The Development of the European Security and Defence Policy – an Assessment of Preferences, Bargains and Outcomes
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John J. Mearsheimer: an Offensive Realist Between Geopolitics and Power
John J. Mearsheimer: an offensive realist between geopolitics and power Peter Toft Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen, Østerfarimagsgade 5, DK 1019 Copenhagen K, Denmark. E-mail: [email protected] With a number of controversial publications behind him and not least his book, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, John J. Mearsheimer has firmly established himself as one of the leading contributors to the realist tradition in the study of international relations since Kenneth Waltz’s Theory of International Politics. Mearsheimer’s main innovation is his theory of ‘offensive realism’ that seeks to re-formulate Kenneth Waltz’s structural realist theory to explain from a struc- tural point of departure the sheer amount of international aggression, which may be hard to reconcile with Waltz’s more defensive realism. In this article, I focus on whether Mearsheimer succeeds in this endeavour. I argue that, despite certain weaknesses, Mearsheimer’s theoretical and empirical work represents an important addition to Waltz’s theory. Mearsheimer’s workis remarkablyclear and consistent and provides compelling answers to why, tragically, aggressive state strategies are a rational answer to life in the international system. Furthermore, Mearsheimer makes important additions to structural alliance theory and offers new important insights into the role of power and geography in world politics. Journal of International Relations and Development (2005) 8, 381–408. doi:10.1057/palgrave.jird.1800065 Keywords: great power politics; international security; John J. Mearsheimer; offensive realism; realism; security studies Introduction Dangerous security competition will inevitably re-emerge in post-Cold War Europe and Asia.1 International institutions cannot produce peace. -
The Polysemy of Privacy
Alabama Law Scholarly Commons Articles Faculty Scholarship 2013 The Polysemy of Privacy Ronald J. Krotoszynski Jr. University of Alabama - School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.ua.edu/fac_articles Recommended Citation Ronald J. Krotoszynski Jr., The Polysemy of Privacy, 88 Ind. L.J. 881 (2013). Available at: https://scholarship.law.ua.edu/fac_articles/224 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Alabama Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of Alabama Law Scholarly Commons. The Polysemy of Privacy RONALD J. KROTOSZYNSKI, JR. "The Polysemy of Privacy " considers the highly protean nature of the concept of "privacy," which extends to myriad disparate legal interests, including nondisclosure, generalized autonomy interests, and even human dignity. For a concept of such central importance to many systems of protectingfundamental rights, its precise contours are surprisingly ill defined This lack of determinate meaning is not limited to the concept of privacy in the United States; virtually all legal systems that utilize privacy (or its first cousin, "dignity") have difficulty reducing the concept into specific, carefully delineated legal interests. In some respects, privacy means everything-and nothing-at the same time. Moreover, even in those contexts where one can identify privacy at a relatively choate, rather than highly abstract, level of jurisprudentialanalysis, the right of privacy often comes into direct conflict with other fundamental rights. For example, commitments to freedom of speech and to a free press often conflict with privacy interests; these conflicts, in turn, force courts to secure one interest only at the price of undermining another. -
Theories and Empirical Studies of International Institutions
Theories and Empirical Studies of International Institutions The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Martin, Lisa L., and Beth A. Simmons. 1998. Theories and empirical studies of international institutions. International Organization 52(4): 729-757. Published Version http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081898550734 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:3382862 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Theoriesand EmpiricalStudies of International Institutions Lisa L.Martin and Beth A.Simmons Therole of internationalinstitutions has beencentral to thestudy of worldpolitics at leastsince the conclusion of WorldW ar II. Muchof thisresearch was, andcontinues tobe, pioneered in the pages of InternationalOrganization .Inthis article we take stockof pastwork on internationalinstitutions, trace the evolution of majorthemes inscholarship over time, and highlight areas for productivenew research. Our cen- tralargument is that research should increasingly turn to thequestion of howinstitu- tionsmatter in shaping the behavior of importantactors in world politics. New re- searchefforts shouldemphasize observable implications of alternative theories of institutions.W eadvocateapproaching international institutions as boththe object of strategicchoice and a constrainton actors’ behavior, an ideathat is familiarto schol- ars ofdomestic institutions but has been neglected in much of the debate between realistand institutionalist scholars of internationalrelations. Thearticle is organized into three major sections. The rst sectionprovides an analyticalreview of the development of studies of international institutions. -
