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Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’S Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’s Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah 1 Table of Contents 3. Letter from Chair 4. Members of Committee 5. Committee Background A.Solving the Economic Crisis B.Solving the Presidential Crisis 2 Dear LYMUN delegates, Hi, my name is Peter Derrah and I am a senior at Lyons Township High School. I have done MUN for all my four years of high school, and I was a vice chair at the previous LYMUN conference. LYMUN is a well run conference and I hope that you all will have a good experience here. In this committee you all will be representing high level political figures in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, as you deal with an incomprehensible level of inflation and general economic collapse, as well as internal political disputes with opposition candidates, the National Assembly, and massive protests and general civil unrest. This should be a very interesting committee, as these ongoing issues are very serious, urgent, and have shaped geopolitics recently. I know a lot of these issues are extremely complex and so I suggest that you do enough research to have at least a basic understanding of them and solutions which could solve them. For this reason I highly suggest you read the background. It is important to remember the individual background for your figure (though this may be difficult for lower level politicians) as well as the political ideology of the ruling coalition and the power dynamics of Venezuela’s current government. I hope that you all will put in good effort into preparation, write position papers, actively speak and participate in moderated and unmoderated caucus, and come up with creative and informed solutions to these pressing issues. -
Venezuela: Background and U.S
Venezuela: Background and U.S. Policy (name redacted) Specialist in Latin American Affairs June 14, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44841 Venezuela: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Venezuela is in an acute political, economic, and social crisis. Following the March 2013 death of populist President Hugo Chávez, acting President Nicolás Maduro of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD) to be elected to a six-year term in April 2013. President Maduro now has less than 20% public approval, and fissures have emerged within the PSUV about the means that he has used to maintain power, including an aborted attempt to have the Supreme Court dissolve the MUD-dominated legislature. Since March 2017, large-scale protests have called for President Maduro to release political prisoners, respect the separation of powers, and establish an electoral calendar. Instead, Maduro has scheduled July 30, 2017, elections to select delegates to a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution (the opposition is boycotting). Security forces have repressed protesters, with some 70 dead and thousands injured and jailed. Venezuela also faces crippling economic and social challenges. An economic crisis, triggered by mismanagement and low oil prices, is worsening. In 2016, the economy contracted by 18% and inflation averaged 254% according to the International Monetary Fund. Shortages of food and medicine have caused a humanitarian crisis. The Maduro government is struggling to raise the cash needed to make its debt payments and pay for imports. Some economists maintain that Venezuela is at risk of default in 2017. -
Constructing Demo Cratic Governance in Latin America
Constructing Demo cratic Governance in Latin America © 2013 The Johns Hopkins University Press All rights reserved. No portion of this may be reproduced or distributed without permission. NOT FOR SALE OR DISTRIBUTION an inter- american dialogue book © 2013 The Johns Hopkins University Press All rights reserved. No portion of this may be reproduced or distributed without permission. NOT FOR SALE OR DISTRIBUTION Constructing Demo cratic Governance in Latin America Fourth Edition edited by Jorge I. Domínguez and Michael Shifter The Johns Hopkins University Press Baltimore © 2013 The Johns Hopkins University Press All rights reserved. No portion of this may be reproduced or distributed without permission. NOT FOR SALE OR DISTRIBUTION © 2013 The Johns Hopkins University Press All rights reserved. Published 2013 Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 The Johns Hopkins University Press 2715 North Charles Street Baltimore, Mary land 21218- 4363 w w w . p r e s s . j h u . e d u Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Constructing demo cratic governance in Latin America / edited by Jorge I. Domínguez and Michael Shifter. — Fourth edition. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. “An Inter- American Dialogue Book.” ISBN 978- 1- 4214- 0979- 5 (pbk. : alk. paper) — ISBN 978- 1- 4214- 0980- 1 (electronic) — ISBN 1- 4214- 0979- 8 (pbk. : alk. paper) — ISBN 1- 4214- 0980- 1 (electronic) 1. Latin America— Politics and government—1980– 2. Democracy— Latin America. I. Domínguez, Jorge I., 1945– II. Shifter, Michael. JL966.C677 2013 320.98—dc23 2012041079 A cata log record for this book is available from the British Library. -
The Efficacy of Election Boycotts As an Opposition Tool in Hybrid Regimes
TO RUN OR NOT TO RUN: THE EFFICACY OF ELECTION BOYCOTTS AS AN OPPOSITION TOOL IN HYBRID REGIMES Item Type Electronic Thesis; text Authors Relich, Alexander Citation Relich, Alexander. (2020). TO RUN OR NOT TO RUN: THE EFFICACY OF ELECTION BOYCOTTS AS AN OPPOSITION TOOL IN HYBRID REGIMES (Bachelor's thesis, University of Arizona, Tucson, USA). Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 27/09/2021 17:52:40 Item License http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/ Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/651392 0 TO RUN OR NOT TO RUN: THE EFFICACY OF ELECTION BOYCOTTS AS AN OPPOSITION TOOL IN HYBRID REGIMES By ALEXANDER JAMES RELICH ____________________ A Thesis Submitted to The Honors College In Partial Fulfillment of the Bachelors degree With Honors in Political Science THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA M A Y 2 0 2 0 Approved by: ____________________________ Dr. Jessica Braithwaite Department of Political Science 0 1 Abstract This paper examines the effectiveness of election boycotting as a strategy for pro-democracy factions that oppose a hybrid authoritarian regime. Part 1 provides context for the current political crisis in the case study country. Part 2 provides analysis of the efficacy of election boycotts and how their usage, coupled with regime tactics, weakens democratic opposition. This evaluation is made via a case study of election boycotts conducted by pro-democratic factions in Venezuela in 2005 and 2018. -
