Theories of Hegemony in International Relations: Ontology and Social
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John J. Mearsheimer: an Offensive Realist Between Geopolitics and Power
John J. Mearsheimer: an offensive realist between geopolitics and power Peter Toft Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen, Østerfarimagsgade 5, DK 1019 Copenhagen K, Denmark. E-mail: [email protected] With a number of controversial publications behind him and not least his book, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, John J. Mearsheimer has firmly established himself as one of the leading contributors to the realist tradition in the study of international relations since Kenneth Waltz’s Theory of International Politics. Mearsheimer’s main innovation is his theory of ‘offensive realism’ that seeks to re-formulate Kenneth Waltz’s structural realist theory to explain from a struc- tural point of departure the sheer amount of international aggression, which may be hard to reconcile with Waltz’s more defensive realism. In this article, I focus on whether Mearsheimer succeeds in this endeavour. I argue that, despite certain weaknesses, Mearsheimer’s theoretical and empirical work represents an important addition to Waltz’s theory. Mearsheimer’s workis remarkablyclear and consistent and provides compelling answers to why, tragically, aggressive state strategies are a rational answer to life in the international system. Furthermore, Mearsheimer makes important additions to structural alliance theory and offers new important insights into the role of power and geography in world politics. Journal of International Relations and Development (2005) 8, 381–408. doi:10.1057/palgrave.jird.1800065 Keywords: great power politics; international security; John J. Mearsheimer; offensive realism; realism; security studies Introduction Dangerous security competition will inevitably re-emerge in post-Cold War Europe and Asia.1 International institutions cannot produce peace. -
From Hegemony to Ambivalence. Nato's Transformation and European Stability
FROM HEGEMONY TO AMBIVALENCE. NATO'S TRANSFORMATION AND EUROPEAN STABILITY by Marco Cesa Università di Bologna Facoltà di Scienze Politiche and The Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies Bologna Center Fellowships Programme 1997-1999 Final Report submitted to NATO, Office of Information and Press, June 30 1999. NOT TO BE QUOTED WITHOUT PERMISSION 2 CONTENTS: Introduction p. 3 1. The Limits of Alliance Theory p. 4 2. Alliances: A Typology p. 7 3. NATO after the End of the Cold War p. 14 4. The Leader Asserts Itself... p. 18 4.1 Who’s Afraid of the European Pillar? p. 20 4.2 Bigger Is Better (or Isn’t It?) p. 24 4.3 Out of Area or Out of Business p. 28 5. ... and the Followers Reluctantly Comply p. 30 Tables p. 34 Bibiliography p. 35 Abstract p. 40 3 Introduction Although the scholarly literature on alliances is extremely rich and variegated1, it is no exaggeration to argue that its conceptual and theoretical content leaves something to be desired2. In the work of political scientists and analysts, alliances are invariably seen as aggregations of power, reflecting either the need to face some threat or the opportunity of achieving some gain. But diplomatic historians know better. Indeed, they often show that the functions performed by alliances are not simply confined to a third, external, party: in fact, most alliances involve functions of reciprocal control and management among the allies: in many alliances, the partners try and restrain or influence each other, and what is often at issue is not merely the pursuit of the collective interests of the alliance but the coexistence of various national interests. -
Theories and Empirical Studies of International Institutions
Theories and Empirical Studies of International Institutions The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Martin, Lisa L., and Beth A. Simmons. 1998. Theories and empirical studies of international institutions. International Organization 52(4): 729-757. Published Version http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081898550734 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:3382862 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Theoriesand EmpiricalStudies of International Institutions Lisa L.Martin and Beth A.Simmons Therole of internationalinstitutions has beencentral to thestudy of worldpolitics at leastsince the conclusion of WorldW ar II. Muchof thisresearch was, andcontinues tobe, pioneered in the pages of InternationalOrganization .Inthis article we take stockof pastwork on internationalinstitutions, trace the evolution of majorthemes inscholarship over time, and highlight areas for productivenew research. Our cen- tralargument is that research should increasingly turn to thequestion of howinstitu- tionsmatter in shaping the behavior of importantactors in world politics. New re- searchefforts shouldemphasize observable implications of alternative theories of institutions.W eadvocateapproaching international institutions as boththe object of strategicchoice and a constrainton actors’ behavior, an ideathat is familiarto schol- ars ofdomestic institutions but has been neglected in much of the debate between realistand institutionalist scholars of internationalrelations. Thearticle is organized into three major sections. The rst sectionprovides an analyticalreview of the development of studies of international institutions. -