The Debate on American Hegemony
The USS Vandegrift. (Credit: Expert Comment meunierd/Bigstockphoto.com) The debate on American hegemony Copyright © 2019 by Dialogue of Civilizations Research Institute The right of Brian C. Schmidt to be identified as the author of this publication is hereby asserted. The views and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the original author(s) and do not necessarily represent or reflect the views and opinions of the Dialogue of Civilizations Research Institute, its co-founders, or its staff members. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior written permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law. For permission requests, please write to the publisher: Dialogue of Civilizations Research Institute gGmbH Französische Straße 23 10117 Berlin Germany +49 30 209677900 [email protected] 1 Dialogue of Civilizations Research Institute The debate on American hegemony Brian C. Schmidt Ian Clark is correct when he writes that “the present state of the ‘hegemony debate’ is, to say the least, confusing” (Clark, 2009, p.24). The aim of this paper is to provide some conceptual and theoretical clarity on the diverse means by which the field of International Relations (IR) understands the concept of hegemony. A secondary aim is to consider what these different theoretical accounts of hegemony have to say about the debate on American hegemony. After reviewing several different definitions of hegemony, I find that the concept embodies two main ideas. -
Neo-Realism and State Power
Prof. Andreas Bieler The Anarchy Problematique and Sovereignty: Neo-Realism and State Power ‘Any military commander, who is honest with himself, or with those he speaks to, will admit that he has made mistakes in the application of military power. He has killed people, unnecessarily, his own troops or other troops, through mistakes, through errors of judgement, a 100, or 1000, or tens of 1000, may be even 100000, but he has not destroyed nations’ (Robert S. McNamara in The Fog of War). This lecture deals with one of the dominant approaches in International Relations theory: (neo-) realism. The lecture is divided into three parts. Part I will focus on the historical emergence and key concepts of (neo-) realism. Part II will look at the empirical application of neo-realism by John Mearsheimer to European security after the Cold War, before Part III presents a range of theoretical criticisms of (neo-) realism. Most importantly, the latter will make the point that neo-realism is unable to explain structural change in world order. 1. (Neo-) Realism: Historically, realism emerged in response to liberal approaches. When the latter’s hope for a peaceful international order based on co-operation between democratic states organized through the League of Nations fell apart as a result of the rise of aggressive fascism in the 1920s and 1930s, the international situation characterized by war and the 1 struggle for survival was ripe for a new theoretical approach. The two key interventions were The Twenty Years’ Crisis by E.H. Carr in 1939 and Politics among Nations by Hans Morgenthau in 1948. -
Oprah Winfrey (B 1954) Is an American Talk Show Host, She Was Born in Baghdad and Came to the United States at 19
The twenty-first century has been called the Century of Women, highlighting THE the critical role of women in creating a peaceful future. • Throughout history, women have worked tirelessly—often behind the scenes— for the peace and safety of their families and their CENTURY communities. Today women are taking leading roles in the quest for global security and equal rights. • The continuing empowerment of women throughout the world is a key to solving the world’s most pressing issues, ranging from of the abolishment of nuclear weapons to poverty and hunger. • This exhibit features the contributions of a few women. Untold millions more—both prominent and little known—have WOMEN dedicated themselves to a fair and peaceful future. WOMEN and the NOBEL PEACE PRIZE he Nobel Peace Prize has become the world’s most prestigious prize for the preservation Tof peace. Since 1901 it has been awarded to individuals and organizations committed to peace, human rights and humanitarian causes. Ninety-seven individuals and 20 organizations had been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize by 2010. Nine of these women have received the award since 1976 when Betty Williams and Mairead Corrigan won for their roles in the peace movement in Northern Ireland. Female Nobel Peace Prize Laureates 1905 – Bertha von Suttner 1931 – Jane Addams 1946 – Emily Greene Balch 1976 – Betty Williams 1976 – Mairead Corrigan 1979 – Mother Teresa 1982 – Alva Myrdal 1991 – Aung San Suu Kyi 1992 – Rigoberta Menchú Tum 1997 – Jody Williams 2003 – Shirin Ebadi 2004 – Wangari Maathai e are deeply, passionately dedicated to Wthe cause of nonviolence, to the force of “ truth and love, to soul-force. -