Konsiderasi Pemerintah Amerika Serikat Dalam Kesepakatan
Pengaruh Ideologi Kiri Baru terhadap Perubahan Kebijakan Negara di Sektor Energi: Studi Kasus Venezuela Krisna Purwa Adi Wibawa – 070912102 Program Studi S1 Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Airlangga ABSTRACT This research analyzes how the New Left ideology affects Venezuela's energy policy shifting, that is, during the leadership of Hugo Chavez. In this study, the ideology of the New Left in the context of Venezuela referred to ‘21st Century Socialism’. This case is analyzed through the basic premises of the ideology of 21st Century Socialism, combine with the ideas in ‘Bolivarianism’ and operationalization of Historical Block Neo - Gramscian. This research is a descriptive study, with a range of studies ranging from 1999 to 2007. The hypothesis is that the ideology of the New Left has an influence on Venezuelan oil policy shifting, which is a content parallel with the idea of the New Left ideology and the relationship of the shifting process with the support of the New Left ideology. In this case these changes can be measured by a changing in the ownership status of the Venezuelan oil company through nationalization policy and the renegotiation; changing the amount of quota exports of Venezuelan oil, and diversify Venezuela's oil export market. Keywords: New Left, Venezuela, Hugo Chavez, Oil Policy, 21st Century Socialism, Bolivarianism, Historical Block Neo-Gramscian. Penelitian ini mengurai bagaimana ideologi Kiri Baru mempengaruhi kebijakan energi Venezuela, yakni selama dalam kepemimpinan Hugo Chavez. Dalam penelitian ini, ideologi Kiri Baru dalam konteks Venezuela disebut dalam terminologi Sosialisme Abad ke-21. Permasalahan dianalisis melalui premis-premis dasar ideologi Sosialisme Abad ke-21, dengan di dukung sintesa gagasan Bolivarianisme serta operasionalisasi konsep Blok Historis (Historical Block) Neo-Gramscian. -
Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016
Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs January 23, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43239 Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Summary Although historically the United States had close relations with Venezuela, a major oil supplier, friction in bilateral relations increased under the leftist, populist government of President Hugo Chávez (1999-2013), who died in 2013 after battling cancer. After Chávez’s death, Venezuela held presidential elections in which acting President Nicolás Maduro narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD), with the opposition alleging significant irregularities. In 2014, the Maduro government violently suppressed protests and imprisoned a major opposition figure, Leopoldo López, along with others. In December 2015, the MUD initially won a two-thirds supermajority in National Assembly elections, a major defeat for the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). The Maduro government subsequently thwarted the legislature’s power by preventing three MUD representatives from taking office (denying the opposition a supermajority) and using the Supreme Court to block bills approved by the legislature. For much of 2016, opposition efforts were focused on recalling President Maduro through a national referendum, but the government slowed down the referendum process and suspended it indefinitely in October. After an appeal by Pope Francis, the government and most of the opposition (with the exception of Leopoldo López’s Popular Will party) agreed to talks mediated by the Vatican along with the former presidents of the Dominican Republic, Spain, and Panama and the head of the Union of South American Nations. -
Corruption and Crisis in Venezuela: Asset Repatriation for Humanitarian Relief
CORRUPTION AND CRISIS IN VENEZUELA: ASSET REPATRIATION FOR HUMANITARIAN RELIEF Policy Options and Considerations A Policy Brief from the Inter-American Dialogue’s Peter D. Bell Rule of Law Program SEPTEMBER 2020 © 2020, Inter-American Dialogue. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution - No Derivatives License. To view this license, visit (www. creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0). For re-use or distribution, please include this copyright notice. First Edition. Printed in Washington, DC. Cover photo: UNICEF/2018/Moreno / Flickr / CC BY 2.0 Layout: Catharine Christie / Inter-American Dialogue REPORT | SEPTEMBER 2020 CORRUPTION AND CRISIS IN VENEZUELA: ASSET REPATRIATION FOR HUMANITARIAN RELIEF Policy Options and Considerations A Policy Brief from the Inter-American Dialogue’s Peter D. Bell Rule of Law Program SEPTEMBER 2020 Corruption and Crisis in Venezuela: Asset Repatriation for Humanitarian Relief 3 Foreword The Inter-American Dialogue is pleased to present Corruption and Crisis in Venezuela: Asset Repatriation for Humanitarian Relief. This groundbreaking report is the culmination of over a year of research by the Dialogue’s Peter D. Bell Rule of Law Program. Against the backdrop of the ongoing institutional breakdown and humanitarian emergency in Venezuela, the report analyzes one of the salient features of contemporary Venezuela—industrial scale corruption—and presents detailed proposals for repatriating potentially billions of dollars of stolen assets for the benefit of the Venezuelan people. The policy options and recommendations offered in the report are based on careful legal analysis, comparative case studies, and a detailed grasp of the complexity of the political situation in Venezuela and the intricacies of US policy. -
Why Not Anti-Populist Parties?
