuate the various hieroglyphic forms of the desideratum,11 as declared also by the author and his collab- words. orators in the preface to this volume. It would also be much As stated in the preface, the author and his collaborators appreciated if this word index could be followed by a has profited of the databank of the digital project on the Altä- vocabulary or a lexicon where the different meanings of the gyptisches Wörterbuch based in Berlin,4 which includes the same word can be inventoried and explained in depth accord- text of pTurin as well. Moreover, when a divine epithet is ing to the sources where they appear. However, due to the concerned, the author and his collaborators includes refer- difficulty of collecting all the variants of the same spell/word ences to the recent and comprehensive Lexikon der ägyptis- occurring in a certain period, this will never be an easy task chen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen published by C. Leitz.5 to carry out. Other main lexical works are occasionally quoted as well as Nevertheless, we hope that this index can inaugurate a new comparative material, among which is Meek’s Année lexi- trend of lexicographical studies of the texts of the Book of cographique6 and the Lexikon Ägyptologie.7 The references the Dead. In fact, many facsimiles of papyri belonging to this to the central studies mentioned above certainly provide a genre have been published so far but, at the same time, the solid basis for this index, whose compilation is very precise translation and interpretation of their texts has not progressed and careful, especially in the list of the terms and of their for severad decades.12 Therefore, studies like the Wortindex occurrences. zum späten Totenbuch should be seen as incentives to real- To the lexical works quoted in the book it would have been ize a new, comprehensive translation of the Book of the useful to add, when possible, the Coffin Texts Word Index8 Dead, which remains one of the most rich and complex col- and the Ptolemaic Lexicon9. Very often indeed, the texts of lection of funerary and religious texts of ancient Egypt. the Book of the Dead gain a stronger value and can be bet- ter interpreted in the light of their Coffin Texts antecedents Leiden, June 2006 Rita LUCARELLI and, in the case of the manuscripts produced in the Ptolemaic period like pTurin, they may find interesting correspondences ** in the temple texts of the great temples of the same period. * Moreover, the addition of a cd-rom version of the same index, including the hieroglyphic text of the papyrus, would DANERI RODRIGO, A., and M. CAMPAGNO (Eds.) — have facilitated further the search of the words and of their Antiguos contactos. Relaciones de intercambio entre original form on the manuscript. Egipto y sus periferias. Universidad de Buenos Aires, Nevertheless, the is of great utility for scholars Wortindex Facultad de Filosofia y Letras, Buenos Aires, 2004. (22,5 who need to investigate on the occurrences and use of a cm, 160). ISBN 950-29-0815-5. lemma in the Book of the Dead of the Late Period, since the Papyrus of Turin is certainly one of the best testimonials of This book is the result of the research project: Problemas the funerary literature of the period. For each lemma of the históricos del Egipto Antiguo: del Delta del Nilo y sus rela- index, first the chapter of the Book of the Dead in which ciones con el exterior (UBACyT FI 129, carried out in the occurs it is specified, followed by the page and line numbers Instituto de Historia Antigua Oriental “Dr. Abraham Rosen- according to Lepsius’edition of the manuscript. When a word vasser”. occurs in a section of the manuscript which has not been It is a study about the relations between Egypt and the sur- numbered by Lepsius, it is explicitly indicated by special rounding countries from Prehistory until the Iron Age. The remarks specifying where exactly the word is placed.10 book is divided into seven chapters written by six authors and At the end of the volume, in two separate sections, the it begins with Marcelo Campagno‘s introduction. It is a con- words which present a difficult transliteration and a corrupted ventional introduction in which he analyses each of the fol- or unclear meaning and the cardinal numbers which occur in lowing articles. I think that Campagno’s article is interesting the papyrus have been collected as well. This may help future but it does not contribute anything important to the book. comparative studies on the Book of the Dead papyri, which The second article Egipto y las vías de intercambio con el keep revealing unknown or not yet understood terms and Sur de bienes suntuarios: los productos aromáticos by Alicia verbs. Daneri, is a good study about the role of aromatic products Unfortunately this index cannot help to locate and identify (resins, spices, oils), particularly their use in the temples, in words and lexemes employed in spells of the Book of the the funerary cult and in medical prescriptions. From the begin- Dead composed in the earlier periods; a word index for these ning of the Old Kingdom the state had control of the trade in earlier traditions of the Book of the Dead remains in fact a aromatic products and the pharaohs went to Nubia and Punt to obtain these products. Without doubt the most important expeditions were the expedition of Harkhuf and the trip to Punt 4) See: http://aaew.bbaw.de/index.html across the Red Sea in the XVIII dynasty as we can read and 5) C. Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeich- see in the walls of the temple of Deir el Bahari. At the end of nungen, 7 vols, OLA 110-116, Leuven 2002. 6) D. Meeks, L’Année lexicographique, Tome I (1977), II (1978), III the article the author gives an extensive bibliography. (1979), Paris 1980-1982. 7) W. Helck/E. Otto/W. Westendorf (ed.), Lexikon der Agyptologie I- VII, Wiesbaden 1975-1992. 11) The only words list presently available for the Book of the Dead of 8) J.F. Borghouts, and D. Van Der Plas, Coffin Texts Word Index, the New Kingdom is the long-time outdated vocabulary of E.A. Wallis Utrecht 1998. Budge: A Hieroglyphic Vocabulary to the Theban recension of the Book of 9) P. Wilson, Ptolemaic Lexicon. A Lexicographical Study of the Texts the Dead, with an index to all the English equivalents of the Egyptian in the Temple of Edfu, OLA 78, Leuven 1997. words, London 1991 (1st Edition: 1911). 10) This is the case of the epithets occurring in the scene of the Tribunal 12) The translation made by E. Hornung, (Das Totenbuch der Ägypter, of the dead (in the volume: TG = Totengericht); see for instance M¨.t on Bibliothek der Alten Welt, 1979), which remains the most recent one avail- p. 69: “Beischrift zu Maat, zwischen Maat und dem Verstorbenen”. able, dates back to more than 20 years ago! 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:36 Pagina 478

509 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXIII N° 5-6, september-december 2006 510