The Geostrategic Debate in the United States of America: the Place of Eurasia, the Western Hemisphere, and Mexico
DOI 1022491/1809-3191.v24n2.p395-418 THE GEOSTRATEGIC DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: THE PLACE OF EURASIA, THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE, AND MEXICO Raphael Padula1 ABSTRACT The main objective of this study is to present the geostrategic debate on the power projection of the USA, from the perspective of its most relevant authors: Zbigniew Brzezinski, Henry Kissinger, John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, Samuel Huntington and Robert Kaplan. The argument is that such authors, although following premises of the Realistic School of International Relations, have shown different positions regarding the place of Eurasia and the Western Hemisphere, and particularly of Mexico, in the security and in the geostrategic actions of the United States of America. The study is based on books and original articles by the authors, and very marginally on interviews and secondary texts about the authors. Keywords: United States of America. Geopolitics. Security. 1 Doutor. Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (COPPE - UFRJ), Rio de Janeiro - RJ, Brasil. E-mail: [email protected] R. Esc. Guerra Nav., Rio de Janeiro, v. 24, n. 2, p. 395-418. maio/agosto. 2018. 396 THE GEOSTRATEGIC DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA INTRODUCTION The geographic dimension has a central role in the strategic-related and foreign policy formulation of the United States of America. What would be the fundamental relations for the USA in terms of geographic axis? Would it be the North-South axis, which points to the priority of US relations with the Western Hemisphere (America)? The main objective of this study is to present the geostrategic debate on the power projection of the USA, from the perspective of its most relevant authors: Zbigniew Brzezinski, Henry Kissinger, John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, Samuel Huntington and Robert Kaplan. -
Theories of Hegemony in International Relations: Ontology and Social
Hegemony and international relations Article (Accepted Version) Antoniades, Andreas (2018) Hegemony and international relations. International Politics, 55 (5). pp. 595-611. ISSN 1384-5748 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/70470/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk A VERSION OF THIS PAPER IS FORTCOMING IN THE JOURNAL INTERNATIONAL POLITICS HEGEMONY AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Andreas Antoniades Senior Lecturer in Global Political Economy Department of International Relations University of Sussex Brighton BN1 9SN, UK Tel: +44 (0)1273 872875 Email: [email protected] Abstract The paper interrogates the current state-of-the-art in hegemony analysis in International Relations (IR). -
Public Discourse in Contemporary Germany
Case Western Reserve Law Review Volume 47 Issue 3 Article 3 1997 Public Discourse in Contemporary Germany Edward J. Eberle Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Edward J. Eberle, Public Discourse in Contemporary Germany, 47 Case W. Rsrv. L. Rev. 797 (1997) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev/vol47/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Law Review by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. CASE WESTERN RESERVE LAW REVIEW VOLUME 47 SPRING 1997 NUMBER 3 ARTICLES PUBLIC DISCOURSE IN CONTEMPORARY GERMANY Edward J. Eberle I. HISTORY OF THE GERMAN CONSTITUTIONAL ORDER AND ITS PROTECTION OF EXPRESSION ................ II. THE NATURE AND HISTORY OF GERMAN PUBLIC DISCOURSE ........................ ..... 804 A. The Nature of German Public Discourse . ..... 804 B. Historical Evolution of German Law ..... ..... 807 t Associate Professor of Law, Roger Williams University School of Law (BA. Co- lumbia 1978; J.D. Northwestern 1982). Copyright 1996, by Edward J. Eberle. All rights reserved. I would like to thank Professors David Currie of the University of Chicago, Donald Kommers of the University of Notre Dame, and Bodo Pieroth of Westfalische Wilhelms- University, MOnster, Germany, for their valuable comments on earlier drafts of this article. I would also like to thank Professor Bernhard Grossfeld of Westfhlische Wilhelms-Univer- sity, Milnster, Germany, who graciously arranged my visit at the University's Institute on International Business Law and Comparative Law in the Summer of 1995 and has always been a source of inspiration. -
