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Elections in November: a Profile of Supporters of Myanmar's Ruling
ISSUE: 2020 No. 94 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 28 August 2020 Elections in November: A Profile of Supporters of Myanmar’s Ruling NLD Nyi Nyi Kyaw* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Partisanship is on the rise in the run-up to Myanmar’s 8 November 2020 general election. In this context, the typical supporter of the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party is often denigrated by critics and opposition forces as irrationally partisan. • Lumping together all NLD supporters as an irrational, partisan community overlooks the diversity among them. There are at least three types of NLD supporters: o the individually expressive supporters are partisans of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD; o the socially expressive supporters consider voting a social or civic duty; and o the instrumental voters point to the continued dominance of the military in Myanmar’s politics and the potential return of its proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) as reasons for supporting for the NLD. • These three types of voters are not necessarily mutually exclusive; an expressive voter can at the same time be an instrumental voter. * Nyi Nyi Kyaw is Visiting Fellow in the Myanmar Studies Programme, ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, and Assistant Professor (adjunct) in the Department of Southeast Asian Studies, National University of Singapore. 1 ISSUE: 2020 No. 94 ISSN 2335-6677 INTRODUCTION In the past five years, the image of the supporter of Myanmar’s National League for Democracy (NLD) party and its chairwoman State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has become rather tarnished. -
Democracy and Discontent: the 2010 Elections in Myanmar
AIIA Policy Commentary Democracy and Discontent: The 2010 Elections in Myanmar Preface p.3 Editorial p.5 Documents: The Seven Step “Roadmap to Discipline-Flourishing Democracy” by Prime Minister General Gen Khin Nyunt p.7 Statement by Prime Minister General Thein Sein p.8 Statement by The Hon Stephen Smith MP, Australian Minister for Foreign Affair and Trade p.10 ASEAN Chairman’s Statement on Myanmar p.12 European Union Council Conclusions on Burma/Myanmar p.13 Statement by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon p.16 Commentaries: The 2010 Elections and the Prospects for Change in Burma Morten Pedersen p.17 Myanmar’s 2010 Elections: Boon or Bane for ASEAN’s Political and Security Community? p.25 Mely Caballero-Anthony China, India and Myanmar’s Elections: Strategic Contest or Friendly Neighbours ? Trevor Wilson p.33 Biographies of Contributors p.43 Copyright © The Australian Institute of International Affairs 2010 ISSN 1838-5842 This publication may be distributed on the condition that it is attributed to the Australian Institute of International Affairs. Use for educational purposes is not allowed without the prior written consent of the Australian Institute of International Affairs. Any views or opinions expressed in this publication are not necessarily shared by the Australian Institute of International Affairs or any of its members or affiliates. Australian Institute of International Affairs 32 Thesiger Court, Deakin ACT 2600, Australia Phone : 02 6282 2133 Facsimile : 02 6285 2334 Website : www.aiia.asn.au ; Email: [email protected] 2 Preface The Australian Institute of International Affairs (AIIA) was established in 1924 as an independent, non-profit organisation seeking to promote interest in, and understanding of, international affairs in Australia. -
Myanmar: Ethnic Politics and the 2020 General Election
MYANMAR POLICY BRIEFING | 23 | September 2020 Myanmar: Ethnic Politics and the 2020 General Election KEY POINTS • The 2020 general election is scheduled to take place at a critical moment in Myanmar’s transition from half a century under military rule. The advent of the National League for Democracy to government office in March 2016 was greeted by all the country’s peoples as the opportunity to bring about real change. But since this time, the ethnic peace process has faltered, constitutional reform has not started, and conflict has escalated in several parts of the country, becoming emergencies of grave international concern. • Covid-19 represents a new – and serious – challenge to the conduct of free and fair elections. Postponements cannot be ruled out. But the spread of the pandemic is not expected to have a significant impact on the election outcome as long as it goes ahead within constitutionally-appointed times. The NLD is still widely predicted to win, albeit on reduced scale. Questions, however, will remain about the credibility of the polls during a time of unprecedented restrictions and health crisis. • There are three main reasons to expect NLD victory. Under the country’s complex political system, the mainstream party among the ethnic Bamar majority always win the polls. In the population at large, a victory for the NLD is regarded as the most likely way to prevent a return to military government. The Covid-19 crisis and campaign restrictions hand all the political advantages to the NLD and incumbent authorities. ideas into movement • To improve election performance, ethnic nationality parties are introducing a number of new measures, including “party mergers” and “no-compete” agreements. -
