Hugo Chávez's Death
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Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’S Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’s Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah 1 Table of Contents 3. Letter from Chair 4. Members of Committee 5. Committee Background A.Solving the Economic Crisis B.Solving the Presidential Crisis 2 Dear LYMUN delegates, Hi, my name is Peter Derrah and I am a senior at Lyons Township High School. I have done MUN for all my four years of high school, and I was a vice chair at the previous LYMUN conference. LYMUN is a well run conference and I hope that you all will have a good experience here. In this committee you all will be representing high level political figures in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, as you deal with an incomprehensible level of inflation and general economic collapse, as well as internal political disputes with opposition candidates, the National Assembly, and massive protests and general civil unrest. This should be a very interesting committee, as these ongoing issues are very serious, urgent, and have shaped geopolitics recently. I know a lot of these issues are extremely complex and so I suggest that you do enough research to have at least a basic understanding of them and solutions which could solve them. For this reason I highly suggest you read the background. It is important to remember the individual background for your figure (though this may be difficult for lower level politicians) as well as the political ideology of the ruling coalition and the power dynamics of Venezuela’s current government. I hope that you all will put in good effort into preparation, write position papers, actively speak and participate in moderated and unmoderated caucus, and come up with creative and informed solutions to these pressing issues. -
No Room for Debate the National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela
No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela July 2019 Composed of 60 eminent judges and lawyers from all regions of the world, the International Commission of Jurists promotes and protects human rights through the Rule of Law, by using its unique legal expertise to develop and strengthen national and international justice systems. Established in 1952 and active on the five continents, the ICJ aims to ensure the progressive development and effective implementation of international human rights and international humanitarian law; secure the realization of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights; safeguard the separation of powers; and guarantee the independence of the judiciary and legal profession. ® No Room for Debate - The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela © Copyright International Commission of Jurists Published in July 2019 The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) permits free reproduction of extracts from any of its publications provided that due acknowledgment is given and a copy of the publication carrying the extract is sent to its headquarters at the following address: International Commission of Jurists P.O. Box 91 Rue des Bains 33 Geneva Switzerland No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela This report was written by Santiago Martínez Neira, consultant to the International Commission of Jurists. Carlos Ayala, Sam Zarifi and Ian Seiderman provided legal and policy review. This report was written in Spanish and translated to English by Leslie Carmichael. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ............................................................................................... -
Explaining Chavismo
Explaining Chavismo: The Unexpected Alliance of Radical Leftists and the Military in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez by Javier Corrales Associate Professor of Political Science Amherst College Amherst, MA 01002 [email protected] March 2010 1 Knowing that Venezuela experienced a profound case of growth collapse in the 1980s and 1990s is perhaps enough to understand why Venezuela experienced regime change late in the 1990s. Most political scientists agree with Przeworski et al. (2000) that severe economic crises jeopardize not just the incumbents, but often the very continuity of democratic politics in non-rich countries. However, knowledge of Venezuela’s growth collapse is not sufficient to understand why political change went in the direction of chavismo. By chavismo I mean the political regime established by Hugo Chávez Frías after 1999. Scholars who study Venezuelan politics disagree about the best label to describe the Hugo Chávez administration (1999-present): personalistic, popular, populist, pro-poor, revolutionary, participatory, socialist, Castroite, fascist, competitive authoritarian, soft- authoritarian, third-world oriented, hybrid, statist, polarizing, oil-addicted, ceasaristic, counter-hegemonic, a sort of Latin American Milošević, even political ―carnivour.‖ But there is nonetheless agreement that, at the very least, chavismo consists of a political alliance of radical-leftist civilians and the military (Ellner 2001:9). Chávez has received most political advice from, and staffed his government with, individuals who have an extreme-leftist past, a military background, or both. The Chávez movement is, if nothing else, a marriage of radicals and officers. And while there is no agreement on how undemocratic the regime has become, there is virtual agreement that chavismo is far from liberal democracy. -
