Herever It’S Found

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Herever It’S Found Balfour Books was created to stand in the breach in the misinformation battle against Israel. In presenting the Jewish state’s case to a world that is both indifferent and hostile, Balfour Books draws from a deep pool of spiritual, intellectual, and moral strength, and its authors are committed to combating anti-Semitism wherever it’s found. Remember these things, O Jacob, for you are my servant, O Israel. I have made you, you are my servant; O Israel, I will not forget you. — Isaiah 44:21 Contents Foreword First printing: April 2004 Islamic Fundamentalism and the Arab Political Culture ........................................ 7 David Bukay SECTION ONE: Copyright © 2004 by The Ariel Center for Policy Research. All ISLAM AS A WORLD THREAT rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission of the pub- A New and More Dangerous Era .................................................. 25 lisher, except in the case of brief quotations in articles and reviews. Anthony Dennis For information write: Balfour Books, Inc., P.O. Box 726, Green Forest, AR 72638. Sacred Visions and Religious Terror: The Case of Islam ..................41 Charles Selengut ISBN: 0-89221-576-3 Library of Congress Number: 2003116052 The Afghan Alumni and the Clash between Civilizations ............59 Shaul Shay Printed in the United States of America How Islam Plays the Press ..................................................................89 Joseph Farah Please visit our website for other great titles: www.balfourbooks.net SECTION TWO: ISLAM IN THE WORLD AND THE MINORITIES POLICY For information regarding author interviews, please contact the publicity department at (870) 438-5288. The War of Islam Against Minorities in the Middle East .........105 Mordechai Nisan Genocide in Sudan ...........................................................................129 Patrick Sookhdeo From Bosnia to Kosovo: The Re-Islamization of the Balkans ....... 143 Raphael Israeli Extremist Islamist Terror and Subversion in South Asia ................ 167 K.P.S. Gill and Ajai Sahni Muslim Immigration and the West ................................................187 David Pryce-Jones Islamic Judeophobia: An Existential Threat ..................................195 Robert S. Wistrich SECTION THREE: Foreword ISLAM AND UNCONVENTIONAL WARFARE Nuclear Programs of Arab and Islamic States: Capabilities, Islamic Fundamentalism Strategies, and Implications ..................................................223 Gerald M. Steinberg and Aharon Etengoff and the Arab Political Culture The Chemical and Biological Threat of Islam ................................255 Dany Shoham David Bukay Facing Insurgent Islam: A Grand-Strategy for the West .............281 Yehezkel Dror he 20th century was one of the most turbulent in human his- SUMMARY tory, marked by total wars and severe ideological struggles. Two Tideologies competed against the Western liberal-democratic What Is to Be Done? ...................................................................... 317 system and were defeated unconditionally. The first, nazism, was David Bukay vanquished in a total war that exacted one of the greatest human and economic costs in history. The second, communism, was overcome after a political and ideological struggle that lasted three-quarters of Glossary of Islamic Terms ............................................................... 324 a century. When it seemed that a “New World Order” had emerged and the period of total wars, and especially fanatic ideologies, had About the Authors ...........................................................................331 ended, the world became aware of the danger of fundamentalist Islam, whose borders, as Samuel Huntington has observed, are borders of blood. Indeed, in several regards this is a more extreme danger, certainly a graver and more massive threat: there are many Islamic states in the world, there is a total Islamic population of over a billion hu- man beings, and the reality is one of an extroverted and aggressive, totalistic religion with an ideology of perpetual expansion. It should also be stated clearly, even in the age of the “politically correct,” that the problem is also one of Arabs, the “savage kinship” as scholars 7 8 9 have called it, which is still immersed in many values of anarchic Western view that the state is the product of a “social contract.” Th e tribalism. We are not speaking of Islam as a religion, nor of the state refl ects and embodies the will of Allah. Sovereignty (hakmi- Arabs, per se. However, the combination of radical Arabs and yah) stems from Allah alone and does not pertain to the will of the fundamentalist Islam is deadly, and constitutes the greatest threat ruled. Th e Western doctrine of a right to oppose a bad government, to the existence of modern society and culture. Th eir ideology is and a duty to replace it, does not exist in Islam (Saddam Hussein’s uncompromisingly murderous and nihilistic, and they are sup- maintenance of power in Iraq, and Arafat’s continuing to lead