A Primer on the Elections in Myanmar, Or Six Things You Need to Know About the Myanmar Elections
ISSUE: 2015 NO.51 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE SHARE THEIR UNDERSTANDING OF CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 17 September 2015 A Primer on the Elections in Myanmar, or Six Things You Need to Know about the Myanmar Elections Su-Ann Oh* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY For the first time in decades, there will be real competition between political parties and candidates in a general election in Myanmar. In all, more than 6000 candidates and 90 parties will run for the 1,142 seats in the Assembly of the Union (Pyidaungsu Hluttaw) and the regional assemblies. The ruling party, the USDP, is generally considered by international commentators to be unpopular, but its candidates may win in many rural areas as they are seen to be able to meet local needs. It is also generally believed that the NLD, the main opposition party, will do well in the elections, particularly in the Bamar-dominated constituencies. However, it will need to do well in the ethnic states to obtain an overall majority. There will, in all likelihood, be an all-out fight between the ethnic coalitions, the NLD and the USDP for the ethnic vote. This may very well cause a split of the ethnic vote. * Su-Ann Oh is Visiting Fellow at ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute. She would like to thank ISEAS Perspective editors and reviewers for their help in editing and improving the draft of this paper. 1 ISSUE: 2015 NO.51 ISSN 2335-6677 At present, the likely candidates for president are Thein Sein, Aung San Suu Kyi (if amendments can be made to the Constitution) and Commander-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing. -
Myanmar: a Political Economy Analysis
Myanmar: A Political Economy Analysis Kristian Stokke, Roman Vakulchuk, Indra Øverland Report commissioned by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs Publisher: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Copyright: © Norwegian Institute of International Affairs 2018 ISSN: 1894-650X The report has been commissioned by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Any views expressed in this publication are those of the authors. They should not be interpreted as reflecting the views, official policy or position of the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. The text may not be printed in part or in full without the permission of the authors. Visiting address: C.J. Hambros plass 2d Address: P.O. Box 8159 Dep. NO-0033 Oslo, Norway Internet: www.nupi.no E-mail: [email protected] Tel: [+ 47] 22 99 40 00 Myanmar: A Political Economy Analysis Kristian Stokke, Roman Vakulchuk, Indra Øverland Report commissioned by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2018 Contents Map of Myanmar .................................................................................................................. VI About the report .................................................................................................................. VII Authors ................................................................................................................................. VIII List of acronyms .................................................................................................................. -
Women's Political Participation in Myanmar ...; PDF Copied from The
Women’s Political Participation in Myanmar: Experiences of Women Parliamentarians 2011-2016 Shwe Shwe Sein Latt, Kim N. B. Ninh, Mi Ki Kyaw Myint and Susan Lee April 2017 Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank the women parliamentarians who participated in the research for taking the time to answer the survey but also for the one-on-one interviews, as well as useful feedback to the initial research findings presented at the first Women MPs Forum organized by The Asia Foundation and Phan Tee Eain in March 15, 2015. We gratefully acknowledged helpful comments from Eileen Pennington, Brenda Norris, and Paul Minoletti to the various drafts of this report. We also would like to thank the Parliament’s Offices and the Union Election Commission for their assistance in ensuring that the data we have cited in the report is as accurate as possible. About the Authors Shwe Shwe Sein Latt was elected in the 2015 general elections to be a member of parliament in the Amyotha Hluttaw representing the National League for Democracy. She currently is the member of the Joint Public Accounts Committee, the Joint ASEAN Parliamentary Assembly Committee of the Union Assembly, the NGOs/ INGOs Committee and the Myanmar-French Parliament Friendship Association of the Upper House.She was previously the executive director of Phan Tee Eain, a Myanmar non-governmental organization committed to women’s empowerment. She also has a background in academia having worked at Yangon University and the Asian Institute of Technology. Kim N. B. Ninh is the country representative of The Asia Foundation in Myanmar, overseeing a country program focused on supporting the long term political, economic and social change underway in Myanmar. -
Supporting Democratic and Peaceful Change in Burma/Myanmar
