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A R a B I a N S
LEBANON SYRIA ISRAEL/Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) EGYPT JORDAN IRAQ KUWAIT IRAN SAUDI ARABIA BAHRAIN QATAR U.A.E . OMAN YEMEN ARABIAN SEA Middle East and North Africa Preti Taneja n 2010, religious and ethnic minorities across Right: A woman cries over a coffin during the the Middle East and North Africa remained funeral for two Christian brothers killed in Mosul, I disproportionately affected by ongoing con- November 2010. Khalid al-Mousuly/Reuters. flict, political turmoil and state-sanctioned repres- sion of their rights. country widely regarded as one of the most stable Though Iraqi parliamentary elections were held in the region. In November 2009, King Abdullah in March 2010, the government was not formed II dissolved a parliament that had only served until November. In this political vacuum, which two years of its four-year term. Elections were also saw the end of US combat operations in the due to follow swiftly, but were postponed for the country, violence against minority groups escalated. drafting of a new electoral law, and the country In February, attacks in Mosul over ten days left reverted to direct royal rule for a year-long period. eight Christians dead, according to Human Rights Despite protests that the new electoral law further Watch (HRW). In October, militants laid siege to marginalizes the country’s Palestinian population, Our Lady of Salvation Syriac Catholic Church in elections were finally held in November 2010, Baghdad, taking over 100 people hostage. Numbers but were boycotted by the country’s main Islamist of reported casualties vary. Amnesty International opposition group. -
The Fight for Democracy & Women's Rights in Algeria: A
THE FIGHT FOR DEMOCRACY & WOMEN’S RIGHTS IN ALGERIA: A LONG LEGACY OF STRUGGLE The uprising that began in Algeria on 22 February 2019, was a watershed moment in the country’s 57-year history since independence. It reflects, among other things, the culmination of decades of struggle by two secular movements that have pushed against both the extremist Islamist tendencies in the country, but also against a regime that tried to contain and use the Islamists to its own advantage. The absence of an Islamist presence in the protests and the secular nature of the demands is notable, suggesting that the country has now entered what some call a post-Islamist era. This article explores what gave rise to these new tendencies. It first documents the demise of Islamist influences and shows how the current protests have their roots in two secular movements: the women’s movement and the Kabyle (Berber) movement, thus representing a fundamental shift in Algerian politics. Aili Mari Tripp* Spring 2019 * Aili Mari Tripp is the Wangari Maathai Professor of Political Science and Gender and Women’s Studies at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. Tripp is author of the forthcoming book Seeking Legitimacy: Why Arab Autocracies Adopt Women's Rights. Tripp is also co-director of the research project, Women and Peacebuilding in Africa, funded by the Norwegian Foreign Ministry and Carnegie Corporation of New York. 59 VOLUME 18 NUMBER 1 AILI MARI TRIPP he uprising that began in Algeria on 22 February 2019 is a water- shed moment in the country’s 57-year history since independence. -
NCH Annual Report 2019
Network of Concerned Historians NCH Annual Report 2019 http://www.concernedhistorians.org INTRODUCTION This twenty-fifth Annual Report of the Network of Concerned Historians (NCH) contains news about the domain where history and human rights intersect, in particular about the censorship of history and the persecution of historians, archivists, and archaeologists around the globe, as reported by various human rights organizations and other sources. It mainly covers events and developments of 2018 and 2019. Disclaimer. The fact that the NCH presents this news does not imply that it shares the views and beliefs of the historians and others mentioned in it. Download this report at: http://www.concernedhistorians.org/ar/19.pdf Cite this report as: Network of Concerned Historians, Annual Report 2019 (http://www.concernedhistorians.org/ar/19.pdf). For the complete set of NCH Annual Reports, see: http://www.concernedhistorians.org/content/ar.html Or click: 2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011 2010 2009 2008 2007 2006 2005 2004 2003 2002 2001 2000 1999 1998 1997 1996 1995 All Annual Reports (1995–2019) were compiled by Antoon De Baets. Please send any comments to [email protected] Network of Concerned Historians, Annual Report 2019 (2019) 2 ____________________________________________________________ AFGHANISTAN Previous Annual Report entries: 2000–2016, 2018. ALBANIA Previous Annual Report entries: 1996, 2012, 2015−2018. In May 2019, after a legal challenge by BIRN Albania (Balkan Investigative Reporting Network Albania) initiated in March 2016, an appeals court ordered the declassification of annual reports compiled by the Communist-era secret service Sigurimi in 1980–1989 and statistics on the number of Albanians under its active surveillance in that period. -