the ported by millions of frustrated and destitute people who seek to Palestinians, are real-life examples). Th e question of the citizenship convert the humiliating present back into the glorious past. and of civil sovereignty is irrelevant. In this regard, it is clear what the army’s role will be, and that the leadership will remain in power. Islam constitutes a universal world view, an all-inclusive civi- From the standpoint of Islam, any attempt to alter the structure lization that lays down positive and negative commandments for of legitimacy and sovereignty constitutes heresy and rebellion. Th e the believer. It is a comprehensive system of religion (din) and state Arabic word for “state” is dawlah, which means dynasty, but con- (dawlah), which does not distinguish between the kingdom of Al- notes becoming or replacing (Sura 3, 134–140). lah and the kingdom of the ruler, and signifi es total and exclusive Most of the population is estranged from the government, and is submissiveness and devotion to the will of Allah. Th e Islamic ideal not regarded as a factor to consider in conducting politics. Th e politi- was the establishment of a political community (ummah), and the cal culture is native (submissive) in the center and parochial in the goal was defi ned as achieving an Islamic order and political stability, periphery. Th ere is no tradition of a civil society that constitutes the while maintaining the unity of the community. Any rule is prefer- sovereign, and citizenship, as a critical phenomenon, is practically able to lack of rule, and any ruler can be accepted, because he is nonexistent. Political participation is on the level of supportiveness preferable to anarchy. Arab history, from the days of the prophet only, and mobility is low. Intellectual thought in Islam, like legiti- Muhammad to the present, is one of patrimonial leadership in macy and sovereignty, is also diff erent from the Western concept, military or monarchic authoritarian regimes. Yet, from the historical and this has important implications for basic principles and political standpoint, political activity in the Arab world tended to encour- behavior. Th e concept is atomistic rather than integrative, meaning age rebelliousness and political violence.1 How can we explain this that the principle of causality does not exist, since everything stems paradoxical phenomenon? Th e answer is fascinating: there is no from the will of Allah. Th e result is the crystallization of a synthetic need for legitimacy stemming from the people and its sovereign culture that manifests mental collectivism, with an overarching goal political will, since sovereignty comes from Allah, and the moment of preserving stability, and a fear of questioning the political order one rule is replaced by another, it becomes accepted and consented lest disintegration, anarchy, and disorientation result. to. Everything is done according to the will of Allah, and the test Th e values of Islam were profoundly infl uenced by the basic is always the result. Whether an act has succeeded or failed, that is values of the Arabs in the jahali era. Allah is from the jahali period. the will of Allah. Th is is the ideological-religious basis for violence He was regarded as a supreme god, and he had three daughter-gods: in Islam. Today, this model endures even in the secular conception al-Lat, al-Manat, and al-`uzza. Th e cult of the stones was central of rule, with sovereignty consisting of the leader’s personality and in jahali Arab society, particularly the “black stone” in Ka`bah in the forcefulness of his rule. Mecca. Another key example is the custom of the hajj, which was Th e Islamic state is theocratic: Allah is the only source of faith, entirely incorporated into Islam. Apart from the customs that were and the religious cult is the symbol of collective identity. Any criti- replicated from the jahali era, it seems that only two of the fi ve pillars cism, any opposition, constitutes heresy. Th is orientation is linked of Islam (arkan al-Islam) — prayer (salat) and testimony (shahadah) to the legitimacy of the government. Islam completely rejects the — are originally Muslim. Mohammed’s MONSTERS David Bukay 10 11 Th e determinative affi liation is inward, involving the blood the tribal-clan structure. Th e tribes became part of Islam on the basis relations within the family or clan. Th is is manifested in the prov- of the existing commonality of customs, and swore personal loyalty erb, “I and my brothers against my cousin. I and my cousin against (mubaya`ah) to it because it was perceived as triumphant. Th is is a the neighbor, I and the neighbor against the foreigner.” Th e duty salient phenomenon among the Arabs, rooted in the spread of Islam, to uphold the affi liative and clan-family framework against others and it has major implications for the issue of Islamic fundamental- exists without any connection to the question of right or wrong. ism: the victor is righteous, and the righteous always triumphs. Th e hostility and suspicion toward other tribes is deep and intense, Th e test for righteousness is the same as the test for success.