Why Not Anti-Populist Parties? Theory with Evidence from the Andes and Thailand Brandon Van Dyck Political parties are critical for democracy, but where do they come from? Recent analyses, building on classic works like Lipset and Rokkan and Huntington, show that episodes of extraordinary conflict and polarization spawn enduring parties.1 Such episodes—civil war, authoritarian repression, populist mobilization—furnish raw materials for party building. Polarization generates differentiated political identities. Extra-institutional conflict motivates groups to develop ground organizations. Adversity weeds out careerists, selecting for ideologues. Intragroup shared struggle and intergroup animosity and grievance cement in-group loyalties, discouraging defection. Through these mechanisms, polarization and conflict birth parties with distinct brands, territorial infrastructures, committed activists, and cohesion. Often, such episodes produce party systems. In Latin America, civil wars spawned stable two-party systems in Uruguay, Colombia, and (more recently) El Salvador, as warring sides evolved into parties after conflict ceased. In Brazil and Chile, bureaucratic authoritarianism generated stable right and left parties founded by the supporters and opponents of outgoing dictatorships.2 It is noteworthy, then, that populism typically generates just one strong party: a populist, not an anti-populist, one.3 Where successful, populists—defined as personalistic political outsiders who electorally mobilize the popular classes against the political and/or economic elite4—almost invariably polarize society and may engender sustained, even violent conflict between populist and anti-populist forces.5 Numerous populist parties have emerged from such conflicts. In the mid-twentieth century, populism produced Argentina’s Peronist party (PJ) and Peru’s American Revolutionary Popular Alliance (APRA). -
United Socialist Party of Venezuela - Wikipedia
United Socialist Party of Venezuela - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Socialist_Party_of_Venezuela The United Socialist Party of Venezuela (Spanish: Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela, PSUV) is a United Socialist Party of Venezuela Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela socialist political party in Venezuela which resulted from the fusion of some of the political and social forces that support the Bolivarian Revolution led by President Hugo Chávez.[11] President Nicolás Maduro At the 2015 parliamentary election, PSUV lost its majority Vice President Diosdado Cabello in the National Assembly for the first time since the Founder Hugo Chávez unicameral legislature's creation in 2000 against the Democratic Unity Roundtable, earning 55 out of the Founded 24 March 2007 National Assembly's 167 seats.[12] Preceded by Fifth Republic Movement Headquarters Mariperez, Caracas Newspaper Cuatro F Youth wing United Socialist Party of Venezuela Youth History Membership (2014) 7,632,606[1] Overview Ideology Chavismo[2] [3] Symbolism Bolivarianism [4] Party symbols Socialism of the 21st century Left-wing populism[5][6] Structure Marxism[3] Party Congress [7][8] [9] Units of Battle Hugo Chávez (UBCh) Political position Left-wing to far-left National affiliation Great Patriotic Pole Election results Presidential International None Parliamentary affiliation Regional affiliation COPPPAL, See also São Paulo Forum References Colors Red External links Anthem "La Hora del Pueblo"[10] "People's Hour" Seats in the 31 / 167 National Assembly The process -
Venezuela: a Difficult Puzzle to Solve Written by Paulo Afonso Velasco Junior
Venezuela: A Difficult Puzzle to Solve Written by Paulo Afonso Velasco Junior This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Venezuela: A Difficult Puzzle to Solve https://www.e-ir.info/2019/03/09/venezuela-a-difficult-puzzle-to-solve/ PAULO AFONSO VELASCO JUNIOR, MAR 9 2019 Hugo Chávez was elected president of Venezuela in 1998 while leader of the Fifth Republic Movement (MVP) committed to the implementation of a new political, economic, and social orientation for the country. In fact, as early as 1999 he introduced a new constitution with important changes, such as the expansion of the role of the military in the Venezuela’s political life and simulteneously reinforcing the participation of society in decision making. In social terms, the “misiones” were outstanding, prioritizing areas such as health and education and helped to significantly reduce poverty indicators in the country. According to Manuel Gómez (2011), the “misiones” encompassed a wide set of poverty alleviation and development-promoting initiatives in different areas such as health services, cash transfers, literacy and other educational programs, community building, the protection of indigenous peoples, and the redistribution of unused land, among others. Of course, there were many challenges and resistance to the changes introduced by Chávez, with several sectors actively fighting the new president in his early years: businessmen, unions, the Catholic Church, are some examples. The 2002 coup that removed Chávez from power temporarily, with the country being governed by businessman Pedro Carmona for about 3 days, and the recall referendum of 2004 are outstanding examples of the opposition’s attempts to seize power. -
