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Governments of Israel
Governments of Israel Seventeenth Knesset: Government 31 Government 31 Government 31 To Government 31 - Current Members 04/05/2006 Ministers Faction** Prime Minister Ehud Olmert 04/05/2006 Kadima Vice Prime Minister Shimon Peres 04/05/2006- 13/06/2007 Kadima Haim Ramon 04/07/2007 Kadima Acting Prime Minister Tzipi Livni 04/05/2006 Kadima Deputy Prime Minister Shaul Mofaz 04/05/2006 Kadima Eliyahu Yishai 04/05/2006 Shas Labor- Amir Peretz 04/05/2006- 18/06/2007 Meimad Yisrael Avigdor Liberman 30/10/2006- 18/01/2008 Beitenu Ehud Barak 18/06/2007 Labor- Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development Shalom Simhon 04/05/2006 Meimad Minister of Communications Ariel Atias 04/05/2006 Shas Labor- Minister of Defense Amir Peretz 04/05/2006- 18/06/2007 Meimad Ehud Barak 18/06/2007 Labor- Minister of Education Yuli Tamir 04/05/2006 Meimad Minister of Environmental Protection Gideon Ezra 04/05/2006 Kadima Minister of Finance Abraham Hirchson 04/05/2006- 03/07/2007 Kadima Ronnie Bar-On 04/07/2007 Kadima Minister of Foreign Affairs Tzipi Livni 04/05/2006 Kadima Gil Minister of Health Yacov Ben Yizri 04/05/2006 Pensioners Party Minister of Housing and Construction Meir Sheetrit 04/05/2006- 04/07/2007 Kadima Ze`ev Boim 04/07/2007 Kadima Minister of Immigrant Absorption Ze`ev Boim 04/05/2006- 04/07/2007 Kadima Jacob Edery 04/07/2007- 14/07/2008 Kadima Eli Aflalo 14/07/2008 Kadima Minister of Industry, Trade, and Labor Eliyahu Yishai 04/05/2006 Shas Minister of Internal Affairs Ronnie Bar-On 04/05/2006- 04/07/2007 Kadima Meir Sheetrit 04/07/2007 Kadima -
Israel's National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
Leap of Faith: Israel’s National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict Middle East Report N°147 | 21 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iv I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Religious Zionism: From Ascendance to Fragmentation ................................................ 5 A. 1973: A Turning Point ................................................................................................ 5 B. 1980s and 1990s: Polarisation ................................................................................... 7 C. The Gaza Disengagement and its Aftermath ............................................................. 11 III. Settling the Land .............................................................................................................. 14 A. Bargaining with the State: The Kookists ................................................................... 15 B. Defying the State: The Hilltop Youth ........................................................................ 17 IV. From the Hills to the State .............................................................................................. -
Yitzhar – a Case Study Settler Violence As a Vehicle for Taking Over Palestinian Land with State and Military Backing
Yitzhar – A Case Study Settler violence as a vehicle for taking over Palestinian land with state and military backing August 2018 Yitzhar – A Case Study Settler violence as a vehicle for taking over Palestinian land with state and military backing Position paper, August 2018 Research and writing: Yonatan Kanonich Editing: Ziv Stahl Additional Editing: Lior Amihai, Miryam Wijler Legal advice: Atty. Michael Sfard, Atty. Ishai Shneidor Graphic design: Yuda Dery Studio English translation: Maya Johnston English editing: Shani Ganiel Yesh Din Public council: Adv. Abeer Baker, Hanna Barag, Dan Bavly, Prof. Naomi Chazan, Ruth Cheshin, Akiva Eldar, Prof. Rachel Elior, Dani Karavan, Adv. Yehudit Karp, Paul Kedar, Dr. Roy Peled, Prof. Uzy Smilansky, Joshua Sobol, Prof. Zeev Sternhell, Yair Rotlevy. Yesh Din Volunteers: Rachel Afek, Dahlia Amit, Maya Bailey, Hanna Barag, Michal Barak, Atty. Dr. Assnat Bartor, Osnat Ben-Shachar, Rochale Chayut, Beli Deutch, Dr. Yehudit Elkana, Rony Gilboa, Hana Gottlieb, Tami Gross, Chen Haklai, Dina Hecht, Niva Inbar, Daniel A. Kahn, Edna Kaldor, Nurit Karlin, Ruth Kedar, Lilach Klein Dolev, Dr. Joel Klemes, Bentzi Laor, Yoram Lehmann RIP, Judy Lots, Aryeh Magal, Sarah Marliss, Shmuel Nachmully RIP, Amir Pansky, Talia Pecker Berio, Nava Polak, Dr. Nura Resh, Yael Rokni, Maya Rothschild, Eddie Saar, Idit Schlesinger, Ilana Meki Shapira, Dr. Tzvia Shapira, Dr. Hadas Shintel, Ayala Sussmann, Sara Toledano. Yesh Din Staff: Firas Alami, Lior Amihai, Yudit Avidor, Maysoon Badawi, Hagai Benziman, Atty. Sophia Brodsky, Mourad Jadallah, Moneer Kadus, Yonatan Kanonich, Atty. Michal Pasovsky, Atty. Michael Sfard, Atty. Muhammed Shuqier, Ziv Stahl, Alex Vinokorov, Sharona Weiss, Miryam Wijler, Atty. Shlomy Zachary, Atty. -