Recommended publications
  • A R a B I a N S
    LEBANON SYRIA ISRAEL/Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) EGYPT JORDAN IRAQ KUWAIT IRAN SAUDI ARABIA BAHRAIN QATAR U.A.E . OMAN YEMEN ARABIAN SEA Middle East and North Africa Preti Taneja n 2010, religious and ethnic minorities across Right: A woman cries over a coffin during the the Middle East and North Africa remained funeral for two Christian brothers killed in Mosul, I disproportionately affected by ongoing con- November 2010. Khalid al-Mousuly/Reuters. flict, political turmoil and state-sanctioned repres- sion of their rights. country widely regarded as one of the most stable Though Iraqi parliamentary elections were held in the region. In November 2009, King Abdullah in March 2010, the government was not formed II dissolved a parliament that had only served until November. In this political vacuum, which two years of its four-year term. Elections were also saw the end of US combat operations in the due to follow swiftly, but were postponed for the country, violence against minority groups escalated. drafting of a new electoral law, and the country In February, attacks in Mosul over ten days left reverted to direct royal rule for a year-long period. eight Christians dead, according to Human Rights Despite protests that the new electoral law further Watch (HRW). In October, militants laid siege to marginalizes the country’s Palestinian population, Our Lady of Salvation Syriac Catholic Church in elections were finally held in November 2010, Baghdad, taking over 100 people hostage. Numbers but were boycotted by the country’s main Islamist of reported casualties vary. Amnesty International opposition group.
    [Show full text]
  • Cadastre Des Autorisations TPV Page 1 De
    Cadastre des autorisations TPV N° N° DATE DE ORIGINE BENEFICIAIRE AUTORISATIO CATEGORIE SERIE ITINERAIRE POINT DEPART POINT DESTINATION DOSSIER SEANCE CT D'AGREMENT N Casablanca - Beni Mellal et retour par Ben Ahmed - Kouribga - Oued Les Héritiers de feu FATHI Mohamed et FATHI Casablanca Beni Mellal 1 V 161 27/04/2006 Transaction 2 A Zem - Boujad Kasbah Tadla Rabia Boujad Casablanca Lundi : Boujaad - Casablanca 1- Oujda - Ahfir - Berkane - Saf Saf - Mellilia Mellilia 2- Oujda - Les Mines de Sidi Sidi Boubker 13 V Les Héritiers de feu MOUMEN Hadj Hmida 902 18/09/2003 Succession 2 A Oujda Boubker Saidia 3- Oujda La plage de Saidia Nador 4- Oujda - Nador 19 V MM. EL IDRISSI Omar et Driss 868 06/07/2005 Transaction 2 et 3 B Casablanca - Souks Casablanca 23 V M. EL HADAD Brahim Ben Mohamed 517 03/07/1974 Succession 2 et 3 A Safi - Souks Safi Mme. Khaddouj Bent Salah 2/24, SALEK Mina 26 V 8/24, et SALEK Jamal Eddine 2/24, EL 55 08/06/1983 Transaction 2 A Casablanca - Settat Casablanca Settat MOUTTAKI Bouchaib et Mustapha 12/24 29 V MM. Les Héritiers de feu EL KAICH Abdelkrim 173 16/02/1988 Succession 3 A Casablanca - Souks Casablanca Fès - Meknès Meknès - Mernissa Meknès - Ghafsai Aouicha Bent Mohamed - LAMBRABET née Fès 30 V 219 27/07/1995 Attribution 2 A Meknès - Sefrou Meknès LABBACI Fatiha et LABBACI Yamina Meknès Meknès - Taza Meknès - Tétouan Meknès - Oujda 31 V M. EL HILALI Abdelahak Ben Mohamed 136 19/09/1972 Attribution A Casablanca - Souks Casablanca 31 V M.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fight for Democracy & Women's Rights in Algeria: A
    THE FIGHT FOR DEMOCRACY & WOMEN’S RIGHTS IN ALGERIA: A LONG LEGACY OF STRUGGLE The uprising that began in Algeria on 22 February 2019, was a watershed moment in the country’s 57-year history since independence. It reflects, among other things, the culmination of decades of struggle by two secular movements that have pushed against both the extremist Islamist tendencies in the country, but also against a regime that tried to contain and use the Islamists to its own advantage. The absence of an Islamist presence in the protests and the secular nature of the demands is notable, suggesting that the country has now entered what some call a post-Islamist era. This article explores what gave rise to these new tendencies. It first documents the demise of Islamist influences and shows how the current protests have their roots in two secular movements: the women’s movement and the Kabyle (Berber) movement, thus representing a fundamental shift in Algerian politics. Aili Mari Tripp* Spring 2019 * Aili Mari Tripp is the Wangari Maathai Professor of Political Science and Gender and Women’s Studies at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. Tripp is author of the forthcoming book Seeking Legitimacy: Why Arab Autocracies Adopt Women's Rights. Tripp is also co-director of the research project, Women and Peacebuilding in Africa, funded by the Norwegian Foreign Ministry and Carnegie Corporation of New York. 59 VOLUME 18 NUMBER 1 AILI MARI TRIPP he uprising that began in Algeria on 22 February 2019 is a water- shed moment in the country’s 57-year history since independence.