The third article Sobre los bienes de prestigio, orden y power of Tel Masos. Of course the end of control of the caos. El estado egipcio y sus periferias durante el período Timna copper mines by Egypt was important but perhaps the Temprano (ca. 3000-2700 a.C.) by Marcelo Campagno, is a political conflicts in the environment and in the Mediter- study about the beginning of the Egyptian State and how it ranean generally were more important for the loss of impor- consolidated two kinds of relationships with the countries tance of Tel Masos. We must not forget that Tel Masos around it. On the one hand, the author analyses these coun- exchanged products with many places and this period was tries as providers of goods required by the Egyptian elite and very unstable both politically and economically. on the other hand, he analyses the Egyptian political, mili- In the last and seventh article, Salomón ben David y tary and economical control over several countries potentially Egipto. Intercambios y surgimiento de organizaciones hostile to Egypt in order to obtain not only products but also sociopolíticas en Palestina durante la Edad del Hierro II by territory. In this article the few testimonies that we have, the Emanuel Pfoh, the author offers us a very interesting new images, texts and archaeological objects, are all very dearly interpretation of the history of the biblical Solomon, taking described. However the author forgets to mention some key into account the analysis of biblical texts in recent years. The articles such as Breasted, R., Ancient Records of Egypt I, author analyses some data about the history of Palestine and London, 1906-07, p. 168-170, 236; Cerny, J., Gardiner, A., Solomon’s life and his relations with other kings, but some- and Peet, T., “The inscriptions of Sinai”, IFAO II, London, times he is a little ambiguous. For example, Pfoh speaks 1955, p. 25; Giveon, R., “Inscriptions of Sahure and Sesostris about a pharaoh named Sheshonq (945-924a.C.) who carried I from Wadi Kharig (Southerin Sinai), BASOR 226, Michi- out a military campaign in Palestine and he should say gan, 1974, p. 17-20; Beit- Arieh, I., ”Serâbit el Khâdim: Sheshonq I. New Metallurgical and Chronological Aspects, Levant 17, But the most important thing about this article is that the London, 1985, p. 89-116; Pons Mellado, E. “La explotación author doubts the existence of Solomon because he does not de los metales en el Antiguo Egipto “ Cuadernos de Egip- have enough proof for it. But Pfoh also says that if Solomon tologia Mizar nº 6, 2000, where we can see more testimonies did live, he is sure that Solomon could not have had many about the bad relation between Egypt and other countries in relations with Egypt, much less be married with the daugh- the stelae of Semerjet (I dynasty), Sejemjet (III dynasty), Sne- ter of a pharaoh, in this case with Siamun’s daughter (21st fru, Sahure, Menkauhor or Pepy I. dynasty), because Solomon was not very important to Egypt In the fourth article, Egypto y sus periferias en el Reino as he was only a leader of one part of the Palestinian high- Medio by Roxana Flammini, analyzes the role of Egypt dur- lands. For the author, Solomon’s life is only a legend and per- ing the Middle Kingdom, above all with Amenemhet II and haps he existed but if so, he was never a king with a lot of III, but she forgets to mention the role of Sesostris III in power in his country or important for other countries such as Nubia. She defends the old idea of Egyptian imperialism over Egypt. Lower Nubia, but at the present there are many disputes about this theory because it does not fit very well with what we Madrid, June 2006 Esther PONS MELLADO know about the Egyptian mentality. On the other hand, the author does speak about the Egyptian fortresses in Nubia but I think she should have gone into these fortresses in more ** depth, especially Buhen, Iken- Mirgissa, and Semna. * In the fifth article, Observaciones sobre la presencia de KOOTZ, A.B. — Der altägyptische Staat. Untersuchung aus los grupos libios en Egipto durante el Tercer Periodo Inter- politikwissenschaftlicher Sicht. (MENES Studien zur medio by Celeste Crespo, the author introduces us to the role of the Libyan people in Egypt during the Third Intermediate Kultur und Sprache der ägyptischen Frühzeit und des Period and the participation of the Libyans in the trade cir- alten Reiches — Band 4). Verlag Otto Harrassowitz, cuits for prestige goods. Crespo puts great emphasis on Wiesbaden, 2006. (25,5 cm,XII,266). ISBN 3-447- Egypt’s loss of leadership in trade with other countries which 05319-4; 978-3-447-05319-8. ISSN 1614-8665. /78,-. enabled the Libyans and the Phoenicians to break into the Egyptology has long been a notoriously self-contained dis- world of commerce in the Mediterranean. I think that the cipline. Anja Kootz’s effort to utilize contemporary political mention of the Phoenician presence in Spain is important but science theory to understand better how the ancient Egyp- she speaks very little about this presence in the rest of the tians conceptualized and managed their political system is a Mediterranean. welcome attempt to break out of this isolation. Her book is The sixth article, Crisis y reestructuración comercial per- based on a dissertation accepted by the Faculty of Philoso- iférica: el caso de Negev a inicios de la Edad de Hierro, by phy at the University of Cologne in 2004. Although it appears Juan Manuel Tebes, focuses on the exchange networks in the in a series devoted to Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom northern Negev during the Early Iron Age after the collapse Egypt, Kootz’s research is based mainly on textual material of the Egyptian hegemony over Palestine. For the author the from the Middle Kingdom, which she asserts reflects condi- most important place was Tel Masos because this city was tions in earlier times. It is also concerned mainly with how the centre of trade between the Negev and the Mediterranean, the ancient Egyptians understood kingship and political orga- and was the “workshop” for the copper extracted in the nization rather than with the specifics of how the Egyptian Arabah mines. Tebes also defends the idea that the exchange state was organized and governed at any given period. was always controlled by the local tribes and while the Images, rituals, and monumental buildings are discussed Egyptian people controlled the Timna copper mines, Tel briefly but the relocation of some provincial centres and the Masos was very powerful, but when Egypt left the area, Tel resettlement of populations, which T.A.H Wilkinson (Early Masos started its decline. I think that this theory is correct Dynastic Egypt [1999]) has shown played a major role in the but perhaps there are other reasons for the decline in the consolidation of authority at the beginning of the First 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:36 Pagina 479

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Dynasty, goes unconsidered. Hence the orientation of this constitutional power of kings to exploit their subjects and book is primarily cultural rather than social; it is perhaps assigned complementary responsibilities to workers, the closest in what it attempts to do with the Egyptian section of upper classes and deities for promoting the joint welfare of Henri Frankfort’s remarkable Kingship and the Gods: A all three groups and ensuring their mutual survival and that Study of Near Eastern Religions and the Integration of Soci- of the universe (Trigger, Understanding Early Civilizations ety and Nature (1948). [2003]: 493). In a review of my book published in The Inter- Kootz grounds her approach on concepts derived from national History Review, Robert McC. Adams (vol 26 general political science theory. While she avoids commit- [2004]: 349-51) has argued against this interpretation, pre- ment to any specific school, her work is strongly influenced ferring to view the rulers of early civilizations as exploiting by that of Wolfgang Leidhold, who teaches at the University the lower classes to the very limits of these rulers’ coercive of Cologne. Her goal is to reconstruct ancient Egyptian polit- powers. Despite Adams’ comments, I remain confident of the ical theory and to add this understanding to the corpus of logic and factual basis of my position. comparative political science. She observes that it is gener- While Kootz provides very interesting and persuasive read- ally impossible to identify ancient Egyptian equivalents for ings of ancient Egyptian texts, the relatively small number of modern political concepts but that does not mean that analo- these texts and the limited lexical understanding of the gous concepts did not exist. Identifying them requires, how- ancient Egyptian language leave many proposed interpreta- ever, that ancient Egyptian words and images undergo seman- tions open to question. The ancient Egyptians’ concept of tic as well as lexical translation, which in turn necessitates a Maat would have differed greatly from what Kootz infers, heavy reliance on semiotic and hermeneutic approaches. The had they believed in predestination as strongly as the magi- main questions that Kootz asks are warum, was, wer, wen, cian Djedi’s prophecies in the Papyrus Westcar suggest. Fur- wo, and wie: how did ancient Egyptians conceptualize polit- thermore, if we construe Maat to be cognate with m}w (food ical power? What did they see as the normative basis and offerings) and sm} (to offer), the notion of cosmic order may goals of such power? Who was involved in the conceptual- be derived from the basic idea of humans maintaining the ization and exercise of such power? Whom were such ideas universe by literally feeding the gods, a view that my research meant to influence? How was Egypt conceptualized as a for Understanding Early Civilizations indicates was wide- political entity? And how were notions of power repre- spread in early civilizations. The semantic association of sented? Maat with guidance or morality, which Kootz supports, may Kootz argues persuasively that the government of ancient be a secondary or derived meaning. This counter-argument Egypt performed the basic functions of any modern state but acquires even more significance when it is observed that Ìw, that it was conceptualized very differently from how modern meaning creative utterance, seems etymologically associated states are regarded. The realm of the gods supplied the norms with Ìw, meaning food. On the other hand, Kootz does not that were supposed to govern every aspect of personal and observe that the ancient Egyptian use of a single kinship term, collective human behaviour. The king was viewed as the sn, to refer to brother, uncle, nephew, or cousin suggests that earthly representative of supernatural entities, who as their the great attention paid to the mythical struggles between deputized office-holder exercised the powers of the major Seth and Osiris and then between Horus and Seth seem to creator gods in the human realm. His duties were to serve the reflect the deep concerns that Egyptians had with the dangers gods, promote peace and prosperity within Egypt and defend involved in relations between collateral as opposed to direct Egypt from external enemies. He was, however, like other consanguineal relatives in the political, economic, and human beings and the gods themselves, subject to Maat: the domestic realms. On the whole, Kootz comes across as being supernatural ordering power that made the universe function overzealous in her “translating” of Egyptian ideas into mod- and permitted the formation of a community of opinion that ern thought, with the result that these ideas are decontextu- allowed human beings to live peacefully together. Hence, alized and their differences obscured to the extent that ancient while they were regarded as supreme earthly rulers, kings Egyptian thought appears to be more like our own than it were not above critical appraisal and were answerable for actually was. their actions not only to the gods but also in an indirect fash- Finally there is a procedural consideration. I agree totally ion to the people they governed. In theory, this answerabil- with Kootz that every society has unique features and must ity not only curbed the power of a king to do whatever he be understood on its own terms before comparison is carried wished but also protected the rights of the various regions out out. Yet I have some doubts that the general theories of polit- of which Egypt was constructed and of all human beings and ical science supply the best framework for understanding the all the deities whose cult centres were located in each of these political aspects of a civilization such as ancient Egypt. Econ- regions. While kings may have been viewed as answerable omists who adopt a formalist approach maintain that a single to no mortal, their subordination to Maat provided the basis body of theory can explain all economic phenomena; while for a de facto constitutional monarchy. Politics had to rely on substantivists argue that, because the nature of economic orga- rhetoric, communications skills and managerial skills much nization changes as societies grow more complex, different more than on the exercise of brute force. levels of complexity require different explanations. Today In general, I find Kootz’s position eminently acceptable. many economists appear to accept that the substantivist posi- Marshall Sahlins, in his book Culture and Practical Reason tion best facilitates macroeconomic studies, which deal with (1976: 211-12), argued that each level of social complexity whole societies, while formalist economics best explains indi- has a dominant source of symbolic production that supplies vidual behaviour, which they believe is everywhere the same. the key idioms that permit social and political relations to be While this debate has not been resolved, it seems to me that understood. He also maintains that in the case of early civi- the most specific and useful concepts that might assist the lizations this source is located in religious beliefs. I have understanding of ancient Egyptian political beliefs and behav- argued that in early civilizations religious beliefs limited the iour come not from universal political science generalizations 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:36 Pagina 480