A Global Comparison of Non-Sovereign Island Territories: the Search for ‘True Equality’
Island Studies Journal, 15(1), 2020, 43-66 A global comparison of non-sovereign island territories: the search for ‘true equality’ Malcom Ferdinand CNRS, Paris, France [email protected] Gert Oostindie KITLV, the Netherlands Leiden University, the Netherlands [email protected] (corresponding author) Wouter Veenendaal KITLV, the Netherlands Leiden University, the Netherlands [email protected] Abstract: For a great majority of former colonies, the outcome of decolonization was independence. Yet scattered across the globe, remnants of former colonial empires are still non-sovereign as part of larger metropolitan states. There is little drive for independence in these territories, virtually all of which are small island nations, also known as sub-national island jurisdictions (SNIJs). Why do so many former colonial territories choose to remain non-sovereign? In this paper we attempt to answer this question by conducting a global comparative study of non-sovereign jurisdictions. We start off by analyzing their present economic, social and political conditions, after which we assess local levels of (dis)content with the contemporary political status, and their articulation in postcolonial politics. We find that levels of discontent and frustration covary with the particular demographic, socio- economic and historical-cultural conditions of individual territories. While significant independence movements can be observed in only two or three jurisdictions, in virtually all cases there is profound dissatisfaction and frustration with the contemporary non-sovereign arrangement and its outcomes. Instead of achieving independence, the territories’ real struggle nowadays is for obtaining ‘true equality’ with the metropolis, as well as recognition of their distinct cultural identities. -
The European Union in the 21St Century
THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE 21ST CENTURY PERSPECTIVES FROM THE LISBON TREATY EDITED BY STEFANO MICOSSI AND GIAN LUIGI TOSATO INTRODUCTION BY SABINO CASSESE CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute based in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound analytical research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe today. CEPS Paperbacks present analysis and views by leading experts on important questions in the arena of European public policy, written in a style aimed at an informed but generalist readership. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors writing in a personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect those of CEPS or any other institution with which they are associated. Cover: Claude Monet, Impression, soleil levant, 1872 Musée Marmottan, Paris ISBN 978-92-9079-929-0 © Copyright 2009, Centre for European Policy Studies. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior permission of the Centre for European Policy Studies. Centre for European Policy Studies Place du Congrès 1, B-1000 Brussels Tel: 32 (0) 2 229.39.11 Fax: 32 (0) 2 219.41.51 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ceps.eu CONTENTS Preface............................................................................................................................ i 1. Introduction: Im Zweifel für Europa Sabino Cassese.......................................................................................................1 1. The European Union: Reasons for success ..................................................1 2. The crisis and its paradoxes...........................................................................2 3. A realistic agenda............................................................................................4 Part I. -
International Relations Theory
Political Science 240/IRGN 254 International Relations Theory (Spring Quarter 2003) Prof. Stephan Haggard (Office hours, Monday 12-2, Robinson Building 1425 or by appointment at [email protected] or 4-5781) This course provides an introduction to some strands of contemporary international relations theory. Writing requirements (approximately 60 percent). Three five page papers on the assigned readings, due in class on the day of the discussion (late papers will not be accepted). Alternatively, you may write a single, 15-20 page review essay that deals with the assigned and background readings for a particular session in greater depth. “Background” readings include important or exemplary statements on a particular issue, provide more on the history of a given debate, or suggest cognate areas of inquiry that we cannot explore in depth (or even at all). Seminar participation (approximately 40 percent). In addition to active participation in the discussion, students will be responsible for initiating one or two seminars—depending on class size-- through a brief (10-15 minute) presentation. The presentation will simply outline some of the most important questions that arise out of the readings. The following books have been ordered for purchase. David A. Lake and Robert Powell, eds., Strategic Choice and International Relations. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999. Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics. Reading, MA: Addison Wesley, 1979. Helen V. Milner, Interests, Institutions, and Information: Domestic Politics and International Relations. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997. Peter J. Katzenstein, Robert O. Keohane, and Stephen D. Krasner, eds., Exploration and Contestation in the Study of World Politics. -
