The Promise and Perils of Radical Left Populism: the Case of Venezuela
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Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’S Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’s Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah 1 Table of Contents 3. Letter from Chair 4. Members of Committee 5. Committee Background A.Solving the Economic Crisis B.Solving the Presidential Crisis 2 Dear LYMUN delegates, Hi, my name is Peter Derrah and I am a senior at Lyons Township High School. I have done MUN for all my four years of high school, and I was a vice chair at the previous LYMUN conference. LYMUN is a well run conference and I hope that you all will have a good experience here. In this committee you all will be representing high level political figures in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, as you deal with an incomprehensible level of inflation and general economic collapse, as well as internal political disputes with opposition candidates, the National Assembly, and massive protests and general civil unrest. This should be a very interesting committee, as these ongoing issues are very serious, urgent, and have shaped geopolitics recently. I know a lot of these issues are extremely complex and so I suggest that you do enough research to have at least a basic understanding of them and solutions which could solve them. For this reason I highly suggest you read the background. It is important to remember the individual background for your figure (though this may be difficult for lower level politicians) as well as the political ideology of the ruling coalition and the power dynamics of Venezuela’s current government. I hope that you all will put in good effort into preparation, write position papers, actively speak and participate in moderated and unmoderated caucus, and come up with creative and informed solutions to these pressing issues. -
Hugo Chávez and Venezuela Rachel M
McNair Scholars Journal Volume 9 | Issue 1 Article 10 2005 Resistance to U.S. Economic Hegemony in Latin America: Hugo Chávez and Venezuela Rachel M. Jacques Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/mcnair Recommended Citation Jacques, Rachel M. (2005) "Resistance to U.S. Economic Hegemony in Latin America: Hugo Chávez and Venezuela," McNair Scholars Journal: Vol. 9: Iss. 1, Article 10. Available at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/mcnair/vol9/iss1/10 Copyright © 2005 by the authors. McNair Scholars Journal is reproduced electronically by ScholarWorks@GVSU. http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/ mcnair?utm_source=scholarworks.gvsu.edu%2Fmcnair%2Fvol9%2Fiss1%2F10&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages Resistance to U.S. economic hegemony in Latin America: Hugo Chávez and Venezuela Abstract Introduction Recent years have seen increasing opposition On April 11, 2002, a group of to U.S. political and economic influence in senior military officers stormed the Latin America. Venezuela is a key player in presidential palace in Caracas, the the South American economy. This project capital of Venezuela. They ousted the researches the country’s history from the leftist president, Hugo Chávez, and 1950s to the present and the role of the replaced him with the more conservative U.S. in its formation. Through political Pedro Carmona. The coup had the economy, this study asks if recent political support of the business community, changes are due to the effects of U.S. policies the upper classes, the mass media, and in Venezuela. The research examines tacit support from the U.S.; however, the relationship between the two nations the de-facto government was short and the development models proposed lived (Cooper, 2002; Hellinger, 2003; by the Chávez government. -
Explaining Chavismo
Explaining Chavismo: The Unexpected Alliance of Radical Leftists and the Military in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez by Javier Corrales Associate Professor of Political Science Amherst College Amherst, MA 01002 [email protected] March 2010 1 Knowing that Venezuela experienced a profound case of growth collapse in the 1980s and 1990s is perhaps enough to understand why Venezuela experienced regime change late in the 1990s. Most political scientists agree with Przeworski et al. (2000) that severe economic crises jeopardize not just the incumbents, but often the very continuity of democratic politics in non-rich countries. However, knowledge of Venezuela’s growth collapse is not sufficient to understand why political change went in the direction of chavismo. By chavismo I mean the political regime established by Hugo Chávez Frías after 1999. Scholars who study Venezuelan politics disagree about the best label to describe the Hugo Chávez administration (1999-present): personalistic, popular, populist, pro-poor, revolutionary, participatory, socialist, Castroite, fascist, competitive authoritarian, soft- authoritarian, third-world oriented, hybrid, statist, polarizing, oil-addicted, ceasaristic, counter-hegemonic, a sort of Latin American Milošević, even political ―carnivour.‖ But there is nonetheless agreement that, at the very least, chavismo consists of a political alliance of radical-leftist civilians and the military (Ellner 2001:9). Chávez has received most political advice from, and staffed his government with, individuals who have an extreme-leftist past, a military background, or both. The Chávez movement is, if nothing else, a marriage of radicals and officers. And while there is no agreement on how undemocratic the regime has become, there is virtual agreement that chavismo is far from liberal democracy. -