Privatizing Religion: the Transformation of Israel's
Privatizing religion: The transformation of Israel’s Religious- Zionist community BY Yair ETTINGER The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. This paper is part of a series on Imagining Israel’s Future, made possible by support from the Morningstar Philanthropic Fund. The views expressed in this report are those of its author and do not represent the views of the Morningstar Philanthropic Fund, their officers, or employees. Copyright © 2017 Brookings Institution 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu Table of Contents 1 The Author 2 Acknowlegements 3 Introduction 4 The Religious Zionist tribe 5 Bennett, the Jewish Home, and religious privatization 7 New disputes 10 Implications 12 Conclusion: The Bennett era 14 The Center for Middle East Policy 1 | Privatizing religion: The transformation of Israel’s Religious-Zionist community The Author air Ettinger has served as a journalist with Haaretz since 1997. His work primarily fo- cuses on the internal dynamics and process- Yes within Haredi communities. Previously, he cov- ered issues relating to Palestinian citizens of Israel and was a foreign affairs correspondent in Paris. Et- tinger studied Middle Eastern affairs at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and is currently writing a book on Jewish Modern Orthodoxy. -
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-13864-3 — the Israeli Settler Movement Sivan Hirsch-Hoefler , Cas Mudde Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-13864-3 — The Israeli Settler Movement Sivan Hirsch-Hoefler , Cas Mudde Index More Information Index 1948 Arab–Israeli War, the, 2 Ariel, Uri, 76, 116 1949 Armistice Agreements, the, 2 Arutz Sheva, 120–121, 154, 205 1956 Sinai campaign, the, 60 Ashkenazi, 42, 64, 200 1979 peace agreement, the, 57 Association for Retired People, 23 Australia, 138 Abrams, Eliott, 59 Aviner, Shlomo, 65, 115, 212 Academic Council for National, the. See Professors for a Strong Israel B’Sheva, 120 action B’Tselem, 36, 122 connective, 26 Barak, Ehud, 50–51, 95, 98, 147, 235 extreme, 16 Bar-Ilan University, 50, 187 radical, 16 Bar-Siman-Tov, Yaacov, 194, 216 tactical, 34 Bat Ayin Underground, the, 159 activism BDS. See Boycott, Divestment and moderate, 15–16 Sanctions transnational, 30–31 Begin, Manahem, 47, 48, 118–119, Adelson, Sheldon, 179, 190 157, 172 Airbnb, 136 Beit El, 105 Al Aqsa Mosque, the, 146 Beit HaArava, 45 Al-Aqsa Intifada. See the Second Intifada Beitar Illit, 67, 70, 99 Alfei Menashe, 100 Beitar Ironi Ariel, 170 Allon, Yigal, 45–46 Belafonte, Harry, 14 Alon Shvut, 88, 190 Ben Ari, Michael, 184 Aloni, Shulamit, 182 Bendaña, Alejandro, 24 Altshuler, Amos, 189 Ben-Gurion, David, 46 Amana, 76–77, 89, 113, 148, 153–154, 201 Ben-Gvir, Itamar, 184 American Friends of Ariel, 179–180 Benn, Menachem, 164 American Studies Association, 136 Bennett, Naftali, 76, 116, 140, 148, Amnesty International, 24 153, 190 Amona, 79, 83, 153, 157, 162, 250, Benvenisti, Meron, 1 251 Ben-Zimra, Gadi, 205 Amrousi, Emily, 67, 84 Ben-Zion, -
The Audacity of Holiness Orthodox Jewish Women’S Theater עַ זּוּת שֶׁ Israelבִּ קְ Inדוּשָׁ ה
ׁׁ ְִֶַָּּּהבשות שעזּ Reina Rutlinger-Reiner The Audacity of Holiness Orthodox Jewish Women’s Theater ַעזּּו ֶׁת ש in Israelִּבְקּדו ָׁשה Translated by Jeffrey M. Green Cover photography: Avigail Reiner Book design: Bethany Wolfe Published with the support of: Dr. Phyllis Hammer The Hadassah-Brandeis Institute, Waltham, Massachusetts, USA Talpiot Academic College, Holon, Israel 2014 Contents Introduction 7 Chapter One: The Uniqueness of the Phenomenon 12 The Complexity of Orthodox Jewish Society in Israel 16 Chapter Two: General Survey of the Theater Groups 21 Theater among ultra-Orthodox Women 22 Born-again1 Actresses and Directors in Ultra-Orthodox Society 26 Theater Groups of National-Religious Women 31 The Settlements: The Forge of Orthodox Women’s Theater 38 Orthodox Women’s Theater Groups in the Cities 73 Orthodox Men’s Theater 79 Summary: “Is there such a thing as Orthodox women’s theater?” 