NEOREALIST and NEO-GRAMSCIAN HEGEMONY in INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS and CONFLICT RESOLUTION DURING the 1990’S
Ekonomik ve Sosyal Ara ştırmalar Dergisi, Güz 2005, 1:88-114 NEOREALIST AND NEO-GRAMSCIAN HEGEMONY IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION DURING THE 1990’s Sezai ÖZÇEL İK George Mason University, Institute for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, 3330 N. Washington Blvd. Truland Building, 5th Floor Arlington, VA 22201 [email protected] 1990’LU YILLARDA ULUSLARARASI İLİŞ KİLER VE ÇATI ŞMA ÇÖZÜMÜNDE NEOREAL İZM VE NEO- GRAMS İYAN HEGEMONYA KAVRAMI Abstract The article aims to explain international relations and conflict resolution in combination with the neorealist and neo-Gramscian notions of the hegemony during the 1990s. In the first part, it focuses on neorealist hegemony theories. The Hegemonic Stability Theory (HST) is tested for viability as an explanatory tool of the Cold-War world politics and conflict resolution. Because of the limitations of neorealist hegemony theories, the neo-Gramscian hegemony and related concepts such as historic bloc, passive revolution, civil society and war of position/war of movement are elaborated. Later, the Coxian approach to international relations and world order is explained as a critical theory. Finally, the article attempts to establish a model of structural conflict analysis and resolution. Keywords: Neo-realism, Neo-Gramscian, Hegemony, Conflict Resolution, International Relations Özet Bu makale uluslararası ili şkiler ve çatı şma çözümü kuramlarını neorealist ve neo- Gramsiyan hegemonya kavramlarını çerçevesinde 1990’lı yılları kapsayacak şekilde açıklamayı hedeflemektedir. Birinci -
The Debate on American Hegemony
The USS Vandegrift. (Credit: Expert Comment meunierd/Bigstockphoto.com) The debate on American hegemony Copyright © 2019 by Dialogue of Civilizations Research Institute The right of Brian C. Schmidt to be identified as the author of this publication is hereby asserted. The views and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the original author(s) and do not necessarily represent or reflect the views and opinions of the Dialogue of Civilizations Research Institute, its co-founders, or its staff members. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior written permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law. For permission requests, please write to the publisher: Dialogue of Civilizations Research Institute gGmbH Französische Straße 23 10117 Berlin Germany +49 30 209677900 [email protected] 1 Dialogue of Civilizations Research Institute The debate on American hegemony Brian C. Schmidt Ian Clark is correct when he writes that “the present state of the ‘hegemony debate’ is, to say the least, confusing” (Clark, 2009, p.24). The aim of this paper is to provide some conceptual and theoretical clarity on the diverse means by which the field of International Relations (IR) understands the concept of hegemony. A secondary aim is to consider what these different theoretical accounts of hegemony have to say about the debate on American hegemony. After reviewing several different definitions of hegemony, I find that the concept embodies two main ideas. -
Lake for Gilpin Vol. V3
Chapter 7 Dominance and Subordination in World Politics: Authority, Liberalism, and Stability in the Modern International Order David A. Lake Prepared for G. John Ikenberry, Editor, Power, Order, and Change in World Politics. April 2012 Order is a fundamental feature of world politics, but it is not a constant. It waxes and wanes with corresponding ebbs and flows, yet not in any predictable lunar cycle. Where order exists, as in the so-called developed or first world since 1945, peace and prosperity are possible. In this “Western” system, states have escaped the Hobbesian state-of-nature for an international society. Where order is absent, as in present day Africa, war and suffering often abound. In the absence of an international civil society, as Hobbes wrote, “life is solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short” (in Brown et al. 2002, 337). Order arises in many forms and from many sources. In Chapter 7, Charles Kupchan emphasizes the normative orientations of leading states. In Chapter 9, John Ikenberry highlights the confluence of American power and liberal ideals. I do not disagree with their perspectives or their core interpretations of modern international orders. In this chapter, however, I examine the role of authority and international hierarchy in the creation and maintenance of international order. In this focus, norms and ideals follow from and facilitate transfers of authority from subordinate to dominant states, but are not primary drivers of international order. The discipline of international relations has largely ignored international authority. Blinkered by the assumption that the international system is anarchic, scholars of international relations and even contemporary policy makers have failed to see or understand the importance of authority by states over other states in international history Lake, Dominance and Subordination, Draft 3.0 (July 15, 2013) 1 (Lake 2009a). -