State-Formation and Patronage Networks: a Comparative Analysis of Berber-State
State-Formation and Patronage Networks: A comparative analysis of Berber-State relations in Morocco and Algeria Sihem Attalah Political Science Department McGill University Montreal, Quebec October 2019 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts © Attalah, 2019 2 PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK 3 ABSTRACT This article seeks to account for the different relationships between the central government and Berber populations in Morocco and Algeria—The first case being largely integrative and the other frequently conflictual. Through a comparative historical analysis, it highlights the dual importance of the legacies of French colonial rule on one hand, and post-colonial configurations of political power on the other. Both variables were essential in shaping the extent and the composition of power networks in Morocco and Algeria, which defined the relationship Berber communities had with the central authority. EXTRAIT Cet article vise à interroger les relations entre populations berbères et gouvernement central marocain d'une part et gouvernement central algérien d'autre part. Si dans le cas du Maroc, la stratégie employée se montre portée sur l’intégration, l'approche algérienne se révèle beaucoup plus conflictuelle. Cette analyse historique comparative a pour objectif de mettre en lumière l'importance de l'héritage colonial français, tout comme celle de l'architecture du pouvoir politique contemporain. Ces deux variables ont déterminé la portée et la composition des réseaux de pouvoir au Maroc et en Algérie, ce qui a eu pour effet de façonner les relations des communautés berbères avec le gouvernement. 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This work would not have been possible without the help and patience of my supervisor Rex Brynen, and for that I am very thankful. -
Ethnicity in Algeria
Algeria Ethnicity in Algeria Group selection The Arabs (72%) and Berbers (or: Amazigh) (28%) are politically relevant ethnic groups in Algeria. Power relations Algeria gained independence from France in 1962 following a war that lasted for nearly a decade. The anti-colonial nationalism which fueled the struggle for Algerian independence had developed in tan- dem with the rise of Arab nationalism. Thus, similar to other newly independent North African states, Algerian identity was “generally defined by nationalist orthodoxy as Arabo-Muslim” (37). The Na- 37 [International Crisis Group, 2003] tional Liberation Front (FLN), the country’s primary political party, was established in 1954 as part of the struggle for independence and has since largely dominated politics. The FLN has legitimized their power by propagating the vision of a unified Arab-Muslim nation. In 1962 Ait Ahmed founded the Socialist Forces Front (Front des forces socialistes, FFS) in an effort to challenge the hegemony of the FLN in the country’s one party system. Although Ait Ahmed was Berber, his primary goal was a power sharing structure for the new state, not to advance his ethnic group’s rights. Many members of the 1962 constituent assembly (one-party, FLN) were Berber and over half opposed Ait Ahmed and the FFS, highlighting that politics were not primarily defined by ethnic divides. Algeria does not have a ‘Berber party’ which appeals to Algeria’s Berbers per definition. However, it can be said that the Berber vision of the nation was excluded from post-independence nation- building, leading to a greater consciousness of Berber identity and resentment against the lack of its recognition in national politics. -
Islamist Party Mobilization: Tunisia's Ennahda and Algeria's HMS
Islamist Party Mobilization: Tunisia’s Ennahda and Algeria’s HMS Compared, 1989-2014 Chuchu Zhang Hughes Hall College Department of Politics and International Studies University of Cambridge The dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy September 2018 1 Declaration of Originality This dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. It is not substantially the same as any that I have submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for a degree or diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. I further state that no substantial part of my dissertation has already been submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for any such degree, diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. It does not exceed the prescribed word limit for the relevant Degree Committee. 2 Islamist Party Mobilization: Tunisia’s Ennahda and Algeria’s HMS Compared, 1989-2014 Chuchu Zhang, Department of Politics and International Studies SUMMARY The study aims to explore how Islamist parties mobilize citizens in electoral authoritarian systems. Specifically, I analyze how Islamist parties develop identity, outreach, structure, and linkages to wide sections of the population, so that when the political opportunity presents itself, people are informed of their existence, goals, and representatives, and hence, primed to vote for them. -