An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and Its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Digital Commons Cedarville University DigitalCommons@Cedarville International Studies Capstone Research Papers Senior Capstone Papers 4-24-2015 Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A. Cohrs Cedarville University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/ international_studies_capstones Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Cohrs, James A., "Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution" (2015). International Studies Capstone Research Papers. 1. http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/international_studies_capstones/1 This Capstone Project is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Cedarville, a service of the Centennial Library. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Studies Capstone Research Papers by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Cedarville. For more information, please contact [email protected]. VENECUBA AN ANALYSIS OF CUBAN INFLUENCE IN VENEZUELA AND ITS SUPPORT FOR THE BOLÍVARIAN REVOLUTION __________________ A Paper Presented to Dr. Jenista Cedarville University __________________ In Fulfillment of the Requirements for INTL 4850-01 __________________ By James Cohrs April 24th, 2015 Cohrs 1 Introduction "I swear before you, I swear by the God of my fathers; by my forefathers themselves, by my honor and my country, that I shall never allow my hands to be idle or my soul to rest until I have broken the shackles which bind us to Spain!" (Roberts, 1949, p. 5). Standing on a hill in Rome, this was the oath pledged by Simón Bolívar, “El Libertador”, as he began his quest to liberate the Spanish-American colonies from Spanish rule. -
Misión Madres Del Barrio: a Bolivarian Social Program Recognizing Housework and Creating a Caring Economy in Venezuela
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by KU ScholarWorks MISIÓN MADRES DEL BARRIO: A BOLIVARIAN SOCIAL PROGRAM RECOGNIZING HOUSEWORK AND CREATING A CARING ECONOMY IN VENEZUELA BY Cory Fischer-Hoffman Submitted to the graduate degree program in Latin American Studies and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master’s of Arts. Committee members Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, Phd. ____________________ Chairperson Tamara Falicov, Phd. ____________________ Mehrangiz Najafizadeh, Phd. ____________________ Date defended: May 8, 2008 The Thesis Committee for Cory Fischer-Hoffman certifies that this is the approved Version of the following thesis: MISIÓN MADRES DEL BARRIO: A BOLIVARIAN SOCIAL PROGRAM RECOGNIZING HOUSEWORK AND CREATING A CARING ECONOMY IN VENEZUELA Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, Phd. ________________________________ Chairperson Date approved:_______________________ ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis is a product of years of activism in the welfare rights, Latin American solidarity, and global justice movements. Thank you to all of those who I have worked and struggled with. I would especially like to acknowledge Monica Peabody, community organizer with Parents Organizing for Welfare and Economic Rights (formerly WROC) and all of the welfare mamas who demand that their caring work be truly valued. Gracias to my compas, Greg, Wiley, Simón, Kaya, Tessa and Caro who keep me grounded and connected to movements for justice, and struggle along side me. Thanks to my thesis committee for helping me navigate through the bureaucracy of academia while asking thoughtful questions and providing valuable guidance. I am especially grateful to the feedback and editing support that my dear friends offered just at the moment when I needed it. -
Alba and Free Trade in the Americas
CUBA AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF ALTERNATIVE GLOBAL TRADE SYSTEMS: ALBA AND FREE TRADE IN THE AMERICAS LARRY CATÁ BACKER* & AUGUSTO MOLINA** ABSTRACT The ALBA (Alternativa Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América) (Bolivarian Alternative for The People of Our America), the command economy alternative to the free trade model of globalization, is one of the greatest and least understood contributions of Cuba to the current conversation about globalization and economic harmonization. Originally conceived as a means for forging a unified front against the United States by Cuba and Venezuela, the organization now includes Nicaragua, Honduras, Dominica, and Bolivia. ALBA is grounded in the notion that globalization cannot be left to the private sector but must be overseen by the state in order to maximize the welfare of its citizens. The purpose of this Article is to carefully examine ALBA as both a system of free trade and as a nexus point for legal and political resistance to economic globalization and legal internationalism sponsored by developed states. The Article starts with an examination of ALBA’s ideology and institutionalization. It then examines ALBA as both a trade organization and as a political vehicle for confronting the power of developed states in the trade context within which it operates. ALBA remains * W. Richard and Mary Eshelman Faculty Scholar and Professor of Law, Dickinson Law School; Affiliate Professor, School of International Affairs, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania; and Director, Coalition for Peace & Ethics, Washington, D.C. The author may be contacted at [email protected]. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Conference, The Measure of a Revolution: Cuba 1959-2009, held May 7–9, 2009 at Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada. -
