Venezuela: Political Reform Or Regime Demise?

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Venezuela: Political Reform Or Regime Demise? VENEZUELA: POLITICAL REFORM OR REGIME DEMISE? Latin America Report N°27 – 23 July 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. 2007: SEEKING CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM AND REGIME CONSOLIDATION........................................................................................................... 2 A. ACCELERATING THE REVOLUTION ................................................................................................2 B. THE CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM....................................................................................................3 C. WANING SUPPORT ........................................................................................................................4 1. Political context ......................................................................................................................4 2. Socio-economic and public security problems.......................................................................7 D. INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT ...........................................................................................................9 E. THE DECEMBER 2007 REFERENDUM...........................................................................................11 III. 2008: THE BEGINNING OF THE END FOR CHAVEZ?......................................... 13 A. IS POLITICAL REFORM STILL POSSIBLE? .....................................................................................13 B. THE POLITICAL FORCES ..............................................................................................................14 1. The pro-Chávez camp...........................................................................................................14 2. The opposition ......................................................................................................................16 3. The potential for violence in the run-up to the November polls...........................................18 C. THE SOCIAL AND INTERNATIONAL SITUATION ............................................................................20 1. The socio-economic time bomb ...........................................................................................20 2. International arena for the “socialism of the XXIst century”...............................................23 IV. CONCLUSION................................................................................................................ 28 APPENDICES A. MAP OF VENEZUELA........................................................................................................................29 B. CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM REFERENDUM RESULTS.........................................................................30 C. ABOUT THE INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP ....................................................................................31 D. CRISIS GROUP REPORTS AND BRIEFINGS ON LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN........................32 E. CRISIS GROUP BOARD OF TRUSTEES................................................................................................33 Latin America Report N°27 23 July 2008 VENEZUELA: POLITICAL REFORM OR REGIME DEMISE? EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS President Hugo Chávez faces mounting difficulties at not empowered citizens. In the cities and even in rural home and abroad. The defeat of constitutional reforms areas, where Chávez’s social base has been strongest, in a December 2007 referendum, a year after re-election, dissatisfaction is spreading due to shortages of basic was his worst setback since winning the presidency in foodstuffs and rising inflation and crime. The PSUV, 1998. It was not primarily the divided opposition, established in early 2007, is unlikely to help Chávez which lacks a broad social base, that dealt this blow regain lost support. On the contrary, at the grassroots but the abstention of three million Venezuelans, in- and regional (state) and local (municipalities) levels, cluding many former government supporters. There is it is perceived as a top-down decision-making struc- growing disenchantment over food shortages, rising ture that reduces any space for political participation inflation, public insecurity and corruption, as well as not blessed by the president. resistance to Chávez’s push to merge his coalition’s parties into a new United Socialist Party of Venezuela The November elections will be a critical test for the (PSUV), and concern about further concentration of Chávez administration and democratic processes in power in the president’s hands and his foreign policy, the hemisphere. If the political opposition is to make including disputes with Colombia. Only by ending broad gains and capture several chavista fiefdoms, it attempts to drastically alter the 1999 constitution is must breathe life into the unity pact signed in early Chávez likely to return Venezuela to democratic sta- 2008, reach consensus on strong single candidates, bility. If he fails to compromise and govern more attract the under-privileged sectors of the electorate transparently and inclusively, November municipal and design a convincing national strategy capable of and regional elections could produce a dramatic new offsetting Chávez’s charisma. setback for his increasingly autocratic “Bolivarian revolution”. RECOMMENDATIONS Following his landslide second re-election in Decem- ber 2006, Chávez sought to accelerate implementation To the Government and State Institutions of his “socialism of the