    [Show full text]
  • NCH Annual Report 2019
    Network of Concerned Historians NCH Annual Report 2019 http://www.concernedhistorians.org INTRODUCTION This twenty-fifth Annual Report of the Network of Concerned Historians (NCH) contains news about the domain where history and human rights intersect, in particular about the censorship of history and the persecution of historians, archivists, and archaeologists around the globe, as reported by various human rights organizations and other sources. It mainly covers events and developments of 2018 and 2019. Disclaimer. The fact that the NCH presents this news does not imply that it shares the views and beliefs of the historians and others mentioned in it. Download this report at: http://www.concernedhistorians.org/ar/19.pdf Cite this report as: Network of Concerned Historians, Annual Report 2019 (http://www.concernedhistorians.org/ar/19.pdf). For the complete set of NCH Annual Reports, see: http://www.concernedhistorians.org/content/ar.html Or click: 2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011 2010 2009 2008 2007 2006 2005 2004 2003 2002 2001 2000 1999 1998 1997 1996 1995 All Annual Reports (1995–2019) were compiled by Antoon De Baets. Please send any comments to [email protected] Network of Concerned Historians, Annual Report 2019 (2019) 2 ____________________________________________________________ AFGHANISTAN Previous Annual Report entries: 2000–2016, 2018. ALBANIA Previous Annual Report entries: 1996, 2012, 2015−2018. In May 2019, after a legal challenge by BIRN Albania (Balkan Investigative Reporting Network Albania) initiated in March 2016, an appeals court ordered the declassification of annual reports compiled by the Communist-era secret service Sigurimi in 1980–1989 and statistics on the number of Albanians under its active surveillance in that period.
    [Show full text]
  • Generational Differences Between North African Francophone Literatures: the New Stories of Immigrants in France
    Utah State University DigitalCommons@USU Undergraduate Honors Capstone Projects Honors Program 5-2009 Generational Differences Between North African Francophone Literatures: The New Stories of Immigrants in France Christen M. Allen Utah State University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/honors Part of the French and Francophone Literature Commons, and the Other French and Francophone Language and Literature Commons Recommended Citation Allen, Christen M., "Generational Differences Between North African Francophone Literatures: The New Stories of Immigrants in France" (2009). Undergraduate Honors Capstone Projects. 6. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/honors/6 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors Program at DigitalCommons@USU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Undergraduate Honors Capstone Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@USU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. GENERATIONAL DIFFERENCES BETWEEN BEUR AND NORTH AFRICAN FRANCOPHONE LITERATURES: THE NEW STORIES OF IMMIGRANTS IN FRANCE by Christen Marie Allen Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of HONORS IN UNIVERSITY STUDIES WITH DEPARTMENTAL HONORS in French in the Department of Languages, Philosophy and Speech Communication Approved: Committee Member Committee Member Dr. Christa Jones Dr. John Lackstrom Departmental Honors/Thesis Advisor Director of Honors Program Dr. Sarah Gordon Dr. Christie Fox UTAH STATE UNIVERSITY Logan, UT Spring 2009 Christen Allen Honors Thesis 2009 Generational Differences Between Beur and North African Francophone Literatures: The New Stories of Immigrants in France Abstract This study seeks to establish the generational difference between Beur and Francophone literatures using Kiffe Kiffe Demain by Faïza Guène contrasted with Le Siècle des Sauterelles by Malika Mokeddem.
