Transatlantic Dialogue on Middle East Policy’
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A WAY FORWARD with IRAN? Options for Crafting a U.S. Strategy
A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? Options for Crafting a U.S. Strategy THE SOUFAN CENTER FEBRUARY 2021 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S. STRATEGY A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? Options for Crafting a U.S. Strategy THE SOUFAN CENTER FEBRUARY 2021 Cover photo: Associated Press Photo/Photographer: Mohammad Berno 2 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S. STRATEGY CONTENTS List of Abbreviations 4 List of Figures 5 Key Findings 6 How Did We Reach This Point? 7 Roots of the U.S.-Iran Relationship 9 The Results of the Maximum Pressure Policy 13 Any Change in Iranian Behavior? 21 Biden Administration Policy and Implementation Options 31 Conclusion 48 Contributors 49 About The Soufan Center 51 3 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S. STRATEGY LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS BPD Barrels Per Day FTO Foreign Terrorist Organization GCC Gulf Cooperation Council IAEA International Atomic Energy Agency ICBM Intercontinental Ballistic Missile IMF International Monetary Fund IMSC International Maritime Security Construct INARA Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act INSTEX Instrument for Supporting Trade Exchanges IRGC Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps IRGC-QF Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps - Qods Force JCPOA Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action MBD Million Barrels Per Day PMF Popular Mobilization Forces SRE Significant Reduction Exception 4 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S. STRATEGY LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Iran Annual GDP Growth and Change in Crude Oil Exports 18 Figure 2: Economic Effects of Maximum Pressure 19 Figure 3: Armed Factions Supported by Iran 25 Figure 4: Comparison of Iran Nuclear Program with JCPOA Limitations 28 5 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S. -
Reconfiguring a Region
RECONFIGURING A REGION Opportunities and Challenges in the Middle East Hosted by the Council on Middle East Studies at the MacMillan Center at Yale University September 26‐27, 2008 Luce Hall Auditorium, 34 Hillhouse Avenue, New Haven, CT Friday, September 26 1:00 pm Opening Remarks and Overview Marcia Inhorn William K. Lanman Jr. Professor of Anthropology and International Affairs Chair of the Council of Middle East Studies (CMES) at the MacMillan Center 1:30 pm Peacemaking in the 21st Century: have the terms changed? Shibley Telhami Anwar Sadat Chair for Peace and Development, University of Maryland and Senior Fellow, Saban Center at the Brookings Institution Daoud Kuttab Award winning Palestinian journalist, former Ferris professor of journalism at Princeton University and Executive Director of the Community Media Network. Avi Shlaim Professor of International Relations, University of Oxford, and Fellow, St. Antony’s College Moderator: Asli Bali, Assistant Professor, University of California Los Angeles School of Law and Research Affiliate, Yale University Law School 3:30 pm Testing the Grounds for East‐West Relations: LeBanon and Syria in Flux Paul Salem Director, Middle East Center, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Murhaf Jouejati Professor of Middle East Studies, Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies, National Defense University and Adjunct Scholar, Middle East Institute Marwan Khawaja Director, Center for Research on Population and Health, American University in Beirut Moderator: Sulayman Dib‐Hajj, Research -
A Conversation with Raghida Dergham
TM: Welcome everybody to this sixth installment in the Harvard Kennedy School American University in Cairo series of conversations with Arab thought leaders on the 2020 U.S. election and America's changing role in the Middle East. I’m going to turn this over to my co-pilot Karim Haggag to introduce our distinguished guest for today but let me Just remind everybody what it is we are doing here. Each weeK we've been meeting with leading Arabs from the worlds of policy practice and ideas to explore their perceptions of the current season of politics in the United States and to get their sense of where they thinK the United States, the world's sole superpower, is heading, and particularly, what all of this means for the Middle East. So far in this series, we've interviewed some really interesting and extraordinary people, including prime minister Ayad Allawi, the Emirati intellectual AbdulKhaleq Abdulla, the Iraqi-Emirati Journalist Mina al-Oraibi, and these conversations will soon be available on our website and on podcast streaming services. We also have one more conversation. This is the penultimate conversation before we break for the winter, one more conversation next weeK with the Saudi editor of the al-Arabiya English, Mohammed Alyahya, and we hope that you'll Join us for that. Let me now turn it over to my co-pilot in this endeavor, Karim Haggag of the American University in Cairo School of Global affairs and Public Policy. Karim. KH: ThanK you, TareK, and thanK you everyone for Joining us for this afternoon's discussion. -