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but from generalizations that refer specifically to societies that carefully enough. I cannot say anything really bad about the were at the same level of complexity as was ancient Egypt. book, but I cannot say also anything good either; actually, These societies include the kingdoms of ancient Mesopotamia, very little can be said about it in general. In the very begin- Shang China, prehistoric Mesoamerica and Peru, and West ning (p.1) the author modestly states that “die vorliegende Africa. In recent years anthropologists and anthropological Arbeit möchte nun als Aktualisierung, Komplettierung und archaeologists have made considerable progress in under- Erweiterung jener Beiträge verstanden werden, in der alle standing these societies, to the point where what is and what bekannten Stofflisten sowie darüber hinausführend alle auch is not likely to occur in them is beginning to be understood in in anderem Kontext erscheinenden Stoffbezeichnungen des some detail. It seems to me that adopting a substantivist posi- Alten Reich gesammelt und in einer lexikographischen tion that would compare ancient Egypt first and foremost with Untersuchung ausgewertet werden sollen” — and this is the societies of this sort is the best way to gain a deeper under- case. The lists are collected, systematised, arranged in a cer- standing of the political systems associated with all of them. tain chronological order, and the names of the textiles are To be effective, however, the goal of such comparison must discussed (Chapter 1, Lexikographische Untersuchung der be to identify the differences as well as the similarities among Stoffqualitäten, -formen und -maße, pp.7-79, and Quellen- such societies. Kootz appears to be moving in this direction sammlung, pp.107-155). This is no doubt of use for those when at the end of the book she notes the value of theoreti- who take an interest in these materials for they are saved the cal anthropology for such research. I believe that a factually- trouble of the gathering of the sources, the most painstak- grounded comparative sociocultural anthropology would be ing part of the work, but practically no good comes of this even more helpful. good beginning. The lexicographic study can hardly be rec- ognized as important. Yes, it is well done from the purely Montreal, Canada Bruce G. TRIGGER formal point of view, but it is mainly a review of the opin- June 2006 ions published by others, while the author’s role does not go beyond summarising them, which is obviously insuffi- cient. ** The excessive dependence of the author upon the author- * ities is especially evident in the datings of the monuments she uses. It is very good that she does not generally resort to those SCHEELE, K. — Die Stofflisten des Alten Reiches. Lexiko- proposed by N.CHERPION ( graphie, Entwicklung und Gebrauch. (Menes. Studien zur Mastabas et hypogées d’Ancien , Bruxelles, 1989) and Kultur und Sprache der ägyptischen Frühzeit und des Empire. Le problème de la datation M.BAUD ( Alten Reiches. Band. 2.). Verlag Otto Harrassowitz, Famille royale et pouvoir sous l’Ancien Empire I-II, Le Caire, 1999), the stalwart of the latter (p.2), Wiesbaden, 2005. (25,5 cm, X, 172+18). ISBN 3-447- égyptien for they are misleading, but it is quite impossible to come to 05092-6. ISSN 1614-8665. nothing more than the dates used in Topographical Bibliog- Egyptology has changed greatly during the last decades. raphy as SCHEELE does — they are too often obsolete and, in Numerous books published thirty or more years ago already any case, they were never intended to be standards. The book seem not demonstrative enough when compared with mod- by Y.HARPUR containing one of the most reliable lists of dates ern works devoted to the same subjects. This is a result of of Old Kingdom tombs (Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of changed attitude toward source studies that are growing the Old Kingdom. Studies in Orientation and Scene Content, more and more detailed and complete. More and more com- London - New York, 1987, 265-284) is not even mentioned mon are the books devoted to a certain group of monuments nor well as the book by N. STRUDWICK (The Administration or texts collected with the completeness that was unattain- of Egypt in the Old Kingdom. The Highest Titles and their able some time ago. A total consideration of the sources is Holders, London - Boston - Henley - Melbourne, 1985) that the sign of the time, and a good deal of the works of this also often proves very useful concerning chronology. It is kind are the Ph.D. theses that are getting thicker and thicker; enough to compare the datings used by SCHEELE with those it may be even said that theses increasingly predetermine the recently offered by P.JÁNOSI (Giza in der 4. Dynastie. Die face of Egyptology. The tendency towards thoroughness may Baugeschichte und Belegung einer Nekropole des Alten be only appreciated, but it has also its seamy side: the time Reiches I (Wien, 2005) to show how hopelessly far from the of the researchers are taken mainly by the analysis, while the demands of the times she is. But, of course, it is not enough synthesis suffers neglect. The situation is aggravated by the to find the best datings among the published ones — since need to finish dissertations on time, which makes the con- the relative chronology is the key problem for Old Kingdom ditions for sweeping generalisations even less favourable. studies of any kind, every author must contribute to it as This explicable but nonetheless perverted ratio of values to much as possible. Unfortunately, when SCHEELE starts dating which young modern Egyptologists are accustomed in the monuments herself, the results are poor. I cannot understand, beginning of their careers cannot help influencing their e.g., why the stela Liverpool M.13850 has no stylistic fea- scholarly outlook in the future, so that they very often for- tures of Dyn.III and must be re-dated to the beginning of get that any analysis eventually is but a prerequisite to a syn- Dyn.IV (p.117, n.50) — the traditional dating rejected by thesis. SCHEELE seems much more grounded. Even more surprising The book by Katrin SCHEELE is a good illustration of the is SCHEELE’s indefinite dating of the Louvre chapel of Ì.t(j)- aforesaid tendency carried to an extreme, which excuses the Ìtp(.w) to Dyn.V-VI (p.130) — this monument is an excel- presence of the above reflections that may seem to be too lent example of the fullest flower of Old Kingdom murals in abstract to open a review of a relatively small publication. the second half of Dyn.V, the reigns of Neuserra - Isesi being Its subject is a group of about 270 lists of textiles from the its most probable date (HARPUR, Decoration, 272:340). The private tombs of Dyn. III-VIII that are studied at length and false door of Mrjj-r¨(w)-nfr(.w)/Ër from Edfou cannot be 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:36 Pagina 481