    [Show full text]
  • Uhm Phd 4580 R.Pdf
    4550 UNIVERSiTY OF Hj~W/\n LIBRARY DIALECT LEVELING, MAINTENANCE AND URBAN IDENTITY IN MOROCCO FESSI IMMIGRANTS IN CASABLANCA A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI'I IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN LINGUISTICS MAY 2005 By Atiqa Hachimi Dissertation Committee: Michael L. Fonnan, Co-Chairperson Miriam Meyerhoff, Co-Chairperson Patricia J. Donegan Ibrahim G. Aoude Robert J. Littman ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to extend my deepest and sincere thanks to both my supervisors: Professors Michael L. Forman and Miriam Meyerhoff. Professor Michael L. Forman has been there from the very beginning and has supported me in all my endeavors. His guidance and intellectual stimulation have been instrumental in developing my understanding of sociolinguistics. I am grateful to him for introducing me to linguistic anthropology and to advising me to explore the richness of language. His kindness and sense of humor have kept me going for all these years. I am particularly indebted to my advisor and chair, Professor Miriam Meyerhoff, who has constantly been pushing me to go beyond my limits. She has always had faith in me when I believed I had already given my best. I am grateful to her for introducing me to variationist linguistics and for her brilliant insights. She gave me invaluable advice, guidance and critiqued my work, and materially improved my understanding of my own work. I am deeply humbled by her generosity and big heart. She invited me to Edinburgh to help me with my work and she was a gracious host.
    [Show full text]
  • An Arabic-Moroccan Darija Code-Switched Corpus
    An Arabic-Moroccan Darija Code-Switched Corpus Younes Samih and Wolfgang Maier Institute for Language and Information University of Dusseldorf,¨ Dusseldorf,¨ Germany {samih,maierwo}@phil.hhu.de Abstract In multilingual communities, speakers often switch between languages or dialects within the same context. This phenomenon is called code-switching. It can be observed, e.g., in the Arab world, where Modern Standard Arabic and Dialectal Arabic coexist. Recently, the computational treatment of code-switching has received attention. Just as other natural language processing tasks, this task requires annotated linguistic resources. In our work, we turn to a particular under-resourced Arabic Dialect, Moroccan Darija. While other dialects such as Egyptian Arabic have received their share of attention, very limited effort has been devoted to the development of basic linguistic resources that would support a computational treatment of Darija. Motivated by these considerations, we describe our effort in the development and annotation of a large scale corpus collected from Moroccan social media sources, namely blogs and internet discussion forums. It has been annotated on token-level by three Darija native speakers. Crowd-sourcing has not been used. The final corpus has a size of 223k tokens. It is, to our knowledge, currently the largest resource of its kind. Keywords: code-switching, language identification, Moroccan Arabic 1. Introduction Benmamoun, 2001), a dialect with over 21 million native Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) is the official language of speakers (Lewis et al., 2014), remains a particularly under- most Arabic countries. It is spoken by more than 360 mil- resourced variant of Arabic. It is strongly embedded in a lion people around the world and exists in state of diglossia multilingual context that entails frequent code-switching, (Ferguson, 1959).
    [Show full text]
  • State-Formation and Patronage Networks: a Comparative Analysis of Berber-State
    State-Formation and Patronage Networks: A comparative analysis of Berber-State relations in Morocco and Algeria Sihem Attalah Political Science Department McGill University Montreal, Quebec October 2019 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts © Attalah, 2019 2 PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK 3 ABSTRACT This article seeks to account for the different relationships between the central government and Berber populations in Morocco and Algeria—The first case being largely integrative and the other frequently conflictual. Through a comparative historical analysis, it highlights the dual importance of the legacies of French colonial rule on one hand, and post-colonial configurations of political power on the other. Both variables were essential in shaping the extent and the composition of power networks in Morocco and Algeria, which defined the relationship Berber communities had with the central authority. EXTRAIT Cet article vise à interroger les relations entre populations berbères et gouvernement central marocain d'une part et gouvernement central algérien d'autre part. Si dans le cas du Maroc, la stratégie employée se montre portée sur l’intégration, l'approche algérienne se révèle beaucoup plus conflictuelle. Cette analyse historique comparative a pour objectif de mettre en lumière l'importance de l'héritage colonial français, tout comme celle de l'architecture du pouvoir politique contemporain. Ces deux variables ont déterminé la portée et la composition des réseaux de pouvoir au Maroc et en Algérie, ce qui a eu pour effet de façonner les relations des communautés berbères avec le gouvernement. 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This work would not have been possible without the help and patience of my supervisor Rex Brynen, and for that I am very thankful.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethnicity in Algeria
