Crossing the Frontier Into the Desert: Egyptian Expeditions to the Sinai Peninsula
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
9863-07_AncientW&E_01 07-11-2007 15:26 Pagina 1 doi: 10.2143/AWE.6.0.2022791 AWE 6 (2007) 1-22 CROSSING THE FRONTIER INTO THE DESERT: EGYPTIAN EXPEDITIONS TO THE SINAI PENINSULA Thomas HIKADE Abstract Ancient Egypt possessed two types of borders: a physical border and an ideological one. The first is defined by the desert to the east and west, the Mediterranean to the north, and the rapids of the First Cataract in the south. The role of the king was to expand the border, strengthen it and defend it against the chaos that might threaten Egypt from the other side of the border. The second border, the ideological border, can be detected in the way Egypt- ian society defined itself and how it portrayed foreigners. Apart from the ideological side there was the day-to-day experience of the Egyptian king, officials and to a lesser extent the wider population. The crown and court had to deal with foreigners and their customs in trade and diplomacy. With these contacts, naturally, the Egyptian ideology was faced with reality. These two sides can be labelled as topos, i.e. ideological expectations, and mimesis, actual responses to these expectations. The paper will examine this dualism using the expe- ditions to the western Sinai in the late 3rd and 2nd millennium BC. Introduction Borders and frontiers can be manifold. They can be natural like rivers or mountains or cultural and separating various groups of people. The former are usually perma- nent while the latter may change over time. Ancient Egypt possessed these two types of borders. The physical border was defined by the desert to the east and west, the Mediterranean in the north, and the rapids of the First Cataract in the south. The Egyptian word for the border is ts, which is also used for marking arable fields, the area of a town or the whole of Egypt, while the land of the Nile valley was called t. The role of the king, in this respect, was to expand the border, strengthen it and defend it against the chaos that might threaten Egypt from the other side of the border. A very good example comes from the time of Sesostris III (ca. 1872-1853/2 BC): I have made my boundary further south than my fathers, I have added to what was bequeathed me. I am a king who speaks and acts, What my heart plans is done by my arm.1 1 Lichtheim 1975, 119. 9863-07_AncientW&E_01 07-11-2007 15:26 Pagina 2 2 T. HIKADE The second, ideological border, can be detected in the way Egyptian society defined itself and how it portrayed foreigners. Here the principles of Maat, often simply translated as order or, in the words of J. Assmann,2 as ‘connective justice’, is fundamental. Firstly, Maat defines the way Egyptians should interact with each other and binds them together socially as the words of king Neferhotep I (ca. 1705- 1694 BC) of the 13th Dynasty make so strikingly clear: ‘The reward of one who does something lies in something being done for him. This is considered by god as Maat.’3 Egyptians should act in a positive way towards each other in order to receive in kind and thus show horizontal solidarity. However, there is also a vertical solidarity which tightly puts every Egyptian into the order of Egyptian society. It demands protection for the weak and inferior on one side and loyalty and obedience to the superior on the other. For the king at the top of the hierarchy it means, ultimately, protection for all Egyptians and thus securing society’s order and justice. Since Maat was the order for the Egyptian people inside the borders of Egypt people living outside Egypt were not part of this concept and thus belonged to the sphere of Isfet, i.e. chaos and disorder. Hence, for the Egyptian royal ideology it was extremely important to stress that the king was willing and able to deter and intim- idate these foreign elements that were not just ‘others’ but absolute aliens.4 And it did not matter if this world conflict was actually real or merely potential.5 Order versus chaos was a centrepiece of the Egyptian world-view. Apart from the ideological side there was of course the day-to-day experience of how to deal with foreigners. The crown and court had to deal with foreigners and their customs on a diplomatic level. Officials were also involved in commercial activities and to a lesser extent the wider Egyptian population had contact with for- eigners. With these contacts the Egyptian ideology was naturally faced with reality. These two sides can be labelled as topos, i.e. ideological expectations, and mimesis, actual responses to these expectations by individuals. Topos As mentioned above the key principles of Maat encompass vertical and horizontal loyalty and responsibility. The latter is expressed on the royal level with the role of the king as protector of his people, deterring, defending and defeating all enemies 2 Assmann 2002, passim; and for the concept of Maat in particular, see Assmann 1990. 