The Venezuelan Crisis, Regional Dynamics and the Colombian Peace Process by David Smilde and Dimitris Pantoulas Executive Summary
Report August 2016 The Venezuelan crisis, regional dynamics and the Colombian peace process By David Smilde and Dimitris Pantoulas Executive summary Venezuela has entered a crisis of governance that will last for at least another two years. An unsustainable economic model has caused triple-digit inflation, economic contraction, and widespread scarcities of food and medicines. An unpopular government is trying to keep power through increasingly authoritarian measures: restricting the powers of the opposition-controlled National Assembly, avoiding a recall referendum, and restricting civil and political rights. Venezuela’s prestige and influence in the region have clearly suffered. Nevertheless, the general contours of the region’s emphasis on regional autonomy and state sovereignty are intact and suggestions that Venezuela is isolated are premature. Venezuela’s participation in the Colombian peace process since 2012 has allowed it to project an image of a responsible member of the international community and thereby counteract perceptions of it as a “rogue state”. Its growing democratic deficits make this projected image all the more valuable and Venezuela will likely continue with a constructive role both in consolidating peace with the FARC-EP and facilitating negotiations between the Colombian government and the ELN. However, a political breakdown or humanitarian crisis could alter relations with Colombia and change Venezuela’s role in a number of ways. Introduction aimed to maximise profits from the country’s oil production. During his 14 years in office Venezuelan president Hugo Together with Iran and Russia, the Venezuelan government Chávez Frias sought to turn his country into a leading has sought to accomplish this through restricting produc- promotor of the integration of Latin American states and tion and thus maintaining prices. -
The Radical Potential of Chavismo in Venezuela the First Year and a Half in Power by Steve Ellner
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES Ellner / RADICAL POTENTIAL OF CHAVISMO The Radical Potential of Chavismo in Venezuela The First Year and a Half in Power by Steve Ellner The circumstances surrounding Hugo Chávez’s pursuit of power and the strategy he has adopted for achieving far-reaching change in Venezuelaare in many ways without parallel in Latin American politics. While many generals have been elected president, Chávez’s electoral triumph was unique in that he was a middle-level officer with radical ideas who had previously led a coup attempt. Furthermore, few Latin American presidents have attacked existing democratic institutions with such fervor while swearing allegiance to the democratic system (Myers and O’Connor, 1998: 193). From the beginning of his political career, Chávez embraced an aggres- sively antiparty discourse. He denounced the hegemony of vertically based political parties, specifically their domination of Congress, the judicial sys- tem, the labor and peasant movements, and civil society in general. Upon his election in December 1998, he followed through on his campaign promise to use a constituent assembly as a vehicle for overhauling the nation’s neo- corporatist political system. He proposed to replace this model with one of direct popular participation in decision making at the local level. His actions and rhetoric, however, also pointed in the direction of a powerful executive whose authority would be largely unchecked by other state institutions. Indeed, the vacuum left by the weakening of the legislative and judicial branches and of government at the state level and the loss of autonomy of such public entities as the Central Bank and the state oil company could well be filled by executive-based authoritarianism. -
In Caracas, Venezuela
Chapter 11 Rebecca J. McMillan DEFENDING PUBLIC WATER IN TIMES OF CRISIS: “POPULAR WATER GOVERNMENT” IN CARACAS, VENEZUELA n Caracas, Venezuela, an ongoing water crisis exacerbates the impact of Covid-19. Despite the commitment of Caracas’s public water utility, Hidrocapital, to being a social-public model of Iprovision, water service quality and reliability have been declining since 2014. The cause is a combination of cyclical droughts, poorly maintained and inadequate infrastructure, hyperin!ation and declining government oil revenues. US sanctions have also undermined the water utility’s day-to-day operations. All of these factors have resulted in intermittent water services for both residents and healthcare facilities, making it di"cult to respond to the pandemic. This chapter argues that resolving the current health crisis also requires addressing the water crisis. A sustainable solution must include immediate public investments in water and sanitation infrastructure as well as a renewed commitment to community participation and transparency to strengthen social- public management. INTRODUCTION In Venezuela’s capital, Caracas, a pre-existing water crisis has made coping with Covid-19 di"cult. For two decades, Caracas’s public utility, Hidrocapital, has been experimenting with a unique model 197 Rebecca J. McMillan of public participation, but it faces increasing challenges. Caracas’s social-public model of service provision has been threatened by the deteriorating political and economic situation marked by a lack of transparency in decision-making, hyperin!ation and US sanctions. Infrastructure de#ciencies have made adequate hygiene a daily challenge for residents, increasing the risk of the virus’s spread. With fewer international travelers entering Venezuela than neighbouring countries – aside from an in!ux of returning Vene- zuelan migrants in the border regions – the oil giant seems to have been spared some of the high rates of Covid spread experienced by neighbouring countries like Brazil. -
