Gaza and the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood by Henry Siegman
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Israel's National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
Leap of Faith: Israel’s National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict Middle East Report N°147 | 21 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iv I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Religious Zionism: From Ascendance to Fragmentation ................................................ 5 A. 1973: A Turning Point ................................................................................................ 5 B. 1980s and 1990s: Polarisation ................................................................................... 7 C. The Gaza Disengagement and its Aftermath ............................................................. 11 III. Settling the Land .............................................................................................................. 14 A. Bargaining with the State: The Kookists ................................................................... 15 B. Defying the State: The Hilltop Youth ........................................................................ 17 IV. From the Hills to the State .............................................................................................. -
Republication, Copying Or Redistribution by Any Means Is
Republication, copying or redistribution by any means is expressly prohibited without the prior written permission of The Economist The Economist April 5th 2008 A special report on Israel 1 The next generation Also in this section Fenced in Short-term safety is not providing long-term security, and sometimes works against it. Page 4 To ght, perchance to die Policing the Palestinians has eroded the soul of Israel’s people’s army. Page 6 Miracles and mirages A strong economy built on weak fundamentals. Page 7 A house of many mansions Israeli Jews are becoming more disparate but also somewhat more tolerant of each other. Page 9 Israel at 60 is as prosperous and secure as it has ever been, but its Hanging on future looks increasingly uncertain, says Gideon Licheld. Can it The settlers are regrouping from their defeat resolve its problems in time? in Gaza. Page 11 HREE years ago, in a slim volume enti- abroad, for Israel to become a fully demo- Ttled Epistle to an Israeli Jewish-Zionist cratic, non-Zionist state and grant some How the other fth lives Leader, Yehezkel Dror, a veteran Israeli form of autonomy to Arab-Israelis. The Arab-Israelis are increasingly treated as the political scientist, set out two contrasting best and brightest have emigrated, leaving enemy within. Page 12 visions of how his country might look in a waning economy. Government coali- the year 2040. tions are fractious and short-lived. The dif- In the rst, it has some 50% more peo- ferent population groups are ghettoised; A systemic problem ple, is home to two-thirds of the world’s wealth gaps yawn. -
Imposing Middle East Peace Forceful Outside Intervention Is the Only Alternative to an Unstable and Dangerous Status Quo
18 The Nation. January 25, 2010 Imposing Middle East Peace Forceful outside intervention is the only alternative to an unstable and dangerous status quo. by HENRY SIEGMAN srael’s relentless drive to establish “facts Olmert was mistaken in one respect, for he on the ground” in the occupied West said Israel would turn into an apartheid state Bank, a drive that continues in violation when the Arab population in Greater Israel of even the limited settlement freeze outnumbers the Jewish population. But the to which Prime Minister Benjamin relative size of the populations is not the INeta nyahu committed himself, seems finally decisive factor in such a transition. Rather, to have succeeded in locking in the irrevers- the turning point comes when a state denies ibility of its colonial project. As a result of national self-determination to a part of its that “achievement,” one that successive population—even one that is in the minor- Israeli governments have long sought in ity—to which it has also denied the rights order to preclude the possibility of a two- of citizenship. state solution, Israel has crossed the thresh- When a state’s denial of the individual and PETER O. ZIERLEIN old from “the only democracy in the Middle national rights of a large part of its population East” to the only apartheid regime in the Western world. becomes permanent, it ceases to be a democracy. When the The inevitability of such a transformation has been held out reason for that double disenfranchisement is that population’s not by “Israel bashers” but by the country’s own leaders. -
Israel Elections 2019 Update