Venezuela: Popular Sovereignty Versus Liberal Democracy
1 Venezuela: Popular Sovereignty versus Liberal Democracy Michael Coppedge Opinions about the state of democratic governance in Venezuela during the first three years of the government of Hugo Chávez Frías were polarized. On one side, critics came close to labeling it a dictatorship. For example, Allan Randolph Brewer Carías wrote that the 1999 constitution “lays the constitutional groundwork for the development of political authoritarianism, buttressed by regulations that reinforce centralism, presidentialism, statism, state paternalism, partisanship, and militarism; with the danger of the collapse of democracy itself.”1 On the other side, Chávez claimed to be restoring a truly democratic regime to Venezuela: we will advance in the construction of a true democracy, of a true political, economic, and social system which we will build because they destroyed it during these last years. We are now going to demonstrate the daring and intelligence of the Venezuelan people who are building with their own hands a true democracy, where justice, liberty, equality, and fraternity prevail.2 The truth is more complex and subtle. In order to evaluate accurately the state of democracy during the first years of the Chávez presidency, one must sharpen the distinction between democracy narrowly defined as popular sovereignty versus the more conventional notion of liberal democracy. It is also necessary to look beyond the rules and institutions of Venezuela’s 1999 constitution to consider the way they were used. On first inspection, Venezuela still had a liberal democratic regime. Understood more deeply, it was no longer a 2 liberal democracy in every respect. Instead, it became an extreme case of delegative democracy- -a regime in which there is no "horizontal accountability," that is, no effective check on the president by the congress, courts, or other powers between elections. -
Chapter 8 Neo-Constitutionalism in Twenty-First Century Venezuela
1 Chapter 8 1 Neo-Constitutionalism in Twenty-first Century Venezuela: Participatory Democracy, Deconcentrated Decentralization or Centralized Populism? Rickard Lalander ‘I swear before God, before the Fatherland, before my people and before this dying constitution, to carry out the democratic transformations necessary for the Republic to have a new Magna Carta suitable for new times’ (Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías, Presidential Oath, 2 February 1999). This chapter deals with the Venezuelan experience with neo-constitutionalism under President Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías from 1999 onwards. The process of re-writing the constitution (the so-called constituyente) was Chávez’ main electoral banner in 1998: it was his key strategy to change the political system and get rid of the vices of the past. The Bolivarian constitution of 1999 has been referred to as among the most progressive constitutions in the world (Wilpert 2007). In Latin America, constitutional reforms in the Andean countries since the 1990s have been considered among the most radical because of the introduction of mechanisms to enhance popular participation at the local level and to narrow the gap between state and civil society. Venezuela and other Andean countries have also pioneered what has been labelled multicultural constitutionalism, whereby traditionally excluded ethnic groups of the population are constitutionally recognized. 1 Preliminary book chapter draft for the volume New Constitutionalism in Latin America: Promises and Practices, edited by Detlef Nolte and Almut Schilling-Vacaflor, Ashgate Publishing Limited, Farnham, Surrey. 1 2 The neo-constitutionalist process has challenged existing perceptions of democracy. Latin America’s political systems are deeply rooted in the liberal representative democratic tradition; by contrast, neo-constitutionalist actors have promoted a radical participatory form of democracy, at times directly inspired by the ideas of Jean-Jacques Rousseau about the collective will (Peeler 2009: 211-213, Ellner 2010).