Constructing Demo Cratic Governance in Latin America
Constructing Demo cratic Governance in Latin America © 2013 The Johns Hopkins University Press All rights reserved. No portion of this may be reproduced or distributed without permission. NOT FOR SALE OR DISTRIBUTION an inter- american dialogue book © 2013 The Johns Hopkins University Press All rights reserved. No portion of this may be reproduced or distributed without permission. NOT FOR SALE OR DISTRIBUTION Constructing Demo cratic Governance in Latin America Fourth Edition edited by Jorge I. Domínguez and Michael Shifter The Johns Hopkins University Press Baltimore © 2013 The Johns Hopkins University Press All rights reserved. No portion of this may be reproduced or distributed without permission. NOT FOR SALE OR DISTRIBUTION © 2013 The Johns Hopkins University Press All rights reserved. Published 2013 Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 The Johns Hopkins University Press 2715 North Charles Street Baltimore, Mary land 21218- 4363 w w w . p r e s s . j h u . e d u Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Constructing demo cratic governance in Latin America / edited by Jorge I. Domínguez and Michael Shifter. — Fourth edition. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. “An Inter- American Dialogue Book.” ISBN 978- 1- 4214- 0979- 5 (pbk. : alk. paper) — ISBN 978- 1- 4214- 0980- 1 (electronic) — ISBN 1- 4214- 0979- 8 (pbk. : alk. paper) — ISBN 1- 4214- 0980- 1 (electronic) 1. Latin America— Politics and government—1980– 2. Democracy— Latin America. I. Domínguez, Jorge I., 1945– II. Shifter, Michael. JL966.C677 2013 320.98—dc23 2012041079 A cata log record for this book is available from the British Library. -
The Efficacy of Election Boycotts As an Opposition Tool in Hybrid Regimes
TO RUN OR NOT TO RUN: THE EFFICACY OF ELECTION BOYCOTTS AS AN OPPOSITION TOOL IN HYBRID REGIMES Item Type Electronic Thesis; text Authors Relich, Alexander Citation Relich, Alexander. (2020). TO RUN OR NOT TO RUN: THE EFFICACY OF ELECTION BOYCOTTS AS AN OPPOSITION TOOL IN HYBRID REGIMES (Bachelor's thesis, University of Arizona, Tucson, USA). Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 27/09/2021 17:52:40 Item License http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/ Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/651392 0 TO RUN OR NOT TO RUN: THE EFFICACY OF ELECTION BOYCOTTS AS AN OPPOSITION TOOL IN HYBRID REGIMES By ALEXANDER JAMES RELICH ____________________ A Thesis Submitted to The Honors College In Partial Fulfillment of the Bachelors degree With Honors in Political Science THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA M A Y 2 0 2 0 Approved by: ____________________________ Dr. Jessica Braithwaite Department of Political Science 0 1 Abstract This paper examines the effectiveness of election boycotting as a strategy for pro-democracy factions that oppose a hybrid authoritarian regime. Part 1 provides context for the current political crisis in the case study country. Part 2 provides analysis of the efficacy of election boycotts and how their usage, coupled with regime tactics, weakens democratic opposition. This evaluation is made via a case study of election boycotts conducted by pro-democratic factions in Venezuela in 2005 and 2018. -
Konsiderasi Pemerintah Amerika Serikat Dalam Kesepakatan
Pengaruh Ideologi Kiri Baru terhadap Perubahan Kebijakan Negara di Sektor Energi: Studi Kasus Venezuela Krisna Purwa Adi Wibawa – 070912102 Program Studi S1 Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Airlangga ABSTRACT This research analyzes how the New Left ideology affects Venezuela's energy policy shifting, that is, during the leadership of Hugo Chavez. In this study, the ideology of the New Left in the context of Venezuela referred to ‘21st Century Socialism’. This case is analyzed through the basic premises of the ideology of 21st Century Socialism, combine with the ideas in ‘Bolivarianism’ and operationalization of Historical Block Neo - Gramscian. This research is a descriptive study, with a range of studies ranging from 1999 to 2007. The hypothesis is that the ideology of the New Left has an influence on Venezuelan oil policy shifting, which is a content parallel with the idea of the New Left ideology and the relationship of the shifting process with the support of the New Left ideology. In this case these changes can be measured by a changing in the ownership status of the Venezuelan oil company through nationalization policy and the renegotiation; changing the amount of quota exports of Venezuelan oil, and diversify Venezuela's oil export market. Keywords: New Left, Venezuela, Hugo Chavez, Oil Policy, 21st Century Socialism, Bolivarianism, Historical Block Neo-Gramscian. Penelitian ini mengurai bagaimana ideologi Kiri Baru mempengaruhi kebijakan energi Venezuela, yakni selama dalam kepemimpinan Hugo Chavez. Dalam penelitian ini, ideologi Kiri Baru dalam konteks Venezuela disebut dalam terminologi Sosialisme Abad ke-21. Permasalahan dianalisis melalui premis-premis dasar ideologi Sosialisme Abad ke-21, dengan di dukung sintesa gagasan Bolivarianisme serta operasionalisasi konsep Blok Historis (Historical Block) Neo-Gramscian.