Supporting Democratic and Peaceful Change in Burma/Myanmar Timo Kivimäki, Kristiina Rintakoski, Sami Lahdensuo and Dene Cairns CRISIS MANAGEMENT INITIATIVE REPORT OCTOBER 2010 Language editing: Mikko Patokallio Graphic design: Ossi Gustafsson, Hiekka Graphics Layout: Saila Huusko, Crisis Management Initiative Crisis Management Initiative Eteläranta 12 00130 Helsinki Finland www.cmi.fi ABOUT THE CRISIS MANAGEMENT INITIATIVE Crisis Management Initiative, a Finnish independent non-profit organization, works to resolve conflict and to build sustainable peace by engaging people and communities affected by violence. CMI was founded in 2000 by its Chairman President Martti Ahtisaari. The headquarters of the organisation are in Helsinki, Finland. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Crisis Management Initiative is grateful for the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland for financial support to this project. This report is the outcome of insights, expertise and experience contributed by a number of individuals. The authors would particularly like to thank all individuals interviewed for this report in Yangon and in the region in August 2010 and in earlier occasions. The authors would also like to express their appreciation to Mikko Patokallio for very skilful language editing and for Saila Huusko for her assistance in the processing of this document. 1 INTRODUCTION On November 7, 2010, Burma/Myanmar1 will organize its first parliamentary elections since 1990. The significance of the elections stems from the controversial constitution on which they are based and which involves a complete reconfiguration of the political structure. It establishes a presidential system of government with a bicameral legislature as well as fourteen regional governments and assemblies – the most wide-ranging change in a generation. -
Myanmar Media: Legacy and Challenges
MYANMAR MEDIA: LEGACY AND CHALLENGES MARIA OCHWAT* Abstract: For nearly fifty years Myanmar was ruled by a military junta. It did not tolerate any criticism, and severely punished anyone who dared to oppose them. At the same time, it cut the country off from the rest of the world, preventing it from being informed about Burma’s internal situation. The announcement of the changes came when Thein Sein’s first civilian government was formed in 2011. Almost 10 years have passed since then and Myanmar, according to the Press Freedom Index, is considered to be one of the countries where freedom of speech and freedom of the media are commonly violated and journalists are often persecuted and punished. Freedom of expression is one of the pillars of a democratic society, the basis for its development and a condition for the self-fulfillment of the individual. One of the most important ways of exercising freedom of speech is through free and independent media. The issue of respect for freedom of expression and freedom of the media must be seen in a broader context. It should be noted that there is a close link between respect for human rights and peacekeeping. Although freedom of expression, and thus freedom of the media, is one of those freedoms which may be restricted in specific situations, it cannot be done arbitrarily. Under public international law the exercise of these freedoms, since it carries with it duties and responsibilities, may be subject to such formalities, conditions, restrictions or penalties as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society, in the interests of national security, territorial integrity or public safety, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, for the protection of the reputation or rights of others, for preventing the disclosure of information received in confidence, or for maintaining the authority and impartiality of the judiciary. -
5. How Can Participation in Future
Table of Contents Acknowledgements 1 Executive Summary 2 Acronyms Used in This Report 5 1.Introduction 6 1.1 Myanmar’s 2015 Elections 6 1.2 Why Gender Inequality in Politics Matters 7 1.3 An Overview of Myanmar’s Parliamentary Systems 9 1.4 Women’s and Men’s Statistical Representation in Myanmar’s Hluttaws 10 1.5 Other Important Forms of Inequality and Difference to Consider 14 2. Data Used in This Report 17 3. Women and Men Candidates’ Political Priorities 20 3.1 Motivation for Becoming Candidates 20 3.2 Policy Priorities 21 3.3 Focus of Election Campaigns 22 3.4 Overall Trends 22 4. Factors and Processes That Shape Women’s and Men’s Opportunities to Become Parliamentarians 23 4.1. Cultural Norms and Biases 23 4.2. Education, Skills and Experience 25 4.3 Confidence and Ambition to Become Parliamentarians 30 4.4 Role Models 32 4.5 The Role of Families 32 4.6 Support and Opposition to Candidates from Within Their Parties 36 4.7 The Candidate Selection Process 38 4.8 Campaign Finance and Travel 40 4.9 Public Response to Candidates 41 4.10 Media Coverage 43 4.11 Harassment and Intimidation of Candidates by Rival Political Parties, EAOs, Militias, and 44 Local Government Officials 4.12 Interventions by Local Figures, LNGOs, INGOs and Government of Myanmar (GoM) 45 4.13 Institutional Factors 46 5. How Can Participation in Future Elections Be Made More Gender Equal? 47 5.1 Candidates’ Suggestions for Future Forms of Support 47 5.2 Which Organisations Should Provide Support? 49 5.3 Should There Be Support Specifically Targeted Towards Women? 50 5.4 Quotas 51 5.4.1: Awareness of Gender Quotas Among Candidates Interviewed for This Report 53 5.4.2 Support/Opposition to Gender Quotas 53 5.4.3 Candidates’ Perspectives on Ethnic and Religious Quotas 56 5.5 Changing Cultural Norms 58 5.6 Working with Political Parties 59 5.7 Promoting Women’s Participation in Local Governance 59 6. -