XXIst century”. The govern- of Venezuela: ment-controlled National Assembly (NA) passed an “Enabling Law” (Ley Habilitante), which grants him 1. Focus on applying the 1999 constitution and act full legislative powers until the end of July 2008, and immediately to improve public sector accountabil- he proposed sweeping reform of the 1999 constitu- ity and transparency by: tion. If approved in the referendum, the latter would (a) establishing a high-level, civilian-led national have removed limitations on presidential re-election commission to design a public security strategy as well as paved the way for centralised education; to fight crime; members of the commission further politicisation of the military; recentralisation should include representatives of the interior of government through a new territorial and political and defence ministries, the National Assem- order; and strengthening of communal councils charged bly, the attorney general’s and ombudsman’s with administering the executive-led social welfare offices, a multiparty group from state govern- programs (misiones). Attempts to impose decrees with- ments and mayoral offices, national, regional out broad discussion in the first half of 2008 sparked and local law enforcement agencies and civil strong dissent that forced their withdrawal. society; The chavista movement is losing momentum. It has (b) ensuring that any revision to the withdrawn become bureaucratic, corruption is spreading and the intelligence decree is consulted widely with government’s management is poor. The president’s civil society, the Inter-American Institute for social programs are not meeting expectations and have Human Rights and the Inter-American Com- Venezuela: Political Reform or Regime Demise? Crisis Group Latin America Report N°27, 23 July 2008 Page ii mission on Human Rights to ensure that it does and, in accordance with the 17 March 2008 not contain provisions violating the 1999 con- OAS resolution, reinforcing border coopera- stitution or internationally recognised covenants tion to prevent the use of sanctuaries by illegal protecting civil liberties to which Venezuela armed groups; is a signatory; (b) sending a clear message of non-interference in (c) creating with the leadership of the comptrol- any way with other countries’ constitutional ler’s office and the support of the attorney and political processes; and general’s office, the prosecutor general’s office (c) continuing economic and technical assistance (procuraduría) and the National Assembly a programs in Latin America and the Caribbean team of special prosecutors to conduct fair in close coordination with the partner govern- and independent investigations of charges of ments, prioritising development goals without government corruption; political conditions. (d) alleviating food shortages by spurring domestic production, increasing support to small farm- To the pro-Chávez Political Parties and ers and giving investment guarantees to national Social Movements/Organisations: and foreign investors in agriculture; and 4. Defend the 1999 constitution and Venezuela’s (e) integrating the social missions with existing democracy more actively by promoting, in and public welfare programs and establishing effec- outside the National Assembly, accountability, tive and independent monitoring and evalua- transparency and the separation of powers. tion mechanisms for them. 5. The United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) 2. Establish guarantees for transparent conduct of the should establish a dialogue with the other mem- November 2008 municipal and federal state elec- bers of the Patriotic Alliance regarding the fair tions and respect of basic civil and political liber- and transparent selection of single pro-Chávez ties enshrined in the 1999 constitution by: candidates for state and municipal offices in the (a) demonstrating in word and deed that violence
Recommended publications
  • Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’S Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah
    Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’s Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah 1 Table of Contents 3. Letter from Chair 4. Members of Committee 5. Committee Background A.Solving the Economic Crisis B.Solving the Presidential Crisis 2 Dear LYMUN delegates, Hi, my name is Peter Derrah and I am a senior at Lyons Township High School. I have done MUN for all my four years of high school, and I was a vice chair at the previous LYMUN conference. LYMUN is a well run conference and I hope that you all will have a good experience here. In this committee you all will be representing high level political figures in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, as you deal with an incomprehensible level of inflation and general economic collapse, as well as internal political disputes with opposition candidates, the National Assembly, and massive protests and general civil unrest. This should be a very interesting committee, as these ongoing issues are very serious, urgent, and have shaped geopolitics recently. I know a lot of these issues are extremely complex and so I suggest that you do enough research to have at least a basic understanding of them and solutions which could solve them. For this reason I highly suggest you read the background. It is important to remember the ​ ​ individual background for your figure (though this may be difficult for lower level politicians) as well as the political ideology of the ruling coalition and the power dynamics of Venezuela’s current government. I hope that you all will put in good effort into preparation, write position papers, actively speak and participate in moderated and unmoderated caucus, and come up with creative and informed solutions to these pressing issues.