Gaza and the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood by Henry Siegman
Expert Analysis August 2014 Gaza and the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood By Henry Siegman Executive summary The slaughter of Palestinian civilians and the Dresden-like reduction to rubble of large parts of Gaza by Israel’s military forces in the name of its own citizens’ security has exposed the hypocrisy at the heart of Israel’s dealings with the Palestinians. Israel’s claim to the right of self-defense in order to prevent its victims’ emergence from under its occupation is the ultimate definition of chutzpa. Without entering the debate over whether those rocket assaults were precipitated by Israel’s own violations of truces and cease-fire accords it negotiated with Hamas, as documented by various analysts (including Amira Hass, Peter Beinart, Nathan Thrall, Sara Roy and others), Israel’s claim to self-defense is based on a glaring falsehood. An occupying power is under obligation in international law to do two things: to end the occupa- tion, and until it does so, to protect the population under its occupation. Israel is in blatant violation of both of these obligations. The security threats to its own citizens it invokes to justify its assaults which regularly result in the killing of far more Palestinian non- combatants than militants are triggered by its occupation. An occupied people told by its occupiers its subjugation is permanent, and that they will never be allowed to exercise the right to national self-determination and sovereign existence on territories recognized by the interna- tional community as their rightful patrimony, has every right to resort to resistance, including violent resistance, to achieve its freedom, for they are reacting to the violence that is keeping them illegally under occupation. -
GVPT 409H, Spring 2017
GVPT 409H, Spring 2017 International Relations of the Middle East Mondays 2:00 – 4:45 p.m. Professor Shibley Telhami Tel. #: 301-405-6734 Office: 1105 Chincoteague Email: [email protected] Web-site: www.sadat.umd.edu Office hours: By appointment This seminar will evaluate major issues of the international relations of the Middle East and the American role and responses to these events. The seminar will focus on several post-Cold-War cases in American foreign policy, including the 1991 and 2003 Gulf wars, policy toward Iran, American mediation in the Arab-Israeli conflict, responses to the Arab Awakening, and broader issues such as regional reform and energy. Requirements: Beyond active participation in the seminar discussions, each student will be expected to prepare 2 short discussion essays to help kick off the seminar discussion of the readings. Please write your name and the week number at the top of your paper. In addition, each student will prepare a research paper (around 12-15 pages) on a related topic. The last three weeks of the seminar will focus on readings that are specifically relevant to the topics of the research papers. Readings: Readings are available in ELMS under the ‘Files’ tab, except for full books which are on Course Reserves at the library. Readings are also available for borrowing at the Sadat office (1105 Chincoteague) during regular business hours of 9:00 AM to 5:00 PM. If you encounter difficulty, feel free to contact me by email. You could also contact my administrative assistant, Brittany Kyser, at [email protected]. -
Us Foreign Policy and the Arab Spring
COMMENTARY | BY DR. H. AKIN ÜNVER* U.S. FOREIGN POLICY AND THE ARAB SPRING s the uncertainty of the Arab Spring The widespread policy and media narrative of the continues, the debate on the future of Arab Spring is that the movement has been a sur- the movement and the U.S. role in it prise; emerging completely out of the blue, catching A grows into a colorful debate. As a part every political player flatfooted. ‘Even the regimes of this policy debate I was recently asked to review and administrations that were targeted by the Arab Foreign Policy Association’s Great Decisions episode Spring movements couldn’t see it coming’2 – or so it on the Arab Spring, featuring columnist Mona Elta- is argued. hawy and Shadi Hamid, director of research at the Brookings Doha Center and also featuring comments While this shock is somewhat understandable among from key foreign policy heavyweights like Madeleine the regimes of the Middle East whose administra- Albright, General Michael Hayden, Robert Malley and tions never really established rigorous ‘academia- Carl Gershman.1 watch’ departments that follow the academic litera- ture and debate, I can’t really contextualize the sur- The debate in the episode is in many ways a small- prise in the American executive branch circles as al- scale projection of the overall U.S. policy debate on most every branch have one or more academia- the current and prospective U.S. role in the Arab watch programs staffed by quite capable analysts. Spring. It focused on the issues of U.S. -
Imposing Middle East Peace Forceful Outside Intervention Is the Only Alternative to an Unstable and Dangerous Status Quo
18 The Nation. January 25, 2010 Imposing Middle East Peace Forceful outside intervention is the only alternative to an unstable and dangerous status quo. by HENRY SIEGMAN srael’s relentless drive to establish “facts Olmert was mistaken in one respect, for he on the ground” in the occupied West said Israel would turn into an apartheid state Bank, a drive that continues in violation when the Arab population in Greater Israel of even the limited settlement freeze outnumbers the Jewish population. But the to which Prime Minister Benjamin relative size of the populations is not the INeta nyahu committed himself, seems finally decisive factor in such a transition. Rather, to have succeeded in locking in the irrevers- the turning point comes when a state denies ibility of its colonial project. As a result of national self-determination to a part of its that “achievement,” one that successive population—even one that is in the minor- Israeli governments have long sought in ity—to which it has also denied the rights order to preclude the possibility of a two- of citizenship. state solution, Israel has crossed the thresh- When a state’s denial of the individual and PETER O. ZIERLEIN old from “the only democracy in the Middle national rights of a large part of its population East” to the only apartheid regime in the Western world. becomes permanent, it ceases to be a democracy. When the The inevitability of such a transformation has been held out reason for that double disenfranchisement is that population’s not by “Israel bashers” but by the country’s own leaders. -
United Nations International Meeting in Support of Israeli-Palestinian Peace
UNITED NATIONS INTERNATIONAL MEETING IN SUPPORT OF ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN PEACE The two-State solution: a key prerequisite for achieving peace and stability in the Middle East Moscow, 1 and 2 July 2015 ___________________________________________________________________________ CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY PLENARY III Efforts in the United Nations: the next steps Paper presented by Mr. Henry Siegman President U.S./Middle East Project New York CPR/IM/2015/15 2 The Two-State Solution is Dead. Long-live the Two-State Solution Anyone addressing a United Nations conference on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict at this time faces the difficult task of not allowing himself to be distracted by the many timely subjects that virtually cry out for comment—beginning with the report of the United Nations committee that investigated the Gaza war, the Israeli elections that resulted in an extreme right-wing, anti-democratic government, the Palestinian submission to the International Criminal Court, new initiatives for a Security Council peacemaking role, and the pathetic and chronic inability of Palestinian leadership to heal its internal divisions that constitute a gift to its enemies that keeps on giving. I will avoid these important subjects and limit my remarks to my assignment, defining the present situation and where we go from here. The two-state solution is dead. It did not die a natural death. It was strangulated as Jewish settlements in the West Bank were expanded and deepened by successive Israeli governments with the express purpose of preventing the emergence of a viable Palestinian state. The settlement project has achieved its intended irreversibility, not only because of its breadth and depth but also because of the dominant political clout of the settlers and their supporters within Israel who have both ideological and economic stakes in a Greater Israel. -
No Peace Possible Between Israel and Palestinians Without Hamas
Siegman- No Peace Possible without Hamas 1/4 Siegman: No Peace Possible Between Israel and Palestinians without Hamas - Es gibt keinen Frieden zwischen Israel und Palästinensern ohne Hamas Henry Siegman, Direktor des United States/Middle East Project, im Interview Im Folgenden dokumentieren wir ein Interview, das im März 2008 mit Henry Siegman, dem Di- rektor des United States/Middle East Project des Council on Foreign Relations gemacht wurde. Henry Siegman war früher Direktor des American Jewish Congress und gilt als einer der bes- ten Kenner des Nahost-Konflikts. Die Auffassungen, die Siegmann hier vertritt, decken sich weitgehend mit einem Artikel, den er am 10. April 2008 in der Süddeutschen Zeitung veröffentlichte: "Israels falsche Freunde". Siegman: No Peace Possible Between Israel and Palestinians without Hamas Interviewee: Henry Siegman, Director, United States/Middle East Project Interviewer: Bernard Gwertzman, Consulting Editor March 7, 2008 Henry SiegmanHenry Siegman, an expert on Middle East negotiations, says that no peace will be possible between Israel and Palestinians unless Hamas is brought into the process. “The notion that the Israeli government leaders and our own government have that it is possible to exclude Hamas from peace talks and have a successful result from those talks is a fantasy,” he says. “It’s not going to happen.” Because of President Bush’s refusal to deal with Hamas, he says, it is unlikely that any pro- gress can be made until there is a new president in the White House. There’s a bit of a lull right now in the fighting between Hamas and Israel, which has led to over one hundred Palestinians dead and a few Israelis in the past couple of weeks. -
Yemen's Revolutionary Moment, Collective Memory and Contentious
The London School of Economics and Political Science Citizen Revolt for a Modern State: Yemen’s Revolutionary Moment, Collective Memory and Contentious Politics sur la longue durée Tobias Thiel A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, 2015 Yemen’s Revolutionary Moment, Collective Memory and Contentious Politics | 2 DECLARATION I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 98,247 words. Yemen’s Revolutionary Moment, Collective Memory and Contentious Politics | 3 ABSTRACT 2011 became a year of revolt for the Middle East and North Africa as a series of popular uprisings toppled veteran strongmen that had ruled the region for decades. The contentious mobilisations not only repudiated orthodox explanations for the resilience of Arab autocracy, but radically asserted the ‘political imaginary’ of a sovereign and united citizenry, so vigorously encapsulated in the popular slogan al-shaʿb yurīd isqāṭ al-niẓām (the people want to overthrow the system). -
Syllabus - US-Middle East Foreign Policy (Johnson)
H-Diplo Syllabus - US-Middle East Foreign Policy (Johnson) Page published by Seth Offenbach on Saturday, September 20, 2014 History 3345: U.S.-Middle Eastern Relations (spring 2014) Prof. KC Johnson (Brooklyn College) This course explores U.S. relations with the nations of the Middle East from the 18th century through the present day. The focus is on developments since 1945. Topics include the impact of World War I and World War II on the U.S. role in the region; the development of the U.S.-Israeli alliance; the Cold War and the “Northern Tier” (Turkey, Greece, and Iran); economic and strategic concerns; domestic interest groups and the U.S. role in the region; the international impact of the Iranian revolution; the two Iraq wars; and modern-day events. Course Requirements: Final exam: 50% NSC-style group presentation: 30% Quizzes: 10% Participation: 10% Reading will consist of journal articles and various primary sources; the class counts as a “C” (transnational) class for History majors. Lectures & PowerPoints Course Schedule: January 28: The United States and the Decline of the Ottoman Empire (1784-1914) Ronald Bobroff, “Behind the Balkan Wars: Russian Policy toward Bulgaria and the Turkish Straits, 1912-13,”The Russian Review, pp. 76-95. Ömer Turan, “American Protestant Missionaries and Monastir, 1912-17,”Middle East Review, pp. 119-136. W. David Wrigley, “Germany and the Turco-Italian War, 1911-1912,” International Journal of Middle East Studies, pp. 313-338. February 4: World War I, Its Aftermath, & Middle East International Relations (1914-1923) Michael A. Reynolds, “Buffers, Not Brethren: Young Turk Military Policy in the First World War and the Myth of Panturanism,” Past & Present, pp. -
Barry Rubin's Legacy and the Study of U.S. Middle East Policy
BARRY RUBIN’S LEGACY AND THE STUDY OF U.S. MIDDLE EAST POLICY www.rubincenter.org /2015/07/barry-rubins-legacy-and-the-study-of-u-s-middle-east-policy/ Martin Kramer In the following transcript Dr. Martin Kramer recounts his friendship and long acquaintance with Prof. Barry Rubin and their shared interest in U.S. Middle East policy, noting Rubin’s deep concerns regarding the Obama administration in this regard. Also discussed is the administration’s view of the region, contending that it has an appeal to the traditional American realist view of the Middle East, whose adherents tend to favor a U.S. withdrawal from the region. This, Kramer contends, is what has enabled the administration’s approach to the region to gain wide currency in the United States, rather than any broad support for the leftist underpinnings of Obama’s worldview. It is part of a symposium entitled, “Regime Collapse and Sectarian War: Where is the Middle East Headed?” The symposium was held on March 15, 2015, to mark the launch of the newly named Rubin Center for International Affairs in honor of MERIA founder and former editor the late Prof. Barry Rubin. Editor’s Note: Since the beginning of the Arab Spring, the world has witnessed the collapse of a number of authoritarian regimes in the Middle East and the consequent opening of an ungoverned space. Two formerly strong states, Iraq and Syria, have ceased to exist. The result has been the emergence of a series of paramilitary and political organizations–most based on ethnic and sectarian identity–all competing for control on the ground of what were once those states.