Amazigh-State Relations in Morocco and Algeria
Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2013-06 Amazigh-state relations in Morocco and Algeria Kruse, John E.,III Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/34692 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS AMAZIGH-STATE RELATIONS IN MOROCCO AND ALGERIA by John E. Kruse III June 2013 Thesis Advisor: Mohammed Hafez Second Reader: Tristan Mabry Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704–0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202–4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704–0188) Washington, DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED June 2013 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS AMAZIGH-STATE RELATIONS IN MOROCCO AND ALGERIA 6. AUTHOR(S) John E. Kruse III 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION Naval Postgraduate School REPORT NUMBER Monterey, CA 93943–5000 9. SPONSORING /MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSORING/MONITORING N/A AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES The views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S. -
Semiotic and Discursive Displays of Tamazight Identity on Facebook: a Sociolinguistic Analysis of Revitalization Efforts in Post-Revolutionary Tunisia
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 5-2019 Semiotic and Discursive Displays of Tamazight Identity on Facebook: A Sociolinguistic Analysis of Revitalization Efforts in Post-Revolutionary Tunisia Soubeika Bahri The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/3098 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] SEMIOTIC AND DISCURSIVE DISPLAYS OF TAMAZIGHT IDENTITY ON FACEBOOK: A SOCIOLINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF REVITALIZATION EFFORTS IN POST-REVOLUTIONARY TUNISIA by SOUBEIKA (WAFA) BAHRI A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Linguistics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York. 2019 ©2019 SOUBEIKA (WAFA) BAHRI All Rights Reserved ii Semiotic and Discursive Displays of Tamazight Identity on Facebook: A Sociolinguistic Analysis of Revitalization Efforts in Post-Revolutionary Tunisia. by Soubeika (Wafa) Bahri This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Linguistics in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. _________________ _________________________________________ Date Cecelia Cutler Chair of Examining Committee _________________ _________________________________________ Date Gita Martohardjono Executive Officer Supervisory Committee: Michael Newman Miki Makihara Lotfi Sayahi THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT Semiotic and Discursive Displays of Tamazight Identity on Facebook: A Sociolinguistic Analysis of Revitalization Efforts in Post-Revolutionary Tunisia. -
A New Morocco? Amazigh Activism, Political Pluralism and Anti–Anti-Semitism
A New Morocco? Amazigh Activism, Political Pluralism and Anti–Anti-Semitism Paul A. Silverstein Associate Professor Reed College For all the initial optimism about the rise of democracy in the Middle East and North Africa, the recent uprisings in the region (often termed “the Arab Spring”) have come to be characterized in the West as a threat. European observers present the war in Libya, the broader instability in the region, and the seemingly new and uncontrollable tide of refugees and migrants across the 1 Mediterranean as veritable crises on Europe’s southern frontier. Meanwhile, 129 Western security officials fear that the power vacuums created by the fall of authoritarian regimes in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, and Yemen will create openings for “radical” Islamist groups and al-Qaeda affiliates in particular.2 The storming of the Israeli embassy in Cairo and the burning of a synagogue in Tunisia seem to bode poorly for future Israeli security, and the rise of Iran and a newly asser- tive, independent-minded Turkey as regional power brokers appear to threaten an already tenuous Pax Americana.3 Yet to examine the uprisings solely through the lens of crisis and threat would be both misleading and shortsighted. In this essay I will draw on the case of Morocco and the decades-long struggle for Berber/Amazigh rights— particularly the Amazigh movement’s avowed solidarity with Jews and other ethnic and religious minorities in the region—to argue that the uprisings mark the culmination of a long fight for cultural and political inclusion that bodes well for the future of pluralism in the region. -
City Research Online