    [Show full text]
  • The FARC and Colombia's Illegal Drug Trade
    LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM © JOHN VIZCANO/Reuters The FARC and Colombia’s Illegal Drug Trade By John Otis November 2014 Introduction In 2014, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, Latin America’s oldest and largest guerrilla army known as the FARC, marked the 50th anniversary of the start of its war against the Colombian government. More than 220,000 people have been killed1 and more than five million people uprooted2 from their homes in the conflict, which is the last remaining guerrilla war in the Western Hemisphere. However, this grim, half-century milestone coincides with peace negotiations between the Colombian government and the FARC that began in Havana, Cuba, in November 2012. The Havana talks have advanced much farther than the three previous efforts to negotiate with the FARC and there is a growing sense that a final peace treaty is now likely.3 So far, the two sides have reached agreements on three of the five points on the negotiating agenda, including an accord to resolve an issue that helps explain why the conflict has lasted so long: The FARC’s deep involvement in the taxation, production, and trafficking of illegal drugs. On May 16, 2014, the government and the FARC signed an agreement stating that under the terms of a final peace treaty, the two sides would work in tandem to eradicate coca, the plant used to make cocaine, and to combat cocaine trafficking in areas under guerrilla control. The FARC “has promised to effectively contribute, in diverse and practical ways, to a definitive solution to the problem of illegal drugs,” Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos said in a televised speech the day the accord was signed.4 “The Havana talks have advanced much farther than the three previous efforts to negotiate with the FARC and there is a growing sense that a final peace treaty is now likely.” A month later, Santos secured more time to bring the peace talks to a successful conclusion.
    [Show full text]
  • Explaining Chavismo
    Explaining Chavismo: The Unexpected Alliance of Radical Leftists and the Military in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez by Javier Corrales Associate Professor of Political Science Amherst College Amherst, MA 01002 [email protected] March 2010 1 Knowing that Venezuela experienced a profound case of growth collapse in the 1980s and 1990s is perhaps enough to understand why Venezuela experienced regime change late in the 1990s. Most political scientists agree with Przeworski et al. (2000) that severe economic crises jeopardize not just the incumbents, but often the very continuity of democratic politics in non-rich countries. However, knowledge of Venezuela’s growth collapse is not sufficient to understand why political change went in the direction of chavismo. By chavismo I mean the political regime established by Hugo Chávez Frías after 1999. Scholars who study Venezuelan politics disagree about the best label to describe the Hugo Chávez administration (1999-present): personalistic, popular, populist, pro-poor, revolutionary, participatory, socialist, Castroite, fascist, competitive authoritarian, soft- authoritarian, third-world oriented, hybrid, statist, polarizing, oil-addicted, ceasaristic, counter-hegemonic, a sort of Latin American Milošević, even political ―carnivour.‖ But there is nonetheless agreement that, at the very least, chavismo consists of a political alliance of radical-leftist civilians and the military (Ellner 2001:9). Chávez has received most political advice from, and staffed his government with, individuals who have an extreme-leftist past, a military background, or both. The Chávez movement is, if nothing else, a marriage of radicals and officers. And while there is no agreement on how undemocratic the regime has become, there is virtual agreement that chavismo is far from liberal democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA
    Boletín de Lingüística ISSN: 0798-9709 [email protected] Universidad Central de Venezuela Venezuela Lovón Cueva, Marco Antonio; Pita Garcia, Paula Sharon LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA Boletín de Lingüística, vol. XXVIII, núm. 45-46, enero-diciembre, 2016, pp. 79-110 Universidad Central de Venezuela Caracas, Venezuela Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=34754747004 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto BOLETÍN DE LINGÜÍSTICA, XXVIII/45-46 / Ene - Dic, 2016: 79-110 79 LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA Marco Antonio Lovón Cueva Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC) [email protected] Paula Sharon Pita Garcia Universidad Ricardo Palma (URP) [email protected] RESUMEN En los últimos años, en Venezuela, el contexto político-económico, entre la continuidad del régimen y el descontento social, ha ocasionado que los venezolanos inventen y recreen una serie de palabras para expresarse sobre dicho acontecimiento. Este trabajo lexicográfico y lexicológico recoge y analiza dichas voces, tales como majunche, pupitrazo, boliburgués. Cada entrada lexicográfica presenta una definición, alguna precisión etimológica, una marca gramatical, una marca sociolingüística, un ejemplo de uso, y alguna nota lexicográfica. Los datos han sido recopilados de distintas fuentes, particularmente de sitios web, y validados por hablantes del país. La investigación concluye con la importancia de recoger las distintas expresiones lingüísticas de esta coyuntura como una forma de consignar una realidad que reclama ser comprendida y atendida.