A Flawed Framework Charles L. Glaser Why the Liberal International Order Concept Is Misguided
A Flawed Framework A Flawed Framework Charles L. Glaser Why the Liberal International Order Concept Is Misguided Policymakers and scholars in the United States worried about growing threats to the Western in- ternational order well before President Donald Trump began rhetorically attacking U.S. allies and challenging the international trading system.1 These threats included the 2007–08 ªnancial crisis and the negative economic im- pacts of globalization. Recently, the focus has shifted sharply to the return of major power competition. As the United States’ 2018 National Defense Strategy notes: “We are facing increased global disorder, characterized by de- cline in the long-standing rules-based international order...Inter-state strate- gic competition, not terrorism, is now the primary concern in U.S. national security.”2 Perceived threats have generated a search for policies capable of preserving the international order. As a bipartisan group of former govern- Charles L. Glaser is a professor in the Elliott School of International Affairs and the Department of Political Science at George Washington University. He directs the Elliott School’s Institute for Security and Conºict Studies. For helpful comments on earlier versions of this article, the author thanks Michael Barnett, Stephen Brooks, Austin Carson, Jonathan Caverley, Jeff Colgan, Rush Doshi, Alexander Downes, Henry Farrell, Martha Finnemore, James Goldgeier, Avery Goldstein, Lloyd Gruber, Michael Joseph, Alexander Kirss, Alexander Lennon, Yonatan Lupu, Julia Macdonald, Michael Mazaar, John Mearsheimer, Robert Powell, Miranda Priebe, Joshua Itzkowitz Shifrinson, Caitlin Talmadge, William Wohlforth, the members of the Institute for Security and Conºict Studies–Minerva work- ing group on international orders, and the anonymous reviewers. -
Formulating a Us Grand Strategy for China
Managing Uncertainty: Formulating a U.S. Grand Strategy for China 233 12 MANAGING UNCERTAINTY: FORMULATING A U.S. GRAND STRATEGY FOR CHINA Christopher E. Schildt This paper posits that in the face of uncertainty over China’s rise to power, traditional realist and liberal theories of international relations are impractical for formulating U.S. policy. Instead, this paper outlines a new way of thinking about international order and then uses a game theory model to analyze U.S.-Sino relations in light of this new framework. The model fi nds that a mixed strategy equilibrium exists whereby the United States pursues both competitive and cooperative policies toward China. This U.S. policy of “guarded engagement” could induce Beijing to cooperate but leaves the United States prepared for confl ict if it does not. INTRODUCTION China’s rising power presents a serious challenge to the international relations discipline. In both Washington and Beijing, policy makers are watchful of the other nation’s policies and are looking to international relations scholars for guidance. The advice an academic can offer differs drastically, however, based on the school of thought to which one belongs. The right advice could peacefully integrate China into the international community; the wrong advice could lead to war. On one hand, realists generally believe that states are the principal actors in international relations and that they exist in anarchy, or the absence of a central authority able to impose order on the system (Lynn-Jones and Miller 1995). States therefore tend to utilize the threat or use of force to Christopher E. -
The Military History Museum in Dresden: Between Forum and Temple Author(S): Cristian Cercel Source: History and Memory, Vol. 30, No
The Military History Museum in Dresden: Between Forum and Temple Author(s): Cristian Cercel Source: History and Memory, Vol. 30, No. 1 (Spring/Summer 2018), pp. 3-39 Published by: Indiana University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2979/histmemo.30.1.02 Accessed: 19-06-2018 08:16 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Indiana University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to History and Memory This content downloaded from 78.48.172.3 on Tue, 19 Jun 2018 08:16:18 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms The Military History Museum in Dresden Between Forum and Temple CRISTIAN CERCEL This article analyzes the Military History Museum (MHM) in Dresden against the backdrop of recent theoretical elaborations on agonistic memory, as opposed to the cosmopolitan and antagonistic modes of remembering. It argues that the MHM attempts to combine two functions of the museum: the museum as forum and the museum as temple. By examining the concept underpinning the reor- ganization of the permanent exhibition of the MHM, and by bringing examples from both the permanent and temporary exhibitions, the article shows that the discourse of the MHM presents some relevant compatibilities with the principles of agonistic memory, yet does not embrace agonism to the full.