National Human Rights Commission of Thailand
Dawei Development Association Dawei Township, Tanintharyi Region, Myanmar [email protected] Mr. Fumio KISHIDA, Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Akihiko TANAKA, President of Japan International Cooperation Agency CC: Mr. Shinzo ABE, Prime Minister of Japan Mr. Taro ASO, Minister of Finance Mr.Yoichi Miyazawa, Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry Mr. Hiroshi Watanabe, Governor of Japan Bank for International Cooperation Mr. Hiroyuki Ishige, Chairman of Japan External Trade Organization April 27, 2015 Re: Demand to Halt Japan’s Involvement in the Problematic Dawei Special Economic Zone Project in Myanmar We, the Dawei Development Association (DDA) who submitted our first letter to you on May 25, 2013, are deeply concerned by recent news that Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) will be involved in road link project (as a part of “The Project for Strengthening Connectivity of International Highway in Mekong”) associated with the Dawei Special Economic Zone (SEZ) project in Tanintharyi Region, Myanmar. The development of these projects in Dawei have already led to serious social and environmental impacts and human rights violations on nearby communities. In addition, these projects entail serious economic and political risks for Japan. We demand that JICA and all potential Japanese stakeholders not take part in such problematic projects at this moment, and that JICA halts its involvement until the existing issues and risks, which we explain in more detail below, have been adequately solved and plans are in place to avoid or mitigate -
Democratization and Violence Interlinked?
DEMOCRATIZATION AND VIOLENCE INTERLINKED? PRESENTING A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS IN MYANMAR AND THE CONFLICT IN RAKHINE STATE FROM 2011 TO 2018 Wetenschappelijke verhandeling Aantal woorden: 26.823 Anaïs Goos Stamnummer: 01611354 Promotor: Prof. dr. Jeroen Adam Copromotor: Prof. dr. Koenraad Bogaert Masterproef voorgelegd voor het behalen van de graad master in de richting Conflict en Development Academiejaar: 2017-2018 1 Table of Contents Table of Contents ............................................................................................................................... 2 Abstract .............................................................................................................................................. 4 Chapter One: Introduction ................................................................................................................. 5 1.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 5 1.2 Problem statement ................................................................................................................. 6 1.3 Aim and objectives of the research ....................................................................................... 8 1.4 Research question(s) ........................................................................................................... 10 1.5 Methodology ...................................................................................................................... -
Myanmar's 2010 Elections
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL BRIEFING 11 May 2010 ASA 16/007/2010 The following remarks were given by Benjamin Zawacki, Amnesty International’s Myanmar Researcher, at the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House) in London, on 11 May 2010. Myanmar’s 2010 Elections: A Human Rights Perspective Introduction On the heels of elections in the UK, perhaps interest is piqued for a discussion on elections elsewhere, even if the only obvious similarity between the UK and our subject today, is that the voices of the electorate in both countries deserve to be heard and respected. As you are all aware, later this year Myanmar will hold its first national elections since 1990, when the NLD party led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi won a resounding victory, but was denied the opportunity to take office. In the two decades since that time, those elections have dogged the government of Myanmar both domestically and internationally. This year’s elections thus present an opportunity for the government to place 1990 firmly behind them, pursuant to its self-styled ‘Roadmap to Democracy’. The roadmap has not lived up to its name, thus far essentially leading the country in circles. Recent signposts include the announcements in February 2008 that elections would be held sometime in 2010, and that a new draft constitution had been completed. Three months later, in the wake of devastating Cyclone Nargis, that Constitution was supposedly approved by over 90% of the electorate, in a referendum characterized by voting forced or otherwise manipulated by the authorities. Then, in what can be seen as an elections-related move, one year ago this week Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was arrested for violating the conditions of her house arrest, after an uninvited visitor trespassed on her property.