Israel Elections 2019 Update September 10, 2019 With no party succeeding in forming a government following the elections that took place in Israel in April, 2019, a brand new election will now take place next week, on September 17. JFNA is pleased to present the following backgrounder summarizing what has occurred, and what may happen in the coming weeks and months. JFNA has also prepared a background briefing on why a second round of elections are taking place – which can be seen here, as well as a paper on how Israeli elections work. Elections: Round Two Perhaps the most crucial take away from the backgrounder papers (linked above) is that in practice, Israeli elections have two “stages.” The first - the actual elections - occurs when the population elects the 120-members of Israel’s parliament, the Knesset. Those are the national elections, but once the results of these elections are known, we don’t always have a clear picture of who will lead the country. This only occurs during what we can call a “second stage” when a potential prime minister seeks to form a governing majority coalition of at least 61, from among those 120 newly elected MKs (represented through their parties). September 2019’s theme: Mergers In the months that have passed since second elections were called, there has been little, if any, debate about policy or major issues of substance; or even discussions about personality. Instead, the focus has been on tactics, strategy and coalition building. So, in many ways, the September 2019 look like a redo of the elections that took place in April. -
Israel's Do-Over Election
Your Shabbat source of Israeli News– September 6th 2019 Israel’s Do -over Election: A Guide to All the Parties Israeli politics has been reshaped by new alliances after the entire political firmament learned a harsh lesson from the April election just five months earlier: Unity among ideological allies is crucial. Smaller parties flying solo learned the hard way that independence meant risk falling below the electoral threshold and not making it into the Knesset. By doing so, they not only hurt themselves but mortally wound their entire political camp by “wasting” votes that could help them build a bloc large enough to construct a government. With only nine parties seemingly in a position to cross the electoral threshold, the next Knesset is set to feature the fewest number of parties in Israel’s history. Here are the main contenders: • Likud: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu - fighting a second re-election campaign under the shadow of pending corruption indictments, moved early to reinforce Likud by merging it with Finance Minister Moshe Kahlon’s party giving himself one less party to wrestle with in governing coalition negotiations. Later in the race, he convinced Moshe Feiglin, leader of the far-right Zehut party, to pull out of the elections in order to give larger right-wing parties the precious votes he was taking. In exchange, Feiglin was promised a ministry in a future Likud-led government. • Kahol Lavan: The largest of the multi-party players in the race, Kahol Lavan has continued with its four man alliance formed ahead of the April election. -
United Nations International Meeting in Support of Israeli-Palestinian Peace
UNITED NATIONS INTERNATIONAL MEETING IN SUPPORT OF ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN PEACE The two-State solution: a key prerequisite for achieving peace and stability in the Middle East Moscow, 1 and 2 July 2015 ___________________________________________________________________________ CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY PLENARY III Efforts in the United Nations: the next steps Paper presented by Mr. Henry Siegman President U.S./Middle East Project New York CPR/IM/2015/15 2 The Two-State Solution is Dead. Long-live the Two-State Solution Anyone addressing a United Nations conference on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict at this time faces the difficult task of not allowing himself to be distracted by the many timely subjects that virtually cry out for comment—beginning with the report of the United Nations committee that investigated the Gaza war, the Israeli elections that resulted in an extreme right-wing, anti-democratic government, the Palestinian submission to the International Criminal Court, new initiatives for a Security Council peacemaking role, and the pathetic and chronic inability of Palestinian leadership to heal its internal divisions that constitute a gift to its enemies that keeps on giving. I will avoid these important subjects and limit my remarks to my assignment, defining the present situation and where we go from here. The two-state solution is dead. It did not die a natural death. It was strangulated as Jewish settlements in the West Bank were expanded and deepened by successive Israeli governments with the express purpose of preventing the emergence of a viable Palestinian state. The settlement project has achieved its intended irreversibility, not only because of its breadth and depth but also because of the dominant political clout of the settlers and their supporters within Israel who have both ideological and economic stakes in a Greater Israel. -
INSTITUTE of JERUSALEM STUDIES JERUSALEM of INSTITUTE Winter 2017 Winter