80 Chapter Three: “The Right Hand Draws in, the Left Hand Pushes Away”: The Involvement of Rabbis in the Theater 84 Is Innovation Desirable According to the Torah? 84 Judaism and the Theater–a Fertile Stage in the Culture War 87 The Goal: Creation of a Theater “of Our Own” 88 Differences of Opinion 91 Asking the Rabbi: The Women’s Demand for Rabbinical Involvement 94 “Engaged Theater” or “Emasculated Theater”? 96 Developments in the Relations Between the Rabbis and the Artists 98 1 I use this term, which is laden with Christian connotations, with some trepidation. Here it refers to a large and varied group of people who were not brought up as Orthodox Jews but adopted Orthodoxy, often with great intensity, later in life. -
Israel: Growing Pains at 60
Viewpoints Special Edition Israel: Growing Pains at 60 The Middle East Institute Washington, DC Middle East Institute The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the Middle East in Amer- ica and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region. For more than 60 years, MEI has dealt with the momentous events in the Middle East — from the birth of the state of Israel to the invasion of Iraq. Today, MEI is a foremost authority on contemporary Middle East issues. It pro- vides a vital forum for honest and open debate that attracts politicians, scholars, government officials, and policy experts from the US, Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. MEI enjoys wide access to political and business leaders in countries throughout the region. Along with information exchanges, facilities for research, objective analysis, and thoughtful commentary, MEI’s programs and publications help counter simplistic notions about the Middle East and America. We are at the forefront of private sector public diplomacy. Viewpoints are another MEI service to audiences interested in learning more about the complexities of issues affecting the Middle East and US rela- tions with the region. To learn more about the Middle East Institute, visit our website at http://www.mideasti.org The maps on pages 96-103 are copyright The Foundation for Middle East Peace. Our thanks to the Foundation for graciously allowing the inclusion of the maps in this publication. Cover photo in the top row, middle is © Tom Spender/IRIN, as is the photo in the bottom row, extreme left. -
Disenchanted Love
Ex-Soviets in the Israeli Political Space: Values, Attitudes, and Electoral Behavior Michael Philippov Research Paper 3 April 2010 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION: SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC INTEGRATION OF EX-SOVIETS IN ISRAEL…………3 EX-SOVIET IMMIGRANTS: SOVIETIZED ISRAEL.....................................................................6 “RUSSIAN” POLITICS IN ISRAEL………………………………………………………………………………………..12 IMMIGRANTS IN THE ISRAELI POLITICAL SPACE – WHAT LIES AHEAD?..............................17 2 Ex-Soviets in the Israeli Political Space: Values, Attitudes, and Electoral Behavior Michael Philippov Key words: FSU immigrants, political culture, political attitudes, elections, electoral behavior INTRODUCTION: SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC INTEGRATION OF EX-SOVIETS IN ISRAEL Approximately one million ex-Soviet immigrants have settled in Israel since 1989, with the majority having arrived between 1989 and 1995. This "Russian" immigration was noted for its high human capital, as a large proportion had college degrees and training in a variety of technical and professional fields, and the value of education and professional success was an important component of their worldview and culture. Most belonged to the middle class and had resided in large cities in the European portion of the Soviet Union. However, the demographic character changed as the immigrants who arrived in Israel since 2000 were more provincial and less "Jewish".1 The 1990s portion of this wave is a classic case of economic-driven migration, as the forces that pushed and pulled the immigrants -
Opinion New Government, New President, New Israel?
Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 20, ISSUE 3 Studies Opinion New Government, New President, New Israel? Melanie Carina Schmoll, PhD Israel in summer 2021 – the end of the pandemic seems to be near. Israel opens up, almost all mask requirements are cancelled, international travel groups are welcome and even the individual guests are allowed to travel to the Holy Land with almost no restrictions. It seems Israel is back in pre-pandemic times. But it is not the same country anymore. Some fundamental changes have happened over the last few weeks. When, in March 2021, the Israelis had to vote again for the Israeli Parliament, the Knesset, it was for the fourth time within two and a half years. The outcome was almost the same as the three times before. Benjamin Nethanyahu, Israel´s long-time prime minister, won most of the seats with his Likud party. As the State of Israel is a parlamentary democracy the executive branch or the government draws its authority from the Parliament (the legislative branch) and needs its confidence. Therefore, the prime minister is not decided directly by the voters but depends instead on a process of bargaining among the various fractions elected to parliament. In Israel, no single party holds most of the seats in Parliament and thus the process of forming a government is long and complicated.1 Israel also has an extreme proportional system of government, 1 For more information see Melanie Carina Schmoll, “Israel and the permanent siege: The people have spoken - who will find an answer to the needs of the voters?” Journal of Military and Strategic Studies 20, 1 (2019). -
Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North the Role of the Arab States Africa Programme
Briefing Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North The Role of the Arab States Africa Programme Yossi Mekelberg Summary and Greg Shapland • The positions of several Arab states towards Israel have evolved greatly in the past 50 years. Four of these states in particular – Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and (to a lesser extent) Jordan – could be influential in shaping the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. • In addition to Egypt and Jordan (which have signed peace treaties with Israel), Saudi Arabia and the UAE, among other Gulf states, now have extensive – albeit discreet – dealings with Israel. • This evolution has created a new situation in the region, with these Arab states now having considerable potential influence over the Israelis and Palestinians. It also has implications for US positions and policy. So far, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and Jordan have chosen not to test what this influence could achieve. • One reason for the inactivity to date may be disenchantment with the Palestinians and their cause, including the inability of Palestinian leaders to unite to promote it. However, ignoring Palestinian concerns will not bring about a resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, which will continue to add to instability in the region. If Arab leaders see regional stability as being in their countries’ interests, they should be trying to shape any eventual peace plan advanced by the administration of US President Donald Trump in such a way that it forms a framework for negotiations that both Israeli and Palestinian leaderships can accept. Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking: The Role of the Arab States Introduction This briefing forms part of the Chatham House project, ‘Israel–Palestine: Beyond the Stalemate’. -
Israeli Media Self-Censorship During the Second Lebanon War
conflict & communication online, Vol. 18, No. 2, 2019 www.cco.regener-online.de ISSN 1618-0747 Sagi Elbaz & Daniel Bar-Tal Voluntary silence: Israeli media self-censorship during the Second Lebanon War Kurzfassung: Dieser Artikel beschreibt die Charakteristika der Selbstzensur im Allgemeinen, und insbesondere in den Massenmedien, im Hinblick auf Erzählungen von politischer Gewalt, einschließlich Motivation und Auswirkungen von Selbstzensur. Es präsentiert zunächst eine breite theoretische Konzeptualisierung der Selbstzensur und konzentriert sich dann auf seine mediale Praxis. Als Fallstudie wurde die Darstellung des Zweiten Libanonkrieges in den israelischen Medien untersucht. Um Selbstzensur als einen der Gründe für die Dominanz hegemonialer Erzählungen in den Medien zu untersuchen, führten die Autoren Inhaltsanalysen und Tiefeninterviews mit ehemaligen und aktuellen Journalisten durch. Die Ergebnisse der Analysen zeigen, dass israelische Journalisten die Selbstzensur weitverbreitet einsetzen, ihre Motivation, sie zu praktizieren, und die Auswirkungen ihrer Anwendung auf die Gesellschaft. Abstract: This article describes the characteristics of self-censorship in general, specifically in mass media, with regard to narratives of political violence, including motivations for and effects of practicing self-censorship. It first presents a broad theoretical conceptualization of self-censorship, and then focuses on its practice in media. The case study examined the representation of The Second Lebanon War in the Israeli national media. The authors carried out content analysis and in-depth interviews with former and current journalists in order to investigate one of the reasons for the dominance of the hegemonic narrative in the media – namely, self-censorship. Indeed, the analysis revealed widespread use of self-censorship by Israeli journalists, their motivations for practicing it, and the effects of its use on the society. -
The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically.