Summary a Land Ravaged By

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Summary a Land Ravaged By USAID EVALUATION HIGHLIGHTS NO. 67 September 2000 Aftermath: Women and Women’s Organizations In Postconflict Cambodia Center for Development Information and Evaluation U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), Washington Summary ence the political landscape through voter education and advocacy programs. As one midlevel trainee told the team: “Men cannot abuse women if women know HE EFFECTS OF TWO DECADES of conflict and their rights. Now we understand how to work together genocide in Cambodia on women and gender for justice.” Trelations have been all-pervasive. The war—in particular, the four-year rule of terror of the murder- But women’s organizations continue to face many ous Khmer Rouge—largely demolished women’s psy- obstacles. The country has no tradition for civil soci- chological well-being, family roles, interpersonal ety organizations. Nor is the government always sup- relationships, economic activities, and participation in portive of women’s organizations. The organizations the political arena. depend upon external assistance for their programs and survival, which limits their autonomy and the capacity In the wake of the carnage, the international com- to fashion new programs. The leadership of these munity mobilized to help create and nurture a variety organizations is dominated by one charismatic figure of indigenous women’s organizations aimed at improv- reluctant to delegate authority. Most of the women’s ing the lot of Cambodian women. This was a new phe- organizations have yet to develop an open manage- nomenon for Cambodia: before the postconflict era, ment system in which the staff can discuss issues and independent women’s groups were unknown. problems freely. In January 1999, USAID’s Center for Development Women’s organizations will require continual Information and Evaluation fielded a team to Cambo- international support to survive and play an important dia to explore the role of women’s organizations in role in improving the social and economic conditions that country. The mission was part of a broader study of women and promoting gender equality. Thus the of women in postconflict societies that included as well international community can help by taking a long- Bosnia, El Salvador, Georgia, Guatemala, and Rwanda. term perspective and providing technical and economic assistance. Despite their small number (18), the team found that women’s organizations have been contributing to the empowerment of women in various ways. They A Land Ravaged by War are helping women through vocational training and microcredit programs. They are assisting victims of A country of 11 million people, Cambodia, has been HIV/AIDS, of domestic violence, and of trafficking and a victim of the Vietnam War and the genocidal regime forced prostitution. They are also beginning to influ- of the Khmer Rouge under dictator Pol Pot. Few other PN–ACG–602 1 countries in recent history have experienced such domly selected for marriage. Cumulatively, these poli- agony, wholesale destruction of their social fabric, and cies resulted in a disintegration of the institution of the utter devastation of their economic and political sys- family. tems. Between 1969 and 1993, the country suffered clandestine military operations by the North Vietnam- While Cambodian society endured horrific suffer- ese and the Viet Cong, carpet-bombing on a massive ing on the domestic front, the Khmer Rouge’s scale by the United States, genocide under the Maoist irredentist designs on Vietnam would soon lead to tur- Khmer Rouge, large-scale internal migration, invasion moil on an international level. Combined with the per- by Vietnam, and recurring guerrilla attacks by the de- secution of indigenous Vietnamese, the Khmer feated Khmer Rouge and their allies. Only after 1993 Rouge’s claims on various parts of southern Vietnam did Cambodians begin to live in relative peace. That led to heated border clashes in which hundreds of Viet- the country has survived and has begun reconstruc- namese civilians were killed. Cambodia’s eastern tion is a tribute to both the resilience of its people and neighbor retaliated by invading Cambodia. It toppled the generosity of the international community. the Pol Pot regime on 7 January 1979. Vietnam then installed a new, essentially totalitarian government Unquestionably the worst of the more than two friendly to its interests. decades of conflict came with the Khmer Rouge dys- topia of 1975–79. In its first major act, the Khmer Establishment of a new regime failed to bring peace, Rouge ordered the evacuation of the capital (Phnom however. Guerrilla warfare soon erupted, as the Khmer Penh) and all provincial towns. They forced all resi- Rouge, supported by China, launched operations in the dents—even hospital patients—to move to the coun- north. Thus fueled, the warfare continued for another tryside. The Khmer Rouge summarily executed those nine years, draining the country’s capital and human who resisted or were unable to move. Thousands died resources. in this forced migration. With the end of the Cold War, the major powers The Khmer Rouge obsessively distrusted anyone finally initiated diplomatic efforts to bring peace to who could think and reflect. The regime demanded Cambodia. Those efforts culminated in the formula- nothing less than complete control of its citizens’ tion of a peace plan in 1989. The plan called on the thoughts, achieved through fear, repression, and in- different factions to disarm and form an interim coali- doctrination. They severed links with the outside world tion government under Cambodia’s prewar leader, by denying people access to mail, radio, telephone, Prince Norodom Sihanouk. It also stipulated that the and other forms of mass communication. They abol- United Nations would establish a body, the UN Tran- ished money. They closed schools and universities. sitional Authority in Cambodia, to supervise the gov- Those suspected of working with the previous regime ernment and to organize free and fair elections. De- suddenly disappeared. Perceived as enemies of the spite many problems, the plan was implemented in state, the educated—teachers, doctors, and other pro- 1993, with UNTAC succeeding in holding national elec- fessionals—met the same fate. The Khmer Rouge car- tions. Voter turnout was remarkably high—90 percent. ried out systematic ethnic cleansing (against ethnic A constitutional monarchy was formed, with Sihanouk Vietnamese and Chinese) and what has been termed named as king. autogenocide. Estimates of the dead during the Khmer Rouge’s sanguinary 42-month reign range from 1 to 3 Conflict and million, out of a 1975 population of 7.3 million. Cambodian Women The Khmer Rouge attempted to wipe out religion. They also sought to undermine the institution of the It is evident that the effect of the attenuated con- family. Children were often separated from their fami- flict on the lives of Cambodians was all-pervasive. Here lies. When not separated, they were encouraged to spy we look at the effect on Cambodian women in four on their parents. The Khmer Rouge also promoted mass particular contexts. weddings in which young men and women were ran- 2 Status and Role in the Family Social Contract and Interpersonal Trust The conflict affected the institution of the family During CDIE’s fieldwork in Cambodia, many in at least three profound ways. First, the Khmer Rouge women focus-group participants complained about a sought to undermine family cohesion and redefine the lack of trust and unwillingness to help in time of need. roles of family members. They assigned men and Some recalled with nostalgia preconflict days, when women the same tasks in agriculture, irrigation, and people shared with and assisted friends and neighbors. other activities. They encouraged family members to Poverty seems to be a driving force behind this issue: spy on one another. They organized marriages between where there is no surplus, sharing may mean hunger. randomly selected people without the consent of their families. The cumulative effects of Khmer Rouge poli- This problem has had a profound effect on cies on the family have been devastating. microcredit programs in Cambodia. It is noteworthy that the average size of self-help groups for credit Second, the large-scale movements of people re- ranges from three to five—low, compared with other sulting from carpet-bombing, developing countries. A forced evacuation of cities by number of women indi- the Khmer Rouge, and a Men have found themselves in a cated they would join only guerrilla war on the Thai bor- ‘ immediate family mem- der contributed to family dis- better bargaining position for bers for group credit pro- integration. Often, husbands wives. They have been able to grams. Because of the dif- drifted away under physical ficulty of persuading un- and psychological stress, offer lower bride prices and easily related individuals to abandoning their families. divorce their spouses and find work together, credit groups have established And third, the high num- new wives.’ new requirements. Rela- ber of casualties of young tives may be members of men in combat resulted in a the same economic group, demographic imbalance. but they must physically Those casualties created a surplus of women of mar- live in separate households. riageable age during the 1980s and early 1990s. Economic Burdens and Opportunities The upshot of these factors is, in general, a dimi- nution in the traditional status of women. Men have The conflict imposed economic hardships on found themselves in a better bargaining position for women, but it also opened new opportunities to par- wives. They have been able to offer lower bride prices ticipate in the economic sphere. Because of the mass and easily divorce their spouses and find new wives. mobilization of men into the military, mass killing, and The decline in status has also led to a high incidence increased labor demand for war and rehabilitation of domestic violence.
Recommended publications
  • Racial Ideology and Implementation of the Khmer Rouge Genocide
    Racial Ideology and Implementation of the Khmer Rouge Genocide Abby Coomes, Jonathan Dean, Makinsey Perkins, Jennifer Roberts, Tyler Schroeder, Emily Simpson Abstract Indochina Implementation In the 1970s Pol Pot devised a ruthless Cambodian regime Communism in Cambodia began as early as the 1940s during known as the Khmer Rouge. The Khmer Rouge adopted a strong the time of Joseph Stalin. Its presence was elevated when Pol Pot sense of nationalism and discriminated against the Vietnamese and became the prime minister and leader of the Khmer Rouge. In 1975, other racial minorities in Cambodia. This form of radical Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge implemented their new government communism led to the Cambodian genocide because the Khmer the Democratic Kampuchea. This government was meant to replace Rouge cleansed the minorities of their culture and committed mass the existing one in every way possible by any means necessary. murder amongst their people in order to establish power. Pol Pot The Khmer Rouge imposed a forced cleansing of Cambodia, both in established the Democratic Kampuchea which forced what he culture and race. This meant that the Cambodian minorities were to called the “New People” to work on the farms and in the factories. be weeded out, tortured, and murdered. This was called the Four The Khmer Rouge went as far as to convert the schools into Year Plan. prisons and destroyed all traces of books and equipment to rid The Khmer Rouge started by separating the minority groups Cambodia of their education system. This project will analyze how within the country. The Khmer Rouge wedged a division between Pol Pot’s regime created systematic racism amongst the the urban and rural populations, categorizing between the “New Cambodian minorities and developed a social hierarchy.
    [Show full text]
  • June 21, 1975 Conversation Between Chinese Leader Mao Zedong and Cambodian Leader Pol Pot
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified June 21, 1975 Conversation between Chinese leader Mao Zedong and Cambodian Leader Pol Pot Citation: “Conversation between Chinese leader Mao Zedong and Cambodian Leader Pol Pot,” June 21, 1975, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, CWIHP Working Paper 22, "77 Conversations." http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/111267 Summary: Mao Zedong muses on the nature of the struggle between the capitalist and socialist forces within China. He tells Pol Pot not to blindly follow the Chinese model, but adopt Marxist theory to the Cambodian realities. Excepts. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation MAO ZEDONG AND POL POT Beijing, 21 June 1975 [Mao Zedong:] During the transition from the democratic revolution to adopting a socialist path, there exist two possibilities: one is socialism, the other is capitalism. Our situation now is like this. Fifty years from now, or one hundred years from now, the struggle between two lines will exist. Even ten thousand years from now, the struggle between two lines will still exist. When Communism is realized, the struggle between two lines will still be there. Otherwise, you are not a Marxist. This is unity existing among opposites. If one only mentions one side of the two, that is metaphysics. I believe in what Marx and Lenin have said, that the path [of advance] would be tortuous. From the era of Lenin to the era of Khrushchev and Brezhnev, the Soviet Union has changed. But in the future it is certain that it will return to Lenin’s path. China is also like this.
    [Show full text]
  • The Life Course of Pol Pot: How His Early Life Influenced the Crimes He Committed
    Scientific THE LIFE COURSE OF POL POT: HOW HIS EARLY LIFE INFLUENCED THE CRIMES HE COMMITTED Myra de Vries1* Maartje Weerdesteijn** ABSTRACT International criminology focuses mostly on the lower level perpetrators even though it finds the leader is crucial for orchestrating the circumstances in which these people kill. While numerous theories from ordinary criminology have been usefully applied to these lower level perpetrators, the applicability of these theories to the leaders has remained underexplored. In order to fill this gap, the life course theory of Sampson and Laub will be applied to Pol Pot whose brutal communist regime cost the lives of approximately 1.7 million people. A unusual childhood, the influence of peers while he studied in Paris, and his marriage to a woman who shared his revolutionary mind-set, were all negative turning-points for Pol Pot. I. Introduction Mass violence is constructed as something extraordinary that violates cosmopolitan, and perhaps even universal, norms.2 The extraordinary nature of these crimes lies in the fact that these are very often a state-directed effort to harm or kill marginalised groups. These crimes are also referred to as “crimes of obedience,”3 since lower level perpetrators often obey high level orders unquestioningly without taking personal responsibility for the ethical repercussions.4 *Myra de Vries graduated her BSc Criminologie at Leiden University in 2012, and is currently a student in the MSc International Crimes and Criminology programme. **Maartje Weerdesteijn is an assistant professor at the department of criminology at VU University Amsterdam and researcher at the Center for International Criminal Justice.
    [Show full text]
  • The Khmer Rouge Practice of Thought Reform in Cambodia, 1975–1978
    Journal of Political Ideologies ISSN: 1356-9317 (Print) 1469-9613 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cjpi20 Converts, not ideologues? The Khmer Rouge practice of thought reform in Cambodia, 1975–1978 Kosal Path & Angeliki Kanavou To cite this article: Kosal Path & Angeliki Kanavou (2015) Converts, not ideologues? The Khmer Rouge practice of thought reform in Cambodia, 1975–1978, Journal of Political Ideologies, 20:3, 304-332, DOI: 10.1080/13569317.2015.1075266 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2015.1075266 Published online: 25 Nov 2015. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=cjpi20 Download by: [24.229.103.45] Date: 26 November 2015, At: 10:12 Journal of Political Ideologies, 2015 Vol. 20, No. 3, 304–332, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2015.1075266 Converts, not ideologues? The Khmer Rouge practice of thought reform in Cambodia, 1975–1978 KOSAL PATH Brooklyn College, City University of New York, Brooklyn, NY 11210, USA ANGELIKI KANAVOU Interdisciplinary Center for the Scientific Study of Ethics & Morality, University of California, Irvine, CA 92697-5100, USA ABSTRACT While mistaken as zealot ideologues of Marxist ideals fused with Khmer rhetoric, the Khmer Rouge (KR) cadres’ collective profile better fits that of the convert subjected to intense thought reform. This research combines insights from the process and the context of thought reform informed by local cultural norms with the social type of the convert in a way that captures the KR phenome- non in both its general and particular dimensions.
    [Show full text]
  • People on War Reports
    PEOPLE ON WAR Country report Cambodia ICRC worldwide consultation on the rules of war Report by Greenberg Research, Inc. EVEN WARS HAVE LIMITS EVEN WARS HAVE LIMITS EVEN WARS HAVE LIMITS EVEN WARS HAVE INTERNATIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE RED CROSS About the People on War project To mark the 50th anniversary of the modern Geneva Conventions (on 12 August 1999), the ICRC launched its People on War project with the aim of building greater respect for fundamental humanitarian principles. At centre stage is a worldwide consultation giving the general public a chance to air their views on the many facets of war. The idea was that civilians and combatants alike would be able to share their experiences, express their opinions on what basic rules should apply in war, discuss why those rules sometimes break down and look at what the future holds. With this in mind, the ICRC commissioned Greenberg Research, Inc. to design a research programme that would enable people to be heard in the most effective way possible. Under the guidance of Greenberg Research, ICRC staff and Red Cross and Red Crescent volunteers carried out this consultation in 12 countries (Afghanistan, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Cambodia, Colombia, El Salvador, Georgia/ Abkhazia, Israel, the occupied territories and the autonomous territories, Lebanon, Nigeria, Philippines, Somalia and South Africa), conducting in-depth, face-to-face interviews, group discussions and national public opinion surveys. Surveys on the basis of a questionnaire only were conducted in a further five countries (France, Russian Federation, Switzerland, United Kingdom and United States) in order to reflect these people’s perceptions of war.
    [Show full text]
  • Humanitarian Intervention: the Invasion of Cambodia
    NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law Volume 2 | Issue 1 Article 8 1980 Humanitarian Intervention: The nI vasion of Cambodia James Lutfy Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/ journal_of_international_and_comparative_law Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Lutfy, James (1980) "Humanitarian Intervention: The nI vasion of Cambodia," NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law: Vol. 2 : Iss. 1 , Article 8. Available at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/journal_of_international_and_comparative_law/vol2/iss1/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION: THE INVASION OF CAMBODIA "'My people have no food, no medicine, and we are being killed,' he said, getting angrier as he went on. 'What does the United Nations mean? Why don't they do something?' "" On April 17, 1975, the bombing finally stopped. 2 The people of Phnom Penh listened to the silence and rejoiced. They were tired of war's misery and, although they did not support the Khmer Rouge, 3 they enthusiastically -reeted these victors who brought with them the illusion of peace as they marched into the city. This enthusiasm was short-lived, followed by suffering of such intensity that it shocked the world. The blueprint of the Khmer Rouge called for the radical re- molding of Cambodian society. 4 The Khmer Rouge had "resolved to annul the past and obliterate the present... [in order] to fashion 1. N.Y. Times, Oct. 12, 1979, at AI, col.
    [Show full text]
  • Vietnam/Korea/Southeast Asia
    Name: ___________________________________________ Date: _______ Regents Review Ms. Carey Vietnam/Korea/Southeast Asia The Korean War and the Cuban missile crisis are most closely associated with: (1) communist aggression (2) religious tensions (3) the overthrow of monarchies (4) the failure of the Kyoto Protocol Base your answer to the following question on the map below and on your knowledge of social studies This map depicts Vietnam during which time period? (1) 19th-century imperial rule (2) World War I (3) World War II (4) Cold War Base your answer to the following question on the political cartoon below and you knowledge of social studies Which action of Kim Jong Il is the subject of this 2009 cartoon? (1) poorly managing North Korea’s economy (2) polluting North Korea with industrial waste (3) seeking humanitarian aid for North Korea (4) proposing the unification of North and South Korea _______________________________________________________________________ Since 1990, many countries have expressed grave concerns about North Korea and Pakistan because these two countries have (1) developed nuclear programs (2) withdrawn from the United Nations (3) experienced large increases in the number of AIDS-related deaths (4) adopted a communist system of government • French intent to recolonize Indo-China after World War II • United States desire to prevent the spread of communism • United States support for the French in Southeast Asia These ideas are most closely associated with the: (1) causes of the conflict in Vietnam (2) reasons for the Nationalist settlement of Taiwan (3) factors that led to the Korean War (4) results of the Marshall Plan _______________________________________________________________________ A.
    [Show full text]
  • 6 Documenting the Crimes of Democratic Kampuchea
    Article by John CIORCIARI and CHHANG Youk entitled "Documenting the Crimes of Democratic Kampuchea" in Jaya RAMJI and Beth VAN SCHAAK's book "Bringing the Khmer Rouge to Justice. Prosecuting Mass Violence Before the Cambodian Courts", pp.226-227. 6 Documenting The Crimes Of Democratic Kampuchea John D. Ciorciari with Youk Chhang John D. Ciorciari (A.B., J.D., Harvard; M.Phil., Oxford) is the Wai Seng Senior Research Scholar at the Asian Studies Centre in St. Antony’s College, University of Oxford. Since 1999, he has served as a legal advisor to the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) in Phnom Penh. Youk Chhang has served as the Director of DC-Cam since January 1997 and has managed the fieldwork of its Mass Grave Mapping Project since July 1995. He is also the Publisher and Editor-in-Chief of DC-Cam’s monthly magazine, SEARCHING FOR THE TRUTH, and has edited numerous scholarly publications dealing with the abuses of the Pol Pot regime. The Democratic Kampuchea (DK) regime was decidedly one of the most brutal in modern history. Between April 1975 and January 1979, when the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) held power in Phnom Penh, millions of Cambodians suffered grave human rights abuses. Films, museum exhibitions, scholarly works, and harrowing survivor accounts have illustrated the horrors of the DK period and brought worldwide infamy to the “Pol Pot regime.”1 Historically, it is beyond doubt that elements of the CPK were responsible for myriad criminal offenses. However, the perpetrators of the most serious crimes of that period have never been held accountable for their atrocities in an internationally recognized legal proceeding.
    [Show full text]
  • Day of Reckoning: Pol Pot Breaks an 18-Year Silence to Confront His Past
    POL POT: UNREPENTANT An Exclusive Interview By Nate Thayer Source Cover Story, Far Eastern Economic Review October 30, 1997 (Three story cover package) The world holds Pol Pot responsible for the deaths of more than 1 million Cambodians. But the former Khmer Rouge leader, now a jungle captive of ex-comrades, expresses no remorse. In an historic, exclusive interview with Nate Thayer he defends himself as a patriot. His two-hour exposition ranges over the notorious killing fields, atrocities, party intrigues and his own early life. Plus: The first ever interview with Khmer Rouge strongman Ta Mok Day of Reckoning: Pol Pot breaks an 18-year silence to confront his past. In defending his murderous rule, he sheds new light on the dark secrets of the Khmer Rouge By Nate Thayer in Anlong Veng Far Eastern Economic Review, October 30, 1997 POL POT is dying. He's helped slowly out of the backseat of a blue four-wheel drive truck, then stands unsteadily in the dust of the narrow road, smiling shyly and raising his clasped hands to his face in a traditional greeting. He needs to grasp my arm to walk the 25 meters to an open-air hut, in a clearing hacked out of the dense jungles of the Dangrek mountains. His breathing labored, he eases himself down at a simple wooden table. A deferential young KR cadre places a plastic bottle of water and a coffee jar filled with salt in front of him. Pol Pot adjusts his traditional peasant scarf, his face drawn and eyes blinking rapidly, and looks sadly across the table at the nearest thing to an interrogator he has ever faced.