515 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — FARAONISCH EGYPTE 516

dated to the reigns of Pepy I - Merenra (p.136) because its VANDERSLEYEN, C. — Iahmès-Sapaïr. Fils de Séqénenré owner was transferred to the south only by the latter, while Djéhouty-Aa (17e dynastie) et la statue du Musée du under Pepy I he had another tomb at Saqqara (see the newest Louvre E 15682. (Collection Connaissance de l’Égypte review of his career in A.O.BOLSHAKOV, Studies on Old King- Ancienne, no. 8). Safran Éditions, Brussels, 2005. (24 dom Reliefs and Sculpture in the Hermitage, Wiesbaden, cm, 96, XVI Pls.). ISBN 2-87457-002. / 23,-. 2005, 117-120); this was clear already to DARESSY who pub- One of the curiosities of the study of the interface between lished the biographic inscription of in Mrjj-r¨(w)-nfr(.w)/Ër the Second Intermediate Period and the New Kingdom is the 1917 ( 17, 135-140) and there is no need to “improve” ASAE way in which so many members of the royal family of the him. period were later commemorated by Ramesside posterity as The list of such strange mistakes can be easily extended, Theban ‘Lords of the West’.1) Of them, the most commonly and they are by no means occasional. They appear as a found on the monuments are Amenhotep I and his mother result of disregard of monuments as integral objects: the Ahmes-Nefertiry; however, also prominent is a author is interested only in a certain part of information they s-nsw ˆI¨Ì- . The identity of this person has been much bear (i.e., the lists of textiles) and pays no attention to their ms s-p-ír debated over the years; this short monograph by Professor other features. For instance, she constantly calls Giza slab Vandersleyen — in many ways a revised and expanded ver- stelae “Tafeln der Scheintüren”, which means a staggering sion of a paper first published two decades ago2) — is a use- lack of knowledge of archaeological banalities — although ful contribution to the debate, as well as publishing the iconic different interpretations of the phenomenon of these monu- statue of a Prince Ahmose that has been in the Louvre ments do coexist (cf. P.MANUELIAN, Slab Stelae of the Giza Museum since 1937. , New Haven — Philadelphia, 2003, 161-170, Necropolis His opening remarks include a challenge to the conven- and JÁNOSI, , 280-283), there is no Giza in der 4. Dynastie tional reading of the name of the father of the Louvre prince doubt that the stelae are not directly related with the false as ¨ , preferring Parlebas and Jacquet-Gordon’s reading of doors. T  the initial group of signs as , making the royal name The conclusions of non-lexicographic nature are set out in ΔÌwty ‘Djehutyaa’, rather than the generally-used ‘Taa’. Professor three brief chapters: 2 — Entwicklung der Stofflisten und der Vandersleyen also takes the opportunity to discuss the in den Privatgräbern erscheinenden Stoffbezeichnungen von vocalised forms used in Egyptological literature, in particu- (pp.81-89); 3 der Frühzeit bis zum Ende des Alten Reiches lar querying the continued use in some circles of the Greek — Untersuchung zum sozialen Status der Stofflisteninhaber forms of kings’ names, rather than those based on the origi- (pp.91-97); and 4 — Untersuchung zur Provenienz der Stof- nal hieroglyphs. This discussion concludes with the author’s (pp.99-106). These conclusions are very primitive and flisten reasons for calling the subject of his treatise ‘Iahmès’, rather predictable. Indeed, what is said about the trends of the devel- than the more usual francophone ‘Ahmès’. The reviewer must opment of the lists of textiles does not add much to the facts confess to finding such discussions inevitably rather sterile. already known; it is obvious to everyone who knows any- Even after nearly two centuries of hieroglyphic studies, one thing about the Old Kingdom that the lists were used both by must admit that the moment one moves away from the the members of the royal family and the people of the lower ancient signs themselves one is introducing uncertainty, and statuses; and, of course, no special study is necessary to further that any attempt at vocalisation cannot be ‘correct’. establish the fact that most lists of Dyn.III are placed on the Even appeals to the way in which an Egyptian name is ren- monuments of Saqqara and Helwan, while in Dyn.IV they dered in, say, cuneiform are not particularly helpful. Argu- come mainly from Giza… ing that, for example, ˆ should be vocalised ‘Akhan- All these disadvantages become quite explicable and venial Ì-n- Itn yati’ on the basis of foreign evidence (as was quite popular if we consider that the book by SCHEELE is a slightly revised a few years ago) is no better, in the final analysis, than sug- publication of her master’s thesis. One can hardly expect gesting that ‘Stephen’ is ‘really’ pronounced ‘Étienne’ more from a student’s work (and it is a good student’s work because this was how it appears in contemporary French writ- indeed), but there is a great difference between the first qual- ings (still less the anglophone manglings of Arab and other ification writing not leaving the precincts of the university oriental names). Fundamentally, the important thing when and the published book. It is only natural that the young writing the name of an ancient Egyptian is surely that (s)he author may be not experienced enough to see how big this can be recognised by the reader, and that the version given difference is, but the editors of the series must know it, and should reflect the basic hieroglyphic skeleton of the name. it is their fault that they accepted a crude work. Since one of Novelty should thus be avoided unless it is absolutely certain them, Jochem KAHL CHEELE , had been S ’s tutor, it must be that the ‘old’ vocalised transliteration is fundamentally admitted that he made his student an ill turn, and many of the unsound: otherwise the causal reader is simply confused — above reproaches must be readdressed to him. I hope that the and the specialist annoyed! author herself will make right conclusions from the situation Moving to the main body of the monograph, the first and will appreciate her work at its true value in the nearest chapter gives a brief overview of the past academic positions future — otherwise she may turn from a good student into a concerning Ahmose-Sipairi, his paternity and equation (or mediocre researcher. not) with other attested Princes Ahmose. This is less than exhaustive (cf. below), with views at variance with those of Hermitage Museum Andrey O. BOLSHAKOV professor Vandersleyen dismissed summarily: for example, St. Petersburg June 2006

** 1) They are represented en masse in TT2, TT284 and TT359 (Khabekhnet, Pahemnetjer and Inhurkhau: PM I2, 7[10], 366[2, 3], 422[4]. * 2) ‘L’identité de Ahmès Sapaïir’, SAK 10 (1983), 311-324. 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:36 Pagina 482

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Bennett’s suggestion that Ahmose-Sipairi might owe his session of such an impressive statue, and also for Ahmose- later celebrity to his being the father of Thutmose I is for the Sipairi’s prominence in later monuments. He cites the nam- author simply ‘imaginaire’. ing of so many of the prince’s family on the statue as indi- We then move rapidly to the Louvre statue and its history, cating the degree of family ‘chagrin’ that prompted the which is traced back to 1889, correcting long-standing mis- production of such a splendid piece. As for Ahmose- prints that have suggested a decade later, and to an ‘ami’ of Sipairi’s enduring cult, it is suggested that it was somehow Albert Daninos, not the scholar himself, as has also gener- linked with the prince being the first Crown Prince in direct ally been held in the literature. The author draws on the line to be born since the birth of the future Inyotef V to researches of Michel Dewachter to suggest that the lady who Sobkemsaf I. One must confess that neither of these argu- bequeathed the statue to the Louvre in 1937 was connected ments seems particularly strong. to one of two gentlemen surnamed Gilly who flourished in However, if the TT320 mummy is not of Ahmose-Sipairi, Egypt during between at least 1866 and 1872. his age becomes a moot point, making Bennett’s suggestion Professor Vanderleysen follows this by revisiting his afore- as to the reason for his importance still potentially in play mentioned 1983 paper, considering a number of the contri- — together with other options as well. An appeal to his butions on the subject during subsequent years. A number of iconography on posthumous monuments to indicate that he these are quoted in extenso, together with remarks that are had ‘n’a jamais atteint l’âge pubère’, as is later made on p. on occasion perhaps rather too personal for a scholarly work. 22, actually begs a question, as the standard iconography of This can also be observed in other parts of the book as well. royal sons during at least the Eighteenth Dynasty generally Without wishing to deal with individual points, it must be shows them as very young, even if the context clearly indi- remembered that the name ‘Ahmose’ was extremely popular cates that they were fully grown at the time. The classic at the time for both males and females, and it is perfectly pos- example of this is in TT64, where the ‘child’ Thutmose IV sible that a king could have had a number of successive sits on the lap of his tutor… accompanied by at least five of princes with the same name, much as Rameses II had two his own children! As a royal son, Ahmose-Sipairi would nat- Meryres and Ramesses III had at least two Amenhirkopshefs. urally follow this convention — although in fact most of his The brief description of the statue (illustrated by some very later depictions seem agnostic as to the age of the person fine colour plates, plus archive and more recent black and depicted. white photographs) points out the interesting fact that the On the other hand, the fact that the Louvre statue was ded- father of the prince is not only named, but also addressed, icated by King Taa — clearly short-lived, on the basis of his using the second person — and that such an occurrence is mummy — would certainly indicate that this Prince Ahmose unique in the record. However, the discussion of the ‘raison was fairly young at the time — and since the statue has every d’être’ of the statue that follows has a problem at the outset appearance of being a funerary piece, presumably died young in assuming that the owner was only a young child at death, as well. The issue thus remains whether the equation of the based on the approximate age of mummy CCG61064. This two princes is indeed inevitable — clearly, there is a strong corpse, and the coffin which held it in TT320 (CCG61007), temptation to link the two, but the reviewer remains uncon- is briefly dealt with in the following chapter, but none of the vinced that the question can (as yet) be closed. major issues concerning them are addressed. These are two- Leaving for now the contentious issue of Ahmose-Sipairi’s fold: first is whether the hieratic text on the coffin (tran- life and death, much of the rest of the book is devoted to cat- scribed by Daressy as Pí) should actually be read as refer- aloguing and analysing the numerous memorials of Ahmose- ring to (Ahmose-)Sipairi at all, and the fact that the coffin Sipairi. The author attributes thirty-three items definitely to cannot possibly have been made for a young son of Seqe- him, plus eight that are regarded as less certain. The latter, nenre. It is of the classic ‘black’ type that is introduced dur- and some of the former, simply name an ‘Ahmose’: while ing the first part of the reign of Thutmose III, and stylisti- the later memorials almost certainly refer to Ahmose-Sipairi, cally this particular example may date somewhat later. These funerary monuments such as the Louvre statue, two shabtis, issues are not new, and should certainly have been at least and a shabti coffin could still belong to another prince of the discussed by the author.3) Rather, he implicitly ignores the name. coffin’s real date on p. 47, where it is listed without query as Annexe I contains a useful summary of the various a Seventeenth Dynasty monument of the prince. Addition- orthographies of the prince(s) name. Most potentially intrigu- ally, on p. 23, its visage is considered to be ‘apparenté à celui ing is the existence of a shabti bearing the full form Ahmose- du cercueil de Séqénenré’, with Daressy’s view that the cof- Sipairi (albeit without title) utilising, according to the origi- fin was late Eighteenth Dynasty brushed aside. Unfortunately nal publication by Carnarvon and Carter,4) the form of the for Professor Vandersleyen, the archaeological evidence for ’IcÌ-sign current before Year 22 of Ahmose I. If this is cor- the appearance of the ‘black’ coffin seems unequivocal, and rect — and if it is actually a prince being referred to — it it is simply impossible for CCG61007 to be contemporary raises the question as to why, if the Louvre prince were with the reign of Seqenenre. indeed Ahmose-Sipairi, the full version was not also used on This view that the owner of the statue was but a young the Louvre statue — as presumably part of the same funer- child leads the author to search for reasons for both his pos- ary outfit. However, it must be recognised that the context in which the shabti was found is not particularly supportive of the prince being referred to at all, the piece being one of a 3) They are raised, for example, by the reviewer in ‘Crown Prince Djhut- large group found in model coffins in a niche in the west wall mose and the Royal Sons of the Eighteenth Dynasty’, JEA 76 (1990), 92 n.43, a paper which is both cited and a preceding footnote quoted verbatim only seven pages earlier. One must note that this sits uncomfortably with the author’s castigation of those who have not fully quoted his own views 4) The Earl of Carnarvon and H. Carter, Five Years’ Explorations at in their studies! Thebes (London, 1912), 20. 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:36 Pagina 483