Judgment of 18 December 2020
18 DECEMBER 2020 JUDGMENT ARBITRAL AWARD OF 3 OCTOBER 1899 (GUYANA v. VENEZUELA) ___________ SENTENCE ARBITRALE DU 3 OCTOBRE 1899 (GUYANA c. VENEZUELA) 18 DÉCEMBRE 2020 ARRÊT TABLE OF CONTENTS Paragraphs CHRONOLOGY OF THE PROCEDURE 1-22 I. INTRODUCTION 23-28 II. HISTORICAL AND FACTUAL BACKGROUND 29-60 A. The Washington Treaty and the 1899 Award 31-34 B. Venezuela’s repudiation of the 1899 Award and the search for a settlement of the dispute 35-39 C. The signing of the 1966 Geneva Agreement 40-44 D. The implementation of the Geneva Agreement 45-60 1. The Mixed Commission (1966-1970) 45-47 2. The 1970 Protocol of Port of Spain and the moratorium put in place 48-53 3. From the good offices process (1990-2014 and 2017) to the seisin of the Court 54-60 III. INTERPRETATION OF THE GENEVA AGREEMENT 61-101 A. The “controversy” under the Geneva Agreement 64-66 B. Whether the Parties gave their consent to the judicial settlement of the controversy under Article IV, paragraph 2, of the Geneva Agreement 67-88 1. Whether the decision of the Secretary-General has a binding character 68-78 2. Whether the Parties consented to the choice by the Secretary-General of judicial settlement 79-88 C. Whether the consent given by the Parties to the judicial settlement of their controversy under Article IV, paragraph 2, of the Geneva Agreement is subject to any conditions 89-100 IV. JURISDICTION OF THE COURT 102-115 A. The conformity of the decision of the Secretary-General of 30 January 2018 with Article IV, paragraph 2, of the Geneva Agreement 103-109 B. -
Venezuela Location Geography Food
Venezuela Location Venezuela, officially the Republic of Venezuela, is a republic (1995 est. pop. 21,005,000), 352,143 sq mi. (912,050 sq. km), in the northern part of South America. With the Caribbean Sea in the north, Venezuela has a coastline of 1,750 long. It is bordered on the south by Brazil, on the west and southwest by Colombia, and on the east by Guyana. Dependencies include Margarita Island, Tortuga Island, and many smaller island groups in the Caribbean. Caracas is the capital and also the largest city in Venezuela. Geography Venezuela, a third larger than Texas, occupies most of the northern coast of South America on the Caribbean Sea. Mountain systems break Venezuela into four distinct areas: (1) the Maracaibo lowlands; (2) the mountainous region in the north and northwest; (3) the Orinoco basin, with the llanos (vast grass-covered plains) on its northern border and great forest areas in the south and southeast, and (4) the Guiana Highlands, south of the Orinoco, accounting for nearly half the national territory. Food The food in Venezuela is generally easy and flavorful. Caracas, the capital of Venezuela, claims to have a greater variety of restaurants than any other South American city, and it would certainly be a pleasure to try and prove it, even if you failed. Venezuelan cooking has European, indigenous, and African roots – a heterodox cuisine formed over the centuries by immigrants. Some of the native dishes include: Page 1 of 7 - Pabellon - stewed and shredded meat accompanied by rice, black beans, and baban -Hallaca - a traditional Christmas dish. -
Memorandum of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela on The
Memorandum of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela on the Application filed before the International Court of Justice by the Cooperative of Guyana on March 29th, 2018 ANNEX Table of Contents I. Venezuela’s territorial claim and process of decolonization of the British Guyana, 1961-1965 ................................................................... 3 II. London Conference, December 9th-10th, 1965………………………15 III. Geneva Conference, February 16th-17th, 1966………………………20 IV. Intervention of Minister Iribarren Borges on the Geneva Agreement at the National Congress, March 17th, 1966……………………………25 V. The recognition of Guyana by Venezuela, May 1966 ........................ 37 VI. Mixed Commission, 1966-1970 .......................................................... 41 VII. The Protocol of Port of Spain, 1970-1982 .......................................... 49 VIII. Reactivation of the Geneva Agreement: election of means of settlement by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, 1982-198371 IX. The choice of Good Offices, 1983-1989 ............................................. 83 X. The process of Good Offices, 1989-2014 ........................................... 87 XI. Work Plan Proposal: Process of good offices in the border dispute between Guyana and Venezuela, 2013 ............................................. 116 XII. Events leading to the communiqué of the UN Secretary-General of January 30th, 2018 (2014-2018) ....................................................... 118 2 I. Venezuela’s territorial claim and Process of decolonization -
The Radical Potential of Chavismo in Venezuela the First Year and a Half in Power by Steve Ellner
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES Ellner / RADICAL POTENTIAL OF CHAVISMO The Radical Potential of Chavismo in Venezuela The First Year and a Half in Power by Steve Ellner The circumstances surrounding Hugo Chávez’s pursuit of power and the strategy he has adopted for achieving far-reaching change in Venezuelaare in many ways without parallel in Latin American politics. While many generals have been elected president, Chávez’s electoral triumph was unique in that he was a middle-level officer with radical ideas who had previously led a coup attempt. Furthermore, few Latin American presidents have attacked existing democratic institutions with such fervor while swearing allegiance to the democratic system (Myers and O’Connor, 1998: 193). From the beginning of his political career, Chávez embraced an aggres- sively antiparty discourse. He denounced the hegemony of vertically based political parties, specifically their domination of Congress, the judicial sys- tem, the labor and peasant movements, and civil society in general. Upon his election in December 1998, he followed through on his campaign promise to use a constituent assembly as a vehicle for overhauling the nation’s neo- corporatist political system. He proposed to replace this model with one of direct popular participation in decision making at the local level. His actions and rhetoric, however, also pointed in the direction of a powerful executive whose authority would be largely unchecked by other state institutions. Indeed, the vacuum left by the weakening of the legislative and judicial branches and of government at the state level and the loss of autonomy of such public entities as the Central Bank and the state oil company could well be filled by executive-based authoritarianism. -
Speech by Hugo Chavez Frías, President of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, During the 6 Th Session of the Uncdd
SPEECH BY HUGO CHAVEZ FRÍAS, PRESIDENT OF THE BOLIVARIAN REPUBLIC OF VENEZUELA, DURING THE 6 TH SESSION OF THE UNCDD HAVANA, SEPTEMBER 1, 2003 Do you have a bell there, Fidel? How many minutes? There is no red light here? Fidel Castro: No red light, no bell, everybody here is entitled to express opinions freely and calmly, without anxiety. President Chavez: Thank you very much! HE. Mr. Hama Arba Diallo, Executive Secretary of the UN Convention to Combat Desertification and Draught, my dear friend and colleague. H.E. Mr. Fidel Castro, comrade, brother, friend and President of the Council of State and the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Cuba. H.E. Mr. Ibrahim Ganvari, Under Secretary General of the United Nations. Excellencies Heads of State, Heads of Governments, Vice Presidents and Parliament Presidents, Heads of Delegations and Delegates from the whole world. Ministers of Foreign Affairs, State Ministers, and Ambassadors of the World accredited to the Government of the Republic of Cuba, fellow countrymen from Venezuela, members of the delegation accompanying friends from the press, photographers, cameramen, all my friends and me. May I first of all express my happiness for being here now. Here again in Havana, in this city, in this Cuba which have held high for decades the banners of dignity for Latin America and the Caribbean. I want to transmit on behalf of the people of Bolivar, the people of Venezuela, the best and deep felt regards to the heroic people of Cuba, the people of Martí, the Cuban people. And through the Cuban people, through you, to all the nations of the world, to all the peoples of the Earth. -
Participatory Democracy in Chávez's Bolivarian Revolution
Who Mobilizes? Participatory Democracy in Chávez’s Bolivarian Revolution Kirk A. Hawkins ABSTRACT This article assesses popular mobilization under the Chávez gov- ernment’s participatory initiatives in Venezuela using data from the AmericasBarometer survey of 2007. This is the first study of the so- called Bolivarian initiatives using nationally representative, individ- ual-level data. The results provide a mixed assessment. Most of the government’s programs invite participation from less active seg- ments of society, such as women, the poor, and the less educated, and participation in some programs is quite high. However, much of this participation clusters within a narrow group of activists, and a disproportionate number of participants are Chávez supporters. This partisan bias probably reflects self-screening by Venezuelans who accept Chávez’s radical populist discourse and leftist ideology, rather than vote buying or other forms of open conditionality. Thus, the Venezuelan case suggests some optimism for proponents of par- ticipatory democracy, but also the need to be more attuned to its practical political limits. uring the past decade, leftist governments with participatory dem- Docratic agendas have come to power in many Latin American coun- tries, implementing institutional reforms at the local and, increasingly, the national level. This trend has generated a scholarly literature assess- ing the nature of participation in these initiatives; that is, whether they embody effective attempts at participatory forms of democracy that mobilize and empower inactive segments of society (Goldfrank 2007; Wampler 2007a). This article advances this discussion by studying popular mobiliza- tion under the government of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, referred to here as the Bolivarian Revolution or Chavismo. -