Wilford, Stephen (2016). Bledi Cockneys: music, identity and mediation in Algerian London. (Unpublished Doctoral thesis, City, University of London) City Research Online Original citation: Wilford, Stephen (2016). Bledi Cockneys: music, identity and mediation in Algerian London. (Unpublished Doctoral thesis, City, University of London) Permanent City Research Online URL: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/17031/ Copyright & reuse City University London has developed City Research Online so that its users may access the research outputs of City University London's staff. Copyright © and Moral Rights for this paper are retained by the individual author(s) and/ or other copyright holders. All material in City Research Online is checked for eligibility for copyright before being made available in the live archive. URLs from City Research Online may be freely distributed and linked to from other web pages. Versions of research The version in City Research Online may differ from the final published version. Users are advised to check the Permanent City Research Online URL above for the status of the paper. Enquiries If you have any enquiries about any aspect of City Research Online, or if you wish to make contact with the author(s) of this paper, please email the team at [email protected]. Bledi Cockneys: Music, Identity and Mediation in Algerian London Stephen Wilford PhD Department of Music School of Arts and Social Sciences City University London November 2016 City, University of London Northampton Square London EC1V 0HB United Kingdom T -
Middle East and North Africa
Middle East and North Africa Preti Taneja n 2010, religious and ethnic minorities across Right: A woman cries over a coffin during the the Middle East and North Africa remained funeral for two Christian brothers killed in Mosul, I disproportionately affected by ongoing con- November 2010. Khalid al-Mousuly/Reuters. flict, political turmoil and state-sanctioned repres- sion of their rights. country widely regarded as one of the most stable Though Iraqi parliamentary elections were held in the region. In November 2009, King Abdullah in March 2010, the government was not formed II dissolved a parliament that had only served until November. In this political vacuum, which two years of its four-year term. Elections were also saw the end of US combat operations in the due to follow swiftly, but were postponed for the country, violence against minority groups escalated. drafting of a new electoral law, and the country In February, attacks in Mosul over ten days left reverted to direct royal rule for a year-long period. eight Christians dead, according to Human Rights Despite protests that the new electoral law further Watch (HRW). In October, militants laid siege to marginalizes the country’s Palestinian population, Our Lady of Salvation Syriac Catholic Church in elections were finally held in November 2010, Baghdad, taking over 100 people hostage. Numbers but were boycotted by the country’s main Islamist of reported casualties vary. Amnesty International opposition group. reported over 40 people killed while the BBC In addition to ongoing marginalization and reported more than 50 fatalities in the ensuing discrimination, Palestinian Arabs in Israel bore the violence. -
Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Page 1 of 6
Responses to Information Requests - Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Page 1 of 6 Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Home > Research Program > Responses to Information Requests Responses to Information Requests Responses to Information Requests (RIR) respond to focused Requests for Information that are submitted to the Research Directorate in the course of the refugee protection determination process. The database contains a seven- year archive of English and French RIRs. Earlier RIRs may be found on the UNHCR's Refworld website. Please note that some RIRs have attachments which are not electronically accessible. To obtain a PDF copy of an RIR attachment, please email the Knowledge and Information Management Unit. 16 August 2013 DZA104327.FE Algeria: information on the Mouvement pour l'autonomie de la Kabylie (MAK), including its activities and the treatment of MAK members at the hands of the authorities and Islamists; treatment of Berbers by the authorities and Islamists (2009 - March 2013) Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Ottawa 1. Overview Sources have indicated that the Mouvement pour l'autonomie de la Kabylie (MAK) has been in existence since 2001 (Le Figaro 21 Apr. 2010; Maroc Hebdo Apr. 2010; The Middle East Quarterly Spring 2010, 96). During a telephone conversation with the Research Directorate, the Director of Algeria's Centre d'études maghrébines, an Oran-based organization founded by the American Institute for Maghrib Studies - AIMS) to support scientific research on Algeria (AIMS n.d.), maintained that MAK is a "relatively minor" Algerian organization that is demanding autonomy, and even secession, from Kabylie (Director, Feb.