    [Show full text]
  • THE HOXHAIST COMMUNITY PRESENTS Notes on Maoite Revisionism, Towards an Ultimate Debunking of Maoism and It’S Social-Fascist Adherents
    1 THE HOXHAIST COMMUNITY PRESENTS Notes On Maoite Revisionism, Towards An Ultimate Debunking of Maoism And It’s Social-Fascist Adherents Study Packet For Comrades and for Maoites Looking For A Principled Confutation of Maoism This long overdue and highly important writing and re-examination into the effects of revisionism in China and its impact today could not have been possible devoid of the massive help of fellow Hoxhaist comrades who contributed to their utmost ability and their time and efforts into making this possible, particular, there’s a massive necessity of giving thanks to our dearest comrade, the Hoxhaist Warrior, who wrote an entire section here based on the far-reaching research they themselves have done on contemporary revolutionary movements, specifically Maoite ones, and we once again are very much appreciative of his work. Part One: Chinese Revisionism: A Result Of None Other Than Mao By The Raging Stalinist The Rise of Mao in The Communist Party Mao Zedong was born, and on December 26, 1893 to a well-off peasant family. It has been said that his ancestors had lived in the region for around 500 years. So this was a place familiar to Mao. It was a beautiful place, full of luscious trees, forests, hills, and mountains. Mao was the third son to his mother and father, but only the first one to actually be healthful enough to survive beyond his youth.[1] Mao disliked his father a lot[2], but being the kind of person he was, he consistently asked ​ ​ ​ ​ him for money, time and time again[3].
    [Show full text]
  • TIRR-Vol-1.-Jul-2021.Pdf
    TABLE OF CONTENTS THE EFFECT OF COVID-19 ON CHINA AND CHILE’S ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIP Rachel Farmer ................................................................ 4 EXPLAINING THE BREAKDOWN OF VIETNAMESE-KHMER ROUGE RELATIONS OUTSIDE OF THE CONTEXT OF THE COLD WAR Bayley Murray ........................................................................................ 12 NAGORNO-KARABAKH CONFLICT: RUSSIA’S ROLE IN SHAPING THE GEOPOLITICS OF SOUTH CAUCASUS Darine Razmadze ....... 26 RETHINKING THE “LOSS OF CHINA”: US INVOLVEMENT IN THE CHINESE CIVIL WAR, 1945-1949 Nathaniel Sher ............................. 39 TSINGHUA INTERNATIONAL Vol. 01 July 2021 RELATIONS REVIEW THE EFFECT OF COVID-19 ON CHINA AND CHILE’S ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIP RACHEL FARMER Since establishing diplomatic relations in 1971, China’s and Chile’s economic ties have grown rapidly. With its strategic location and over 4,000 kilometers of Pacific coastline, China views Chile as its door to Latin America.① Following the signing of a Free Trade Agreement in 2006, and China’s expanding search for natural resources, economic relations between the two countries have continued to strengthen in recent years,② with China becoming Chile’s largest trading partner, and Chile becoming China’s third largest Latin American trading partner, behind Brazil and Mexico.③ In 2019, China’s export trade value to Chile surpassed $16.5 billion, and Chile’s export trade value to China surpassed $22.5 billion. As one of the largest consumers of natural resources in the world, China’s interest in Chile, the world’s largest producer of copper, is understandable. China is the main market for Chilean copper, and also imports other mineral and agricultural products.④ According to recent figures, China receives more than 47 percent of Chile’s total mining exports.⑤ China also exports heavily to Chile, though generally in terms of manufactured goods.
    [Show full text]
  • Words from Budapest
    g. m. tamás Interview WORDS FROM BUDAPEST Your trajectory has been an unusual one: a dissident libertarian philosopher under Communism in both Romania and Hungary, who has emerged as one of the foremost left critics of the capitalist order in eastern Europe, and author of a striking set of essays on the historical and cultural legacies and contem- porary dynamics of the region. Could we start by asking about your original personal and intellectual formation, in Gheorghiu-Dej’s and Ceau‚sescu’s Romania? nswering this question borders on the impossible, since the whole context which might explain it has gone. I was born in 1948, in what Hungarians call Kolozsvár and Romanians, Cluj. The principal city of Transylvania, it had Abeen transferred from Hungary to Romania in 1920 by the Treaty of Trianon, awarded back to Horthy’s Hungary by Hitler in 1940, and was under direct Nazi occupation from early 1944 until the arrival of Soviet forces, when it was incorporated into Romania again. Both my parents were Communists. They had come back from the War broken and bitter. My father, a Hungarian writer, was dispatched from prison to the front, where he was seriously wounded—he walked on crutches, later with a sturdy walking-stick, which I still have—by those whom he consid- ered his comrades: the Red Army. My mother, ironically, escaped being deported to Auschwitz because she was in jail as a seditious Bolshevik. But her mother and her favourite elder brother were killed. My father’s family belonged to the petty nobility, or rather yeomanry, in the moun- tainous Szekler region of East Transylvania; his father was a tailor in a small town.
    [Show full text]