3 For the whole text of this stele, erected at Abydos, see Helck 1975, no. 32, 21-29. 4 Assmann 2002, 151. 5 Kemp 2006, 92-99. 9863-07_AncientW&E_01 07-11-2007 15:26 Pagina 3 CROSSING THE FRONTIER INTO THE DESERT 3 – most of them from outside Egypt and thus beyond the actual borders of the state. The symbolic icon for this task is seen throughout Egypt on temple facades: it is the so-called smiting of the enemies. In this iconic scene the king is shown with royal regalia and with a raised arm holding a club or sickle-sword. With the other hand he grasps a foreigner or several foreigners by the hair ready to strike. The for- eigners are stereotyped and are people from Nubia in the south, Libyans from the west, and Asiatics from the north-east. This ideology and stereotyping of foreigners is very similar in tone to the so-called ‘breaking the bows’ in which nine foreign peoples, associated with bows as their preferred weapon of combat and shown as bound captives, are depicted under the soles of the pharaoh, thus symbolically being trodden on by the king.6 The topic of ‘smiting of the enemies’ has a long tradition in Egypt going back at least to the middle of the 4th millennium BC, when we have it not only on pot- tery vessels from Abydos7 but also from a wall-painting from the famous slightly younger Tomb 100 at Hierakonpolis8 and, of course, from the later Narmer Palette.9 The enemies were portrayed as inferior but also as threatening. This is why they had to be subdued and controlled at all times. While the earlier scenes had been not obviously ethnic specific this changed with the depictions of the subdued on the later palettes at the end of the 4th millennium BC.10 With the process of cultural and political unification under way the idea of an ethnically uniform soci- ety that separated Egypt from the others outside Egypt’s borders became a vital part of Egyptian self-definition.11 Following A. Loprieno’s work on Egyptian literature it is possible to apply his term topos to this scene, which means ‘the ideological expectation of Egyptian society as transmitted to its officials’.12 Thus it would define distinct ethnic categories and present the king as their superior, controlling and subduing the enemies of Egypt. With this, comes the idea that Egyptians were civilised while foreigners were considered barbaric. Clear evidence expressing this concept with regard to Egypt’s southern neighbour can be found in the Boundary Stele of Sesostris III (Berlin Museum 1157). This monument explicitly underlines the marking of the frontier 6 The three major ethnic groups of Nubians, Libyans and Asiatics remained the same. Very good examples of this scene are seen on the sandals and the footrest from the tomb of Tutankhamun (Reeves 1990, 155, 186). 7 Köhler 1998, fig. 13; Hartmann 2003, figs. 5, 6. 8 Saleh et al. 1987, fig. 8a-b. 9 Quibell and Green 1902, pls. LXXV, LXXVI. 10 Köhler 2002. 11 Baines 2003. 12 Loprieno 1996, 45. 9863-07_AncientW&E_01 07-11-2007 15:26 Pagina 4 4 T. HIKADE which ‘was made further south than my fathers’, stressing the aspect of expanding Egypt’s borders, but also Egypt’s distaste for Nubians: Since the Nubian listens to the word of mouth, To answer him is to make him retreat. Attack him, he will turn his back, Retreat, he will start attacking. They are not people one respects, They are wretches, craven-hearted.13 But it was no better for Egypt’s northern neighbours. Notwithstanding that in the ‘Instructions for King Merikare’ of the 10th Dynasty (ca. 2080-2020 BC) the old king promoted the idea that speaking is stronger than fighting to his son and successor, and that one should respect the nobles and sustain one’s people as part of the royal duties and guidelines, he had no hesitation in looking down on Asiatics, talking about them as follows: Lo, the miserable Asiatic, He is wretched because of the place he is in. Short of water, bare of wood, Its paths are many and painful … Like a thief who darts about a group.14 And further describing them as: … a crocodile on its shore It snatches from a lonely road It cannot seize from a populous town.15 A similar comparison is known from the ‘Instructions of Any’, a text very likely composed during the 18th Dynasty, characterising the Syrian as a beast: One teaches the Nubian to speak Egyptian, The Syrian and other strangers too.