    [Show full text]
  • An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and Its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Digital Commons Cedarville University DigitalCommons@Cedarville International Studies Capstone Research Papers Senior Capstone Papers 4-24-2015 Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A. Cohrs Cedarville University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/ international_studies_capstones Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Cohrs, James A., "Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution" (2015). International Studies Capstone Research Papers. 1. http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/international_studies_capstones/1 This Capstone Project is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Cedarville, a service of the Centennial Library. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Studies Capstone Research Papers by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Cedarville. For more information, please contact [email protected]. VENECUBA AN ANALYSIS OF CUBAN INFLUENCE IN VENEZUELA AND ITS SUPPORT FOR THE BOLÍVARIAN REVOLUTION __________________ A Paper Presented to Dr. Jenista Cedarville University __________________ In Fulfillment of the Requirements for INTL 4850-01 __________________ By James Cohrs April 24th, 2015 Cohrs 1 Introduction "I swear before you, I swear by the God of my fathers; by my forefathers themselves, by my honor and my country, that I shall never allow my hands to be idle or my soul to rest until I have broken the shackles which bind us to Spain!" (Roberts, 1949, p. 5). Standing on a hill in Rome, this was the oath pledged by Simón Bolívar, “El Libertador”, as he began his quest to liberate the Spanish-American colonies from Spanish rule.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela: Indigenous Peoples Face Deteriorating Human Rights Situation Due to Mining, Violence and COVID-19 Pandemic
    Venezuela: Indigenous peoples face deteriorating human rights situation due to mining, violence and COVID-19 pandemic Venezuela is suffering from an unprecedented human rights and humanitarian crisis that has deepened due to the dereliction by the authoritarian government and the breakdown of the rule of law in the country. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has estimated that some 5.2 million Venezuelans have left the country, most arriving as refugees and migrants in neighbouring countries. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in 2018 had categorized this situation of human rights, as “a downward spiral with no end in sight”. The situation of the right to health in Venezuela and its public health system showed structural problems before the pandemic and was described as a “dramatic health crisis (…) consequence of the collapse of the Venezuelan health care system” by the High Commissioner. Recently, the OHCHR submitted a report to the Human Rights Council, in which it addressed, among other things the attacks on indigenous peoples’ rights in the Arco Minero del Orinoco (Orinoco’s Mining Arc or AMO). Indigenous peoples’ rights and the AMO mining projects before the covid-19 pandemic Indigenous peoples have been traditionally forgotten by government authorities in Venezuela and condemned to live in poverty. During the humanitarian crisis, they have suffered further abuses due to the mining activity and the violence occurring in their territories. In 2016, the Venezuelan government created the Orinoco’s Mining Arc National Strategic Development Zone through presidential Decree No. 2248, as a mega-mining project focused mainly in gold extraction in an area of 111.843,70 square kilometres.
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.Hugo Chávez and the Building of His Self-Image Through
    Ibérica ISSN: 1139-7241 [email protected] Asociación Europea de Lenguas para Fines Específicos España Negro Alousque, Isabel Hugo Chávez and the building of his self-image through metaphor Ibérica, núm. 29, 2015, pp. 83-103 Asociación Europea de Lenguas para Fines Específicos Cádiz, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=287038716005 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative 06 IBERICA 29.qxp:Iberica 13 29/03/15 21:46 Página 83 Hugo Chávez and the building of his self-image through metaphor Isabel Negro Alousque Universidad Complutense de Madrid (España) [email protected] Abstract In the last decades metaphor has been much researched from both theoretical and empirical perspectives. One of the metaphor research lines has been the study of metaphor in specialized genres, including politics (Musolff, 2004). Political metaphor has been considerably researched within the cognitive framework and a few investigations have been concerned with the use of metaphor by political leaders (e.g. Semino & Masci, 1996; Charteris-Black, 2004, 2009). The present paper focuses on the use of metaphor in the public discourse of Hugo Chávez, the former Venezuelan president. Chávez was a captivating, if polarizing, leader whose hallmark was his oratory. We analyse a sample of Chávez’s speeches for evidence of its metaphorical content. We identify and explain the linguistic and conceptual metaphors that occur in his speeches with a view to demonstrating that they play a central role in the construction of Chávez’s self-image as both a political and religious leader for persuasive purposes.
    [Show full text]
  • FLOODS Appeal No
    11 February2000 VENEZUELA: FLOODS appeal no. 35/99 situation report no. 8 period covered: 18 January - 7 February 2000 The Federation, the Venezuelan Red Cross and Participating National Societies are increasing the scope of emergency relief assistance to flood victims. It includes food, clean water, health care and psychological support. The bad weather is continuing in some areas, causing further damage and adding to logistical difficulties. The disaster Weeks of torrential rains in Venezuela at the end of 1999 caused massive landslides and severe flooding in seven northern states. The official death toll is 30,000 but other sources put the figure as high as 50,000. Over 600,000 persons are estimated to have been directly affected and according to the Venezuelan Civil Defence’s initial damage assessments at least 64,700 houses have been damaged and over 23,200 destroyed. Update A state of alert is still in effect in the State of Vargas as rains continue in the mountains. Eight districts are still only accessible by air. The cave-in of one lane of the highway to El Junquito has cut off seven towns. The collapse of the highway between Morón and Coro has isolated the state of Falcón. Twenty four new landslides and floods were recorded during the past week. A growing lagoon has built up above Caracas because of debris blocking the rivers. The authorities have started to demolish condemned homes and shanty houses built in dangerous areas such as ravines and canyons because warmer weather is producing cracks in the mud banks and badly damaged homes are collapsing under their own weight.
    [Show full text]
  • Visibilities and Violence on the Skin of Colombia
    ISSN 2362-2598 N° 14 JULIO - 2021 Visibilities and violence on the skin of Colombia Adrián Scribano (Eds.) Isabel Cristina Zuleta – Adrián Scribano – Luis Herrera Montero – Maximiliano E. Korstanje – Gabriel Restrepo – Pavel Eduardo Rodríguez Vida Cotidiana, espacio-temporalidad y Sensibilidades Sociales Documentos de Trabajo del CIES ISSN 2362-2598 N° 14 JULIO - 2021 Publicación electrónica Trimestral Director del CIES: Adrián Scribano Edición y coordinación general: Claudia Gandía Editor responsable: Estudios Sociológicos Editora Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Sociológicos [email protected] – www.estudiosociologicos.org Comité Editorial Adrián Scribano Gabriela Vergara Ana Cervio Horacio Machado Aráoz Claudia Gandía Pedro Lisdero Los textos publicados en Documentos de Trabajo del CIES son sometidos al referato de evaluadores internos y externos, a quienes agradecemos su participación. Diseño de tapa: Romina Baldo CIES Working Documents Cies Working Papers is an electronic publication of the Center for Research and Sociological Studies, where researchers in the field of Social Sciences have the opportunity to socialize the advances related to their research as well as the academic and scientific activities in which they participate by disseminating their work. It is the intention in generating this space that, those of us who are committed to the task of building scientific knowledge from the South, find ourselves in it to write about the inquiries madewithin the framework of individual and collective inquiries linked to the thematic fields of the areas that convene: Environment and Society, Everyday Life, Space-temporality and Social Sensitivities, Conflict and Social Structure and Methodological Innovations. This is another opportunity to put on record the interest -shared by many-and the conviction that one of our tasks is to spread the voices of those who have a great deal to say about social, environmental and everyday realities and ways of dealing with them scientifically.
    [Show full text]
  • The State of Venezuela's Forests
    ArtePortada 25/06/2002 09:20 pm Page 1 GLOBAL FOREST WATCH (GFW) WORLD RESOURCES INSTITUTE (WRI) The State of Venezuela’s Forests ACOANA UNEG A Case Study of the Guayana Region PROVITA FUDENA FUNDACIÓN POLAR GLOBAL FOREST WATCH GLOBAL FOREST WATCH • A Case Study of the Guayana Region The State of Venezuela’s Forests. Forests. The State of Venezuela’s Págs i-xvi 25/06/2002 02:09 pm Page i The State of Venezuela’s Forests A Case Study of the Guayana Region A Global Forest Watch Report prepared by: Mariapía Bevilacqua, Lya Cárdenas, Ana Liz Flores, Lionel Hernández, Erick Lares B., Alexander Mansutti R., Marta Miranda, José Ochoa G., Militza Rodríguez, and Elizabeth Selig Págs i-xvi 25/06/2002 02:09 pm Page ii AUTHORS: Presentation Forest Cover and Protected Areas: Each World Resources Institute Mariapía Bevilacqua (ACOANA) report represents a timely, scholarly and Marta Miranda (WRI) treatment of a subject of public con- Wildlife: cern. WRI takes responsibility for José Ochoa G. (ACOANA/WCS) choosing the study topics and guar- anteeing its authors and researchers Man has become increasingly aware of the absolute need to preserve nature, and to respect biodiver- Non-Timber Forest Products: freedom of inquiry. It also solicits Lya Cárdenas and responds to the guidance of sity as the only way to assure permanence of life on Earth. Thus, it is urgent not only to study animal Logging: advisory panels and expert review- and plant species, and ecosystems, but also the inner harmony by which they are linked. Lionel Hernández (UNEG) ers.
    [Show full text]
  • CRACKDOWN on DISSENT Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela
    CRACKDOWN ON DISSENT Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Crackdown on Dissent Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela Copyright © 2017 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-35492 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit: http://www.hrw.org The Foro Penal (FP) or Penal Forum is a Venezuelan NGO that has worked defending human rights since 2002, offering free assistance to victims of state repression, including those arbitrarily detained, tortured, or murdered. The Penal Forum currently has a network of 200 volunteer lawyers and more than 4,000 volunteer activists, with regional representatives throughout Venezuela and also in other countries such as Argentina, Chile, Norway, Spain, Sweden, Uruguay, and the USA. Volunteers provide assistance and free legal counsel to victims, and organize campaigns for the release of political prisoners, to stop state repression, and increase the political and social cost for the Venezuelan government to use repression as a mechanism to stay in power.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela: Background and U.S
    Venezuela: Background and U.S. Policy (name redacted) Specialist in Latin American Affairs June 14, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44841 Venezuela: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Venezuela is in an acute political, economic, and social crisis. Following the March 2013 death of populist President Hugo Chávez, acting President Nicolás Maduro of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD) to be elected to a six-year term in April 2013. President Maduro now has less than 20% public approval, and fissures have emerged within the PSUV about the means that he has used to maintain power, including an aborted attempt to have the Supreme Court dissolve the MUD-dominated legislature. Since March 2017, large-scale protests have called for President Maduro to release political prisoners, respect the separation of powers, and establish an electoral calendar. Instead, Maduro has scheduled July 30, 2017, elections to select delegates to a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution (the opposition is boycotting). Security forces have repressed protesters, with some 70 dead and thousands injured and jailed. Venezuela also faces crippling economic and social challenges. An economic crisis, triggered by mismanagement and low oil prices, is worsening. In 2016, the economy contracted by 18% and inflation averaged 254% according to the International Monetary Fund. Shortages of food and medicine have caused a humanitarian crisis. The Maduro government is struggling to raise the cash needed to make its debt payments and pay for imports. Some economists maintain that Venezuela is at risk of default in 2017.
    [Show full text]