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of the courtyard of TT15 (Tetiky), none of the other twenty- son why Jane Hill’s treatment of the earliest evidence for the five names included in the group having any obvious royal use of cylinder seals in Egypt carries so much significance. affiliations.5) The author divides her material into three broadly con- Annexe II considers the name ‘Sipairi’, which Professor ceived phases. The first of these pertains especially to the Vandersleyen wonders whether should be interpreted as ‘le very earliest finds of cylinder-seal impressions of Egypt, fils du héros’, referring to the death in battle of Seqenenre. those of the Abydos tombs from the end of the Naqada IId In this connexion, he also notes the curious alternate nomina phase (before ca. 3480). Finds of this surprisingly early date affected by late Seventeenth and early Eighteenth Dynasty show already a fully fledged cylinder-seal technology and kings, in particular Kamose’s P-Ìq.qn and P-Ìq-‘, both iconography, including individual emblems, emblem series, utilising the same definite article at the beginning as P-írí. animal rows and scenes likely to depict sacred moments of On the other hand, the aforementioned shabti suggests that a Egyptain ceremonial life. The second, featuring first and fore- near-contemporary private individual may also have pos- most finds from Lower Nubia displaying human figures in sessed the name, presumably without any such significance, different poses, already represent a transitional stage in which rather reducing the force of the argument. foreign iconographic elements are being absorbed into the Annexe III discusses persons names Ahmose in the con- Egyptian pictorial mode of expression. Finally, the third text of those designated Ì-íÈr-n-R¨, while Annexe IV con- phase, pertaining especially to the En Besor (Ain ash-Shal- siders ‘Quelques cas particuliers’, including the mid-Eigh- lala) finds, displays the „full domestication“ of the foreign teenth Dynasty Prince Ahmose who was High Priest at administrative technology-cum-iconography and its integra- Heliopolis. tion into the Egyptian economic and social life. This is also The book closes with a detailed catalogue of the material indicated by the fact that the En Besor sealings were made discussed elsewhere in the volume, with useful tabulations in local clays. showing exactly where a pieces is mentioned, and arranged The most important feature of the evidence that Jane Hill in chronological order. Very creditably, all items are provided is laying before our eyes is the clear and perceptible vision with an illustration, even if this is only a reproduction of a of the gradual integration of an external administrative inven- printed citation. There is also, of course, a bibliography, and tion — the cylinder seal — into the Egyptian organizational, a very brief index — although the aforementioned tabulations but also cultic life. largely compensate for this. The earliest cylinder seals of Egypt (Naqada IId) feature Overall, this little book is a very useful compilation of the unmistakable proto-cuneiform signs: NAGAR (Hill 2004, 41 surviving material related to Ahmose-Sipairi. However, as fig. 15a, and 44 Fig. 18: e, which is ZATU No. 382 on p. noted above there are a number of points where the discus- 251, with other reading BULUG4 = MSVO 1 p. 127 = UET sion becomes rather less forensic than one might like, par- II: 408 = LAK 512), and DU8 (Hill 2004, 44 Fig. 18: a, ticularly where the discourse borders on the personal when which is ZATU No. 85 p, 188 = MSVO 1 p. 95 = UET II: considering the views of scholars with whom the author dis- No. 71 = LAK No. 119) (for ZATU cf. also its review: agrees. In addition, a number of points are based on assump- Steinkeller 1995). How far the circumstance, NAGAR rep- tions that may not actually be wholly justified. These flaws resents the cuneiform name of the Syrian site of Tell Brak considerably undermine a work that, nevertheless is a useful (cf., for instance, Oates-Oates-McDonald 2001), from which contribution to the study of the monuments of the enigmatic parallels for the earliest cylinder seals of Egypt can be iden- Ahmose-Sipairi. tified (cf. infra), has some bearing on this fact must be deter- mined by future research (for the diffusion of cuneiform to Department of Archaeology & Aidan DODSON northern Mesopotamia in later periods cf. Quenet 2005). At Anthropology any rate, this dating of the Egyptian finds does confirm that University of Bristol before 3500 B.C., proto-cuneiform writing was not only August 2006 known on the continent, but was already borrowed by admin- istrators of the land on the Nile. Some other stylistic features associated with the art of this stage point to a date close to c. ** 3500 B.C. For instance, the motif of animal rows has also * been singled out as a distinguishing feature of the incipient Late Uruk age (Boehmer 1999). The rows of long-beaked HILL, J. A., — Cylinder seal glyptic in predynastic Egypt birds on the Brooklyn (Hill 2004, 34, fig. 8) and Carnarvon and neighboring regions (BAR International Series knife handles (Hill 2004, 36, fig. 10) find a parallel in a seal- 1223). Archaeopress, Oxford, 2004 (29,8 cm, X, 131). ing from Late-Uruk Habuba Kabira (Rova 1994, 309 No. 31, ISBN 1-84171-588-3. £27,- on Tav. 2). Even for one of the likenesses on seals with a The new finds of cylinder seals and especially seal impres- central figure within an emblem field (Hill 2004, 48, fig. 22: sions in predynastic Egypt of the Naqada II period (c. 3650- b), a continental parallel has been retrieved from the Middle 3500 B.C.) have significantly enriched our knowledge of the Uruk layers of Tell Brak (Emberling et al. 1999, 37, fig. 29a, diffusion and propagation of the cylinder seals, as well as of left edge). the character of predynastic Egyptian civilization and its The „middle phase“ of Egyptian cylinder-seal use, attested capacity to absorb impulses from outside and to weave them to by finds from Lower Nubia (Naqada IId to IIIb = c. 3480- into the tissue of its civilizational structure. This is the rea- 3300 B.C.), coincides obviously with the early stages of the Late Uruk culture, dated after c. 3500 B.C. This is borne out by the presence of the „inverted k3“ sign (Hill 2004, 63 fig. 27b), in clear connection with what Rainer Michael Boehmer 5) Apart from the occurrence of the names Ahmose and Ahhotep which are, however, extremely common at all levels of society at this time. names „Ölgefässe mit Fransentücher“ of the incipient Late 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:36 Pagina 484