    Algeria Ethnicity in Algeria Group selection The Arabs (72%) and Berbers (or: Amazigh) (28%) are politically relevant ethnic groups in Algeria. Power relations Algeria gained independence from France in 1962 following a war that lasted for nearly a decade. The anti-colonial nationalism which fueled the struggle for Algerian independence had developed in tan- dem with the rise of Arab nationalism. Thus, similar to other newly independent North African states, Algerian identity was “generally defined by nationalist orthodoxy as Arabo-Muslim” (37). The Na- 37 [International Crisis Group, 2003] tional Liberation Front (FLN), the country’s primary political party, was established in 1954 as part of the struggle for independence and has since largely dominated politics. The FLN has legitimized their power by propagating the vision of a unified Arab-Muslim nation. In 1962 Ait Ahmed founded the Socialist Forces Front (Front des forces socialistes, FFS) in an effort to challenge the hegemony of the FLN in the country’s one party system. Although Ait Ahmed was Berber, his primary goal was a power sharing structure for the new state, not to advance his ethnic group’s rights. Many members of the 1962 constituent assembly (one-party, FLN) were Berber and over half opposed Ait Ahmed and the FFS, highlighting that politics were not primarily defined by ethnic divides. Algeria does not have a ‘Berber party’ which appeals to Algeria’s Berbers per definition. However, it can be said that the Berber vision of the nation was excluded from post-independence nation- building, leading to a greater consciousness of Berber identity and resentment against the lack of its recognition in national politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Islamist Party Mobilization: Tunisia's Ennahda and Algeria's HMS
    Islamist Party Mobilization: Tunisia’s Ennahda and Algeria’s HMS Compared, 1989-2014 Chuchu Zhang Hughes Hall College Department of Politics and International Studies University of Cambridge The dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy September 2018 1 Declaration of Originality This dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. It is not substantially the same as any that I have submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for a degree or diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. I further state that no substantial part of my dissertation has already been submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for any such degree, diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. It does not exceed the prescribed word limit for the relevant Degree Committee. 2 Islamist Party Mobilization: Tunisia’s Ennahda and Algeria’s HMS Compared, 1989-2014 Chuchu Zhang, Department of Politics and International Studies SUMMARY The study aims to explore how Islamist parties mobilize citizens in electoral authoritarian systems. Specifically, I analyze how Islamist parties develop identity, outreach, structure, and linkages to wide sections of the population, so that when the political opportunity presents itself, people are informed of their existence, goals, and representatives, and hence, primed to vote for them.
    [Show full text]
  • Amazigh-State Relations in Morocco and Algeria
    Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2013-06 Amazigh-state relations in Morocco and Algeria Kruse, John E.,III Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/34692 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS AMAZIGH-STATE RELATIONS IN MOROCCO AND ALGERIA by John E. Kruse III June 2013 Thesis Advisor: Mohammed Hafez Second Reader: Tristan Mabry Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704–0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202–4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704–0188) Washington, DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED June 2013 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS AMAZIGH-STATE RELATIONS IN MOROCCO AND ALGERIA 6. AUTHOR(S) John E. Kruse III 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION Naval Postgraduate School REPORT NUMBER Monterey, CA 93943–5000 9. SPONSORING /MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSORING/MONITORING N/A AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES The views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Colonial and Orientalist Veils
    Colonial and Orientalist Veils: Associations of Islamic Female Dress in the French and Moroccan Press and Politics Loubna Bijdiguen Goldmiths College – University of London Thesis Submitted for a PhD in Media and Communications Abstract The veiled Muslimah or Muslim woman has figured as a threat in media during the past few years, especially with the increasing visibility of religious practices in both Muslim-majority and Muslim-minority contexts. Islamic dress has further become a means and technique of constructing ideas about the ‘other’. My study explores how the veil comes to embody this otherness in the contemporary print media and politics. It is an attempt to question constructions of the veil by showing how they repeat older colonial and Orientalist histories. I compare and contrast representations of the dress in Morocco and France. This research is about how Muslimat, and more particularly their Islamic attire, is portrayed in the contemporary print media and politics. My research aims to explore constructions of the dress in the contemporary Moroccan and French press and politics, and how the veil comes to acquire meanings, or veil associations, over time. I consider the veil in Orientalist, postcolonial, Muslim and Islamic feminist contexts, and constructions of the veil in Orientalist and Arab Nahda texts. I also examine Islamic dress in contemporary Moroccan and French print media and politics. While I focus on similarities and continuities, I also highlight differences in constructions of the veil. My study establishes the importance of merging and comparing histories, social contexts and geographies, and offers an opportunity to read the veil from a multivocal, multilingual, cross-historical perspective, in order to reconsider discourses of Islamic dress past and present in comparative perspective.
    [Show full text]