Jerusalem: Fifty Years of Occupation Nazmi al-Jubeh Ribat in Palestine Kenny Schmitt Revocation of Residency of Palestinians in Jerusalem Tamara Tawfiq Tamimi Benefactresses of Waqf and Good Deeds Şerife Eroğlu Memiş Winter 2017 Jerusalem and Bethlehem Immigrant Families to Chile Bernard Sabella Resting in Peace in No Man’s Land at the Jerusalem War Cemetery Yfaat Weiss Filastinʼs Changing Attitude toward Early Zionism Emanuel Beška The Husayni Neighborhood in Jerusalem Winter 2017 Mahdi Sabbagh How Israel Legalizes Forcible Transfer: The Case of Occupied Jerusalem Report by Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center (JLAC) Trump vs. a Global Consensus and International Law Infographics by Visualizing Palestine www.palestine-studies.org INSTITUTE OF JERUSALEM STUDIES Editors: Salim Tamari and Issam Nassar Associate Editors: Penny Johnson and Alex Winder Managing Editor: Carol Khoury Advisory Board Yazid Anani, A. M. Qattan Foundation, Ramallah Rochelle Davis, Georgetown University, USA Beshara Doumani, Brown University, USA Michael Dumper, University of Exeter, UK Rema Hammami, Birzeit University, Birzeit George Hintlian, Christian Heritage Institute, Jerusalem Huda al-Imam, Palestine Accueil, Jerusalem Omar Imseeh Tesdell, Birzeit University, Birzeit Nazmi al-Jubeh, Birzeit University, Birzeit Hasan Khader, al-Karmel Magazine, Ramallah Rashid Khalidi, Columbia University, USA Roberto Mazza, University of Limerick, Ireland Yusuf Natsheh, al-Quds University, Jerusalem Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, Mada al-Carmel, Haifa Tina Sherwell, International Academy of Art Palestine, Ramallah The Jerusalem Quarterly (JQ) is published by the Institute of Jerusalem Studies (IJS), an affiliate of the Institute for Palestine Studies. The journal is dedicated to providing scholarly articles on Jerusalem’s history and on the dynamics and trends currently shaping the city. -
Israel (Includes West Bank and Gaza) 2020 International Religious Freedom Report
ISRAEL (INCLUDES WEST BANK AND GAZA) 2020 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary The country’s laws and Supreme Court rulings protect the freedoms of conscience, faith, religion, and worship, regardless of an individual’s religious affiliation. The 1992 Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty describes the country as a “Jewish and democratic state.” The 2018 Basic Law: Israel – The Nation State of the Jewish People law determines, according to the government, that “the Land of Israel is the historical homeland of the Jewish people; the State of Israel is the nation state of the Jewish People, in which it realizes its natural, cultural, religious and historical right to self-determination; and exercising the right to national self- determination in the State of Israel is unique to the Jewish People.” In June, authorities charged Zion Cohen for carrying out attacks on May 17 on religious institutions in Petah Tikva, Ashdod, Tel Aviv, and Kfar Saba. According to his indictment, Cohen sought to stop religious institutions from providing services to secular individuals, thereby furthering his goal of separating religion and the state. He was awaiting trial at year’s end. In July, the Haifa District Court upheld the 2019 conviction and sentencing for incitement of Raed Salah, head of the prohibited Islamic Movement, for speaking publicly in favor an attack by the group in 2017 that killed two police officers at the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount. In his defense, Salah stated that his views were religious opinions rooted in the Quran and that they did not include a direct call to violence. -
No Peace Possible Between Israel and Palestinians Without Hamas
Siegman- No Peace Possible without Hamas 1/4 Siegman: No Peace Possible Between Israel and Palestinians without Hamas - Es gibt keinen Frieden zwischen Israel und Palästinensern ohne Hamas Henry Siegman, Direktor des United States/Middle East Project, im Interview Im Folgenden dokumentieren wir ein Interview, das im März 2008 mit Henry Siegman, dem Di- rektor des United States/Middle East Project des Council on Foreign Relations gemacht wurde. Henry Siegman war früher Direktor des American Jewish Congress und gilt als einer der bes- ten Kenner des Nahost-Konflikts. Die Auffassungen, die Siegmann hier vertritt, decken sich weitgehend mit einem Artikel, den er am 10. April 2008 in der Süddeutschen Zeitung veröffentlichte: "Israels falsche Freunde". Siegman: No Peace Possible Between Israel and Palestinians without Hamas Interviewee: Henry Siegman, Director, United States/Middle East Project Interviewer: Bernard Gwertzman, Consulting Editor March 7, 2008 Henry SiegmanHenry Siegman, an expert on Middle East negotiations, says that no peace will be possible between Israel and Palestinians unless Hamas is brought into the process. “The notion that the Israeli government leaders and our own government have that it is possible to exclude Hamas from peace talks and have a successful result from those talks is a fantasy,” he says. “It’s not going to happen.” Because of President Bush’s refusal to deal with Hamas, he says, it is unlikely that any pro- gress can be made until there is a new president in the White House. There’s a bit of a lull right now in the fighting between Hamas and Israel, which has led to over one hundred Palestinians dead and a few Israelis in the past couple of weeks. -