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Uruk glyptic phase (Boehmer 1999). Even here, however, the Steinkeller, Piotr 1995: Review of ZATU, „Bibliotheca Orientalis“ Late-Uruk Habuba-Kabira row of long-beaked birds still 52/5-6, 689-713. makes a faint echo (cf. supra, Hill 2004, 64 fig. 27: c). UET II: Eric Burrows: Ur Excavations, texts II: Archaic Texts, Finally, the En Besor stage (Dynasty 0 or 1 = ca. 3240- London and Philadelphia: Trustees of the two Museums (The British Museum and The University Museum, University of 3110 B.C.) represents the full adaptation of the cylinder seal Pennsylvania, Philadelphia) 1935. to Egyptian usage, including the „inverted k3“ sign, and Vértesalji, Peter P. 1995: Zum ältesten Glyptikfund in Ägypten, in shows how this originally foreign invention was totally inte- Uwe Finkbeiner, Reinhard Dittmann, Harald Hauptmann grated into the Egyptian social and spiritual life. (edd.), Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte Vorderasiens, Festschrift All this is fully contextualized in terms of predynastic für Rainer Michael Boehmer, Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Egyptian art, studied attentively by the author. She has man- Zabern, 643-657. aged to weave her interpretation into a coherent pattern cor- ZATU: Hans-Jörg Nissen, Margaret Green, Peter Damerow, Robert responding to developments visible in the sphere of predy- K. Englund: Zeichenliste der archaischen Texte aus Uruk, nastic Egyptian sculpture and painting. Thus she shows Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag 1987. convincingly that, for instance, the famous motif from the Jebel el-Arak knife handle must have been borrowed from ** Mesopotamia before c. 3500 B.C., as its decoration is * arranged in rows perpendicular to the knifés longer axis. This arrangement precedes in time the Brooklyn and PANTALACCI L, et C. BERGER-EL-NAGGAR (eds.) — Caernarvon knife handles, with decoration running parallel Des Néferkarê aux Montouhotep. Travaux archéolo- to the object’s longer axis, and with their bird rows paral- giques en cours sur la fin de la VIe dynstie et la Première leled at Late Uruk Habuba Kabira (Hill 2004, summarizing Période Intermédiaire. (Travaux de la maison de l’Orient table on p. 111). et de la Méditerranée, no. 40). Maison de l’Orient Médi- It remains perhaps to add that the very earliest seal finds terranéen, Lyon, 2005. (29,5 cm, 303). ISBN 2-906364- of Egypt precede those discussed by Jane Hill in date (Vérte- 82-1. ISSN 0766-0510. / 38,- salji 1995). A woman buried in grave N7501 at Naga ed-Der in Upper Egypt wore a seal matrix depicting a coiled snake The end of the Middle Kingdom and the First Intermedi- on her left wrist. The find is dated roughly between 3800 and ate Period belong to the most complicated and enigmatic — 3650 B.C. (Naqada Ic), and parallels have been sought for it and therefore most interesting — periods in Egyptian history. in Iranian Susa, Sumerian Ur and Tello, Uruk-age Nuzi and The processes of transformation occurring at that time in the „EB I/II“ Tell el-Far’ah in Palestine. structure and ideology of the central as well as provincial Jane Hill has given us a most precious book. Let us thank authority were reflected in various aspects of culture, but they for her labours warmly. are still not fully understood. However, archaeological activ- ities of recent years have yielded plenty of data related to that Praha, July 2006 Petr CHARVÁT mysterious time. In 2001 the CNRS organized a conference, devoted to problems of history and archaeology of the 6th- 11th Dynasties, which was a presentation of material and References cited results of research. The volume under review contains four- teen papers presented at this conference. Boehmer, Rainer Michael 1999: Uruk — Früheste Siegelabrollun- Catherine Berger-El-Naggar analyses aspects of the gen (Ausgrabungen in Uruk-Warka — Endberichte, Bd. 24), posthumous cult of the queens of Pepy I in the cemetery of Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern. the Pepy I family at his pyramid in South Saqqara. She refers Emberling, Geoff et al. 1999: Geoff Emberling, Jack Cheng, Tor- to numerous private steles and offering tables found at the ben E. Larsen, Holly Pittman, Tim B. B. Skuldboel, Jill Weber, entrance to the mortuary complex of Queen Inenek/Inti, evi- Henry T. Wright: Excavations at Tell Brak 1998: Preliminary dencing the endurance of the Queen’s cult. The author points Report, „Iraq“ LXI, 1-41. Hill, Jane. A. 2004: Cylinder seal glyptic in predynastic Egypt and out some palaeographic peculiarities of these objects, char- neighboring regions (BAR International Series 1223). Oxford: acteristic of the First Intermediate Period. She links this cul- Archaeopress. tic activity with the existence of an 11th Dynasty necropolis LAK: Anton Deimel: Die Inschriften von Fara I: Liste der archais- between the pyramids of Pepy I and Merenre, noted by chen Keilschriftzeichen, Leipzig: J. C. Hinrich’sche Buch- Maspero. Drawings and photographs of the discussed objects handlung 1922. are provided. MSVO 1: Robert K. Englund, Jean-Pierre Grégoire, Roger J. Edward Brovarski presents a study on the late Old King- Matthews: The Proto-Cuneiform Texts from Jemdet Nasr I: dom private necropolis around the pyramid of Pepy II, dis- Copies, Transliterations and Glossary, (Materialien zu den cussing the question of its dating. He investigates the deco- frühen Schriftzeugnissen des Vorderen Orients Bd. 1), Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag. ration of burial chambers, compares them with provincial Oates David, Oates Joan, McDonald Helen (et al.) 2001: Excava- tombs and divides them into five groups. In a detailed analy- tions at Tell Brak, vol. 2: Nagar in the third millennium B.C. sis of their palaeographic and epigraphic features, the author Cambridge-London: McDonald Institute for Archaeological re-examines the dates proposed by H. G. Fischer who sug- Research and British School of Archaeology in Iraq. gested post-Old Kingdom dates for the majority of the tombs Quenet, Philippe 2005: The diffusion of the cuneiform writing sys- in the South Saqqara necropolis. tem in northern Mesopotamia: The earliest archaeological evi- Georges Castel presents the results of excavations at Balat, dence, „Iraq“ LXVII/2, 31-40. in Dakhla oasis. Discussed are the arrangement, contents and Rova, Elena 1994: Ricerche sui sigilli a cilindro vicino-orientali del development of the secondary cemeteries, situated east and periodo di Uruk/Jemdet Nasr, Roma: Istituto per l’Oriente C. A. Nallino. west of the Khentika mastaba. The conclusion is that the 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:36 Pagina 485