The Theory of Hegemonic Stability
US-Western European Economic Relations, 1940-1973 Date Event Significance 1941-44 US-UK wartime Technocratic elites in both countries negotiate in negotiations on a new circumstances relatively free of normal domestic international monetary political pressure and trading system July 1944 Bretton Woods Creation of the Bretton Woods twins, the IMF and conference World Bank December 1945 US loan to Britain US attempt to force Britain to accept the Bretton agreed Woods rules June 1947 US Secretary of State A large step away from Bretton Woods towards direct Marshall announces US aid and promoting regionalism in Europe ‘Marshall aid’ July-August British pound returns to The final failure of Hull’s vision of forcing Britain to 1947 convertibility, but this is accept Bretton Woods revoked as reserves are rapidly drained 30 October GATT signed in Geneva Interim agreement on trade principles, and draft 1947 agreement on the establishment of the ITO by 23 countries March 1948 Havana World Agreement on the charter of the ITO by over 60 Conference on Trade and countries Employment June 1950 Creation of European Facilitated the reconstruction of European trade and Payments Union payments on a regional basis, rather than on the basis of Bretton Woods April 1951 Signing of the Treaty of Creates the European Coal and Steel Community Paris March 1957 Signing of the Treaty of Creates the EEC and Euratom, the former leading to the Rome creation of a large trading bloc, changing the nature of GATT bargaining December 1958 European currencies The Bretton -
Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1980
Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1980 Robert L. Richardson, Jr. A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2009 Approved by, Michael H. Hunt, Chair Richard Kohn Timothy McKeown Nancy Mitchell Roger Lotchin Abstract Robert L. Richardson, Jr. Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1985 (Under the direction of Michael H. Hunt) This dissertation examines the origins and evolution of neoconservatism as a philosophical and political movement in America from 1945 to 1980. I maintain that as the exigencies and anxieties of the Cold War fostered new intellectual and professional connections between academia, government and business, three disparate intellectual currents were brought into contact: the German philosophical tradition of anti-modernism, the strategic-analytical tradition associated with the RAND Corporation, and the early Cold War anti-Communist tradition identified with figures such as Reinhold Niebuhr. Driven by similar aims and concerns, these three intellectual currents eventually coalesced into neoconservatism. As a political movement, neoconservatism sought, from the 1950s on, to re-orient American policy away from containment and coexistence and toward confrontation and rollback through activism in academia, bureaucratic and electoral politics. Although the neoconservatives were only partially successful in promoting their transformative project, their accomplishments are historically significant. More specifically, they managed to interject their views and ideas into American political and strategic thought, discredit détente and arms control, and shift U.S. foreign policy toward a more confrontational stance vis-à-vis the Soviet Union. -
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, PRINCIPAL THEORIES International Relations, Principal Theories
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, PRINCIPAL THEORIES International Relations, Principal Theories Anne-Marie Slaughter TABLE OF CONTENTS A. Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 1 B. Realism ................................................................................................................................................... 2 C. Institutionalism ....................................................................................................................................... 8 D. Liberalism ............................................................................................................................................. 14 E. Constructivism ...................................................................................................................................... 19 F. The English School ............................................................................................................................... 24 G. Critical Approaches .............................................................................................................................. 26 H. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................ 28 A. Introduction 1 The study of international relations takes a wide range of theoretical approaches. Some emerge from within the discipline itself; others have been imported, in