Israel's Religious Right and the Question Of
ISRAEL’S RELIGIOUS RIGHT AND THE QUESTION OF SETTLEMENTS Middle East Report N°89 – 20 July 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. NATIONAL-RELIGIOUS FRAGMENTATION AND RADICALISATION............ 3 III. THE TIME OF THE ULTRA-ORTHODOX............................................................... 12 IV. JEWISH ACTIVIST TOOLS ........................................................................................ 17 A. RHETORIC OR REALITY? ............................................................................................................17 B. INSTITUTIONAL LEVERAGE ........................................................................................................17 1. Political representation...............................................................................................................17 2. The military................................................................................................................................20 3. Education ...................................................................................................................................24 C. A PARALLEL SYSTEM ................................................................................................................25 V. FROM CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE TO VIOLENCE .................................................... -
Transitional Justice and Post-Conflict Israel/Palestine: Assessing the Applicability of the Truth Commission Paradigm, 38 Case W
Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 38 Issue 2 2006-2007 2007 Transitional Justice and Post-Conflict Israel/ Palestine: Assessing the Applicability of the Truth Commission Paradigm Ariel Meyerstein Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Ariel Meyerstein, Transitional Justice and Post-Conflict Israel/Palestine: Assessing the Applicability of the Truth Commission Paradigm, 38 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 281 (2007) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol38/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND POST-CONFLICT ISRAEL/PALESTINE: ASSESSING THE APPLICABILITY OF THE TRUTH COMMISSION PARADIGM Ariel Meyerstein * Redemption lies in remembering. The Baal Shem Tov I. INTRODU CTION .....................................................................................282 II. UNDERSTANDING THE REALITY OF INTERCONNECTIVITY ...................285 A. Interconnectivity and the "Peace& ProsperityParadigm .........285 B. The CurrentMoment: Paralysis.................................................... 291 C. The Conflict Culture, Victim Ideologies, and the Needfor Critical H istory ..............................................................................297 -
The Upside of Evil (Tetzave) by Rabbi Ben Tzion Spitz Moshe Feiglin On
11 Adar Alef 5779 – Feb 16, 2019 BSD from God and cleave to divine service, God is overjoyed, and it The Upside of Evil (Tetzave) causes a divine light to spread forth. By Rabbi Ben Tzion Spitz May we always overcome our negative natural impulses and turn our inner demons into radiant light. Evil is unspectacular and always human, and Moshe Feiglin on the Latest Yisrael shares our bed and eats at our own table. -W. H. Auden Hayom Poll: ZEHUT at 5 Mandates In describing the construction plans of the Holy Tabernacle, the Torah adds a short line about the fuel needed to light the Menorah, the golden candelabrum, which was one of the special fixtures of the Tabernacle. It states as follows: “And thou shalt command the children of Israel, that they bring unto thee pure olive oil beaten for the light, to cause a lamp to burn continually.” – Exodus 27:22 The Berdichever focuses on the choice of words of “beating” the olive to get light. He compares the olive in this case to one’s evil inclination. The evil inclination is constantly enticing us to follow our base desires, to indulge in what is forbidden and to separate us from spiritual and divine service. The solution is to “beat” that desire and then elevate that very same desire, to channel it into divine service. To use that passion, that interest, that energy, in holy ventures. We need to consider that if we have some physical yearning, how much stronger should our yearning be for the infinite, for God? If we have some physical fear, how much stronger should our fear and awe of the divine be? Dear Friends, When we’ve managed to convert that evil inclination, those base Yes, this morning it looks like ZEHUT’s sun is beginning to shine, desires into spiritual energy, into holy actions, then that evil has thank God.