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tombs of persons in charge of the governor’s cult are to be the Middle Kingdom have been discovered belonging to offi- dated to the period between the middle of the reign of Pepy cials of the Heracleopolitan court. One of the tombs, that of II up to the end of the First Intermediate Period, when the Hetep-Wadjet, is described in detail. Photographs accompany governor’s cult was abandoned. the text. The paper by Khaled Dawood is devoted to decorated bur- Lilian Postel investigates attestations of a variant of the ial chambers of private Old Kingdom tombs. The causes of invocatory offering formula: prt Ìrw nt, that appeared in appearance and ideological background of decoration in the tombs of the Memphite necropolis during the 6th Dynasty and tombs’ substructures are discussed, particularly the occur- subsequently was used in the Heracleopolitan region and then rence of animate decoration (representations of humans and in Thebes. The adaptation of this northern formula in the animals). The author points to such scenes as a dating crite- Middle and Upper Egypt is further evidence for Memphite rion and therefore proposes new datings for several tombs. influences in these regions during the First Intermediate He also refers to the so far unpublished decoration of the Period. tomb of Kairer at Saqqara. Stephan J. Seidlmayer studies the ceramic material from Andreas Dorn presents an interesting deposit found in the the 6th-12th dynasty cemetery at Elephantine. The author Old Kingdom governor’s palace on Elephantine, in the area stresses the importance of regional and chronological differ- recognized as Ìwt-k chapels. This deposit contained, among entiation of vessels, which is reflected not only in their shape, other objects, two portable chests in which libation vessels but also in ceramic pastes, dimensions and proportions. were placed. The author identifies them as objects used dur- This collection of papers is doubtless an important contri- ing ceremonies of the posthumous cult of private persons, bution to study on the period separating two great ages of referring to representations of such ceremonies in Old King- pyramid builders — a period that is too often neglected and dom tombs. Included are drawings and photographs of the whose importance is underestimated. objects found as well as of the discussed scenes. Elisa Fiore Marochetti studies blocks discovered at the turn Institute of Archaeology K. O. KURASZKIEWICZ of the nineteenth century at Gebelein. The blocks, presently Warsaw University, May 2006 stored in the museums in Cairo and Turin, come from the chapel built by Mentuhotep II in honour of Hathor, Mistress ** of Dendera. The author describes the blocks and proposes the * reconstitution of the chapel. She analyses the stylistic fea- tures and contents of the decoration and suggests an early GRIMM, A., und H.A. SCHLÖGL — Das thebanische Grab date for the chapel, being one of earliest foundations of Men- Nr. 136 und der Beginn der Amarnazeit. Verlag Otto tuhotep II. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 2005. (30,5 cm, 56, LIV Pls.). Yannis Gourdon discusses a group of false door steles dat- ISBN 3-447-05132-9. ing from the late Old Kingdom and the First Intermediate / 75,-. Period. He points out four features that can be accepted as Four chapters of varying length comprise this book. The dating criteria: the form and contents of the pr(j) Ìrw offer- first six pages (chapter 1) are a report on a Begehung of TT ing formula; representations of food above the offering table 136. Neither date nor duration of this “inspection” is men- in stele’s panel and representations of the deceased praying tioned; none of the participants is named except Regine Bux- or smelling a lotus flower. The author applies these features torf, who is credited with five photographs of the tomb (pls. to a large group of stelae, analysing them in detail. III, IV, and VI-VIII). The authors neglect to specify the exact Willem M. van Haarlem summarizes the results of archae- position of TT 136. (F. Kampp was unable to locate the ological work at Tell Ibrahim Awad, presenting the late Old tomb; see Die thebanische Nekropole…, Theben XIII, Mainz Kingdom and First Intermediate Period remains found there 1996, 424). Comparison of the sketch plan (pl. II) — there — a mudbrick temple and a group of poor tombs. is no section — with PM I2 248 (136) shows that a partial Audran Labrousse studies the architectural features of the clearance had been carried out at some point prior to the mortuary complexes of the 6th Dynasty queens. He notes a “inspection”. The quality of the relief depicting the tomb significant change in layout of the tombs as well as in con- owner on the right reveal of the entryway cannot be judged struction methods and materials. The author suggests that this on the basis of the photograph (pl. IV). An anomalous iso- change occurred in the middle of the reign of Pepy II. lated cartouche with Akhenaten’s praenomen is shown behind Juan Carlos Moreno García analyses transformations of the the buttocks of the tomb owner in the drawing of the relief social position and ideology of provincial elites during the published by the authors (pl. V). Checking it against the pho- late Old Kingdom and the First Intermediate Period. The tograph does not inspire confidence in their rendering. author refers to First Intermediate Period inscriptions as evi- The owner’s name is not preserved in the tomb and his dence for social tensions occurring at that time and identifies only legible title is incomplete: “royal scribe… of the two underlying processes that occurred in the administration as lands”. For Grimm and Schlögl, however, the tomb can only well as in the culture. have belonged originally to the “high steward, royal scribe Laure Pantalacci presents a corpus of seals and sealings of the lord of the two lands, steward of Memphis and over- discovered in the town and the necropolis of Balat. She seer of the great harem” Ipy, the owner of Tomb 10 at describes the iconographic repertoire of button-seals, dis- Amarna. The authors do not even mention, let alone discuss, cusses it as a possible dating criterion and notes the pecu- that Egyptologists have generally presumed this Ipy, like his liarities of the material from Balat. father, was eventually buried at Saqqara, as his association Carmen Pérez Die presents the last results of the Spanish with Memphis would lead us to expect (see PM III2 704). If excavations at Herakleopolis Magna. In the necropolis a TT 136 does date early in Akhenaten’s reign, as Grimm and group of tombs dating from the First Intermediate Period and Schlögl propose, then the hymn to the sun on the left of the 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:36 Pagina 486

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entryway would be the earliest version of a text otherwise The purpose of the third (and shortest) chapter is the pub- first documented in the Ramesside Period when it is lication of two statuettes in private collections; even in their addressed to Amen-Re-Horakhty. The authors theorize that unfinished state, it is clear that the quality is unexceptional. the god originally evoked in TT 136’s text was Re-Horakhty- The authors describe the subject of one of them as two Aten or Re-Aten, and they associate revision of the text to princesses; the second shows two apes. This leads them to purge it of its Amarna reference with the tomb’s usurpation consider several small sculptures from Amarna depicting apes (when?) by a certain Ipu-ankh. mimicking humans, ground already covered by others with A notable feature of the tomb’s transverse hall were the fig- similar results. ures in the round which once fronted the four piers (cf. those The book’s title might lead readers to expect a discussion in the Ramesside tombs TT 32 and 157). Only a single sculp- of the early years of Akhenaten’s reign, but the final chapter ture survived purposeful obliteration and the subsequent col- (called an excursus) is devoted instead to the parentage of lapse of the tomb’s ceiling.Grimm and Schlögl identify the Prince Tutankhaten/amun. After a very selective review of subject as Akhenaten, and compare the pose and costume to the available data, the authors conclude that arguments for his colossi from Karnak. The published photograph (pl. VIII) Tutankhaten being a son of Akhenaten and Nefertiti are pur- does not furnish an adequate basis for evaluating their descrip- suasive. Nowadays most specialists do indeed agree that tion. The authors call the Karnak sculptures Osirides, an iden- Tutankhaten’s father was Akhenaten, as Grimm and Schlögl tification which provides them with a starting point for the sec- assert (p. 35), but in my opinion, the only uncontroversial ond (and longest) chapter that is devoted to the thesis that the statement concerning the identification of Tutankhamun’s funerary cult of Akhenaten’s reign identified him with Osiris. mother that can be made is that she was probably dead when The authors maintain that officials and courtiers of the he acceded to the throne. Amarna Period considered the god “Echnaton/Osiris- The authors ascribe some prominence to another object in Osiris/Echnaton” responsible for their well-being in the after- a private collection: an unprovenanced relief fragment (pl. life. In accordance with this thesis, the authors redate a num- XLVIII) showing Akhenaten under the radiant disk. The exe- ber of stelae with depictions of Osiris to the Amarna Period cution of both decoration and inscription is not only mediocre per se, stelae which have been assigned either to the earliest but also disquieting. The text associates the Aten’s earlier years of Akhenaten’s reign, when traditional cults are other- cartouches with the mention of a sunshade at Akhetaten of wise attested, or to the post-Amarna Period. The stela Munich “the king’s son of his body Tutankhaten”. The authors do ÄS 51, discussed on pp. 12-13, 15-17, 19-20, is crucial to not fail to note that the prince was born after the god’s name their argument; Grimm and Schlögl describe Osiris as was changed, but recognition of the paradox does not lead depicted here with Akhenaten’s physiognomy, and Isis’s face them to consider the possibility that the relief is not ancient. as a portrait of Queen Tiye, with the falcon-headed figure Instead, they propose that Tutankhaten “inherited” the sun- between them (labelled Horus-protector-of-his-father) iden- shade from his mother. But Grimm and Schlögl do not sug- tified as Amenhotep III. Readers must decide for themselves gest that the prince’s name is palimpsest. Do they believe the if they concur. The redating of the stela of Wepwawetmose inscription was retrospective? All sunshades documented at (Berlin 7316; pl. XVI) is particularly disconcerting since the Amarna are associated with female members of the royal number of folds in the sleeve of the owner’s tunic, like the household; if a sunshade were passed on from the queen, length and form of his kilt and the type of wig he wears, are why to a son rather than a daughter? without parallel in the transitional period Amenhotep III/IV As might be expected, I read the final chapter closely. The where Grimm and Schlögl place it. For the dating of Wep- authors pick and choose ideas which suit them while ignor- wawetmose to Akhenaten’s reign, the authors cite (p. 18 n. ing conflicting evidence. One example is their acceptance of 122) Helck’s Verwaltung (1958) and Kees, in ZÄS 84 (1959), Helck’s idea that Nefertiti “disappeared” about year 13, last conflating the monuments of two different overseers of the argued in his study of KV 55 which finally appeared in 2001, double granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt named Wep- eight years after he corrected the proofs shortly before his wawetmose. Grimm and Schlögl are apparently unaware that death. Jar labels from Amarna published in 1997 show that both Betsy M. Bryan and Briant Bohleke1) argue convinc- Nefertiti did not “disappear” in year 13; in fact, she may ingly for the assignment of Berlin 7316 to the later (and bet- have survived Akhenaten.3) Nor is the docket mentioning the ter documented) Wepwawetmose who served at the begin- “house of the king’s wife” dated year 17 evidence for Kiya’s ning of Dynasty XIX. presence at Amarna, since it refers to Nefertiti. The authors’ It goes without saying that none of the depictions of Osiris preference for citing popularizing publications that dispense on the stelae they discuss is labelled Akhenaten. Furthermore, with footnotes leads them to make mistakes. For example, there is no evidence that the Karnak colossi are Osiride stat- they attribute the matching of two fragmentary reliefs from ues, an interpretation that ignores the context of the sculp- Hermopolis, one of them with the titulary (but lacking the tures. They were created for Gem-pa-Aten, which was deco- name) of a king’s daughter of his body and the other naming rated with reliefs devoted to the celebration of Akhenaten’s Prince “Tutankhuaten” (the so-called Hermopolis block), to sed-festival.2) The statues show the king in jubilee. Marc Gabolde, citing his contribution to the exhibition cata- logue Das Geheimnis des goldenen Sarges. If they had con- sulted instead his article “La parenté de Toutânkhamon,” BSFE 155, Oct. 2002, 32-48, they would have known that he 1) See, respectively, The Reign of Thutmose IV (Baltimore and London 1991), 249-50 with nn. on 309, and The Overseers of the Double Granaries never claimed to have made this join. In fact the association of Upper and Lower Egypt in the Egyptian New Kingdom, 1570-1085 B.C. of the pieces goes back to Roeder’s initial publication, as (Dissertation; Yale University 1991/UMI Ann Arbor 1993) 194-97, 288- 97. 2) See Donald B. Redford, “East Karnak and the Sed-festival of Akhen- aten,” Hommages à Jean Leclant, BdE 106: 1, 1993, 485-92. 3) Rolf Krauss, “Neferetitis Ende,” MDAIK 53 (1997), 209-19. 9481_BIOR_2006_5-6_01 12-01-2007 13:36 Pagina 487