The Bolivarian Dream: ALBA and the Cuba-Venezuela Alliance
Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 11-5-2020 The Bolivarian Dream: ALBA and the Cuba-Venezuela Alliance Victor Lopez Florida International University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Lopez, Victor, "The Bolivarian Dream: ALBA and the Cuba-Venezuela Alliance" (2020). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 4573. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/4573 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERISTY Miami, Florida THE BOLIVARIAN DREAM: ALBA AND THE CUBA-VENEZUELA ALLIANCE A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in INTERNATIONAL STUDIES by Victor Lopez 2020 To: Dean John Stack Steven J. Green School of International and Public Affairs This thesis, written by Victor Lopez, and entitled The Bolivarian Dream: ALBA and the Cuba- Venezuela Alliance, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this thesis and recommend that it be approved. Jorge Duany Eduardo Gamarra Astrid Arrarás, Major Professor Date of defense: November 5, 2020 The thesis -
The Reproduction and Crisis of Capitalism in Venezuela Under Chavismo by Fernando Dachevsky and Juan Kornblihtt Translated by Victoria J
LAPXXX10.1177/0094582X16673633LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVESDachevsky and Kornblihtt 673633research-article2016 The Reproduction and Crisis of Capitalism in Venezuela under Chavismo by Fernando Dachevsky and Juan Kornblihtt Translated by Victoria J. Furio The current crisis in Venezuela is sometimes said to have been provoked by the response of imperialism and the local oligarchy to the fundamental changes in economic and political relations fostered during the administrations of Hugo Chávez. A quantitative study using various statistical sources shows that the significant increase in oil rent during the Chávez presidency did not translate into a qualitative transformation in the form of state interven- tion and that, although social expenditures increased in that period, most of the income that allowed this was obtained through currency overvaluation by inefficient national and for- eign capital. The current crisis is, therefore, evidence of the limits of low-productivity state and private capital reproduction due to the decline in oil prices rather than of a conflict between overcoming and reproducing capitalism in an alleged “economic war.” A veces se dice que la crisis actual en Venezuela ha sido provocada por la respuesta del imperialismo y la oligarquía local a los cambios profundos en las relaciones económi- cas y políticas promovidos durante la administración de Hugo Chávez. Un estudio cuantitativo en el que se usaron diferentes fuentes estadísticas demuestra que el aumento significativo en la renta del petróleo durante la presidencia de Chávez no se tradujo en una transformación cualitativa de la intervención estatal y que, aunque los gastos soci- ales aumentaron en ese período, la mayor parte del ingreso que permitió ese aumento se obtuvo por medio de la sobrevaluación de la moneda por parte del ineficiente capital nacional y extranjero. -
The Authoritarian Resurgence Lilia Shevtsova on Russia Javier Corrales on Venezuela Abbas Milani/Alex Vatanka on Iran Frederic Wehrey on Saudi Arabia
April 2015, Volume 26, Number 2 $13.00 The Authoritarian Resurgence Lilia Shevtsova on Russia Javier Corrales on Venezuela Abbas Milani/Alex Vatanka on Iran Frederic Wehrey on Saudi Arabia Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement Michael C. Davis Victoria Tin-bor Hui The Freedom House Survey for 2014 Arch Puddington Zoltan Barany on Transitions from Military Rule Yun-han Chu & Bridget Welsh on East Asia’s Millennials Elisabete Azevedo-Harman on Mozambique Pierre Englebert on Zimbabwe Harley Balzer on Vladimir Putin Transitional Justice and Its Discontents Duncan McCargo The Authoritarian Resurgence AUTOCRATIC LEGALISM IN VENEZUELA Javier Corrales Javier Corrales is Dwight W. Morrow 1895 Professor of Political Sci- ence at Amherst College. He is the coauthor of Dragon in the Tropics: Hugo Chávez and the Political Economy of Revolution in Venezuela (with Michael Penfold, 2011). A second edition with a new subtitle, The Legacy of Hugo Chávez, will appear in 2015. Portions of this essay draw from these books. The concept of hybrid regimes—those that exhibit both democratic and authoritarian features simultaneously—is by now well established in the field of comparative politics. Hybrid regimes are sometimes called “competitive authoritarian” because, while the ruling party competes in elections (usually winning), the president is granted an array of au- tocratic powers that erode checks and balances. Such regimes are now common across the developing world. If we use Freedom House’s clas- sification of Partly Free as a proxy for hybrid regimes, then in 2014 they were slightly more common than classic authoritarian regimes. The dynamics of hybrid regimes—why some remain stable over time while others become either more democratic or more autocratic—are less well understood.