527 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — GRIEKS-ROMEINS EGYPTE 528

Jacobus van Dijk has also noted in his discussion of the The value of this book lies in the summary presentation of texts.4) TT 136, which suggests that the tomb might repay profes- Other choices of references are baffling. For example, why sional clearance and study.9) omit PM I2 293ff. in the initial reference to TT 188 (p. 3 n. 19) but cite only PM I2 293 ff. in the second (p. 5 n. 25), Berlin, July 2006 Marianne EATON-KRAUSS leaving out any mention of the Akhenaten Temple Project’s clearance of the tomb?5) Why refer at all to an illustration of the mourning scenes in room a of the Amarna Royal Tomb KORTE AANKONDIGING in n. 14 on p. 35? Even if the reference were pertinent, why cite the illustration of the drawing, originally published in GRAJETZKI, W. — Burial Customs in Ancient Egypt: Life in 1903 by the French expedition to the Royal Tomb, in the Ger- Death for Rich and Poor. Duckworth Publishers, London, man edition of Aldred’s first book on Akhenaten (1968) 2003. (23,5 cm, VIII, 165). ISBN: 0-7156-3217-5. £ 14,99. rather than the original English edition of his Akhenaten. King of Egypt from 2001 (which is included in the list of abbrevi- Parcourant toute l’histoire égyptienne depuis ses débuts ations/bibliography) where the same drawing is fig. 5 on p. jusqu’à l’occupation romaine, l’auteur décrit avec soin les 31? Or for that matter, why not refer readers to the facsim- coutumes funéraires propres à chaque époque. Il justifie son ile of the scene made by Geoffrey Martin in 1980 as repro- entreprise en soulignant que peu d’ouvrages ont été consa- duced in Gabolde’s D’Akhenaten à Toutânkhamon, pl. IV, a crés à l’ensemble de l’équipement funéraire contenu dans un frequently cited publication in their list? seul tombeau et aux croyances qui ont déterminé de choix A number of idiosyncrasies that characterize Grimm’s des objets destinés au défunt. Ce faisant, il entend démontrer recent publications6) are also in evidence here. For example, qu’on s’est imaginé trop souvent que peu de tombes invio- the birth and death dates of deceased Egyptologists are fre- lées ont été découvertes et qu’il existe au contraire un nombre quently — but by no means consistently7) — included in the considérable de sépultures bien conservées qui livrent des text along with a footnote citing the appropriate entry in the informations fondamentales pour l’étude des usages que pra- third edition of Who Was Who in Egyptology. The citation of tiquaient les Égyptiens à l’inhumation de leurs morts. En an object in the text is repeated in full in the associated foot- même temps, il se fonde sur l’examen de plusieurs cimetières note (see esp. p. 14, nn. 68-70, 73, 80, 82-84; p. 29, nn. 234, provinciaux d’une certaine ampleur pour s’élever contre 236, 237, 238). These practices pad out the text, like the l’opinion généralement admise qu’on ignore presque tout des lengthy verbatim quotations in both the text and footnotes, conditions dans lesquelles les personnes de modeste condi- often, as already noted above, from popularizing books.8) tion étaient ensevelies. Ces deux points de vue nouveaux, Twenty-three of the fifty-four (monochrome) plates of sig- appuyés sur de nombreuses illustrations, prêtent au livre une nificantly varying quality are reproduced from earlier publi- allure originale qui plaira sûrement au lecteur, à plus forte cations. (One of the original photographs — pl. XXXVII — raison qu’il est écrit dans un style limpide et vivant. is credited to both D. Wildung and anonymous.) Even a num- ber of objects in the Munich and Berlin collections (where it might be expected that the authors could have easily obtained an original photograph) are reproduced from other books, some of them quite out of date (such as pl. XVII illustrating the relief Berlin 2072 showing Amenhotep IV in the style of his father worshipping Re-Horakhty, taken from Steindorff’s Die Blütezeit des Pharaonenreiches of 1926). The book concludes with six indices — gods’ names, kings’ names, names of non-royal persons, “monuments” (actually objects in museums, with the exception of the boundary stelae at Amarna and the Men “graffito” at Aswan), tombs, and textual sources — and a listing of the sources of the illustrations.

4) “The Noble Lady of Mitanni and Other Royal Favourites of the Eigh- teenth Dynasty,” Essays on Ancient Egypt in Honour of Herman Te Velde (J. van Dijk, ed.), Groningen 1997, 37-39, with tentative identification of traces of palimpsest hieroglyphs under those reading Tutankhuaten. 5) Preliminary reports by Susan Redford in KMT 6 (spring 1995) 62-79 and in The ATP Newsletter, Sept. 1997, 1-4. 6) E.g., “Imagines Aegypti — Varia Ikonologica. Ein Mykerinos-Bild- nis in Privatbesitz,” ZÄS 132 (2005), 12-34. 7) Such as Chevrier (p. 4 with n. 22), Bruyere (p. 13 with n. 62), von Bissing (p. 15 with n. 85), Mace (p. 22 with n. 164), Drioton (p. 25 n. 196), Petrie (p. 32 with n. 9), Pendelbury (p. 32 with n. 11); but not H. W. Müller (p. 23), Morenz (p. 8), Sandman (p. 12), Steindorff (p. 19), Wolf (pp. 31- 32) or Seton-Williams (p. 34). 8) My favorite is n. 13 on pp. 32-33, citing in full three sentences from both the English original and German translation of Reeves, Akhenaten. 9) I am indebted to several colleagues (Beatrix Gessler-Löhr and Marc Egypt’s False Prophet, with three typos and one phrase omitted from the Gabolde in particular) for suggestions and references that were indispensi- English version. ble in preparing this review.