DOCSLIB.ORG

The European Union in the 21St Century

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The European Union in the 21St Century THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE 21ST CENTURY PERSPECTIVES FROM THE LISBON TREATY EDITED BY STEFANO MICOSSI AND GIAN LUIGI TOSATO INTRODUCTION BY SABINO CASSESE CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute based in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound analytical research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe today. CEPS Paperbacks present analysis and views by leading experts on important questions in the arena of European public policy, written in a style aimed at an informed but generalist readership. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors writing in a personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect those of CEPS or any other institution with which they are associated. Cover: Claude Monet, Impression, soleil levant, 1872 Musée Marmottan, Paris ISBN 978-92-9079-929-0 © Copyright 2009, Centre for European Policy Studies. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior permission of the Centre for European Policy Studies. Centre for European Policy Studies Place du Congrès 1, B-1000 Brussels Tel: 32 (0) 2 229.39.11 Fax: 32 (0) 2 219.41.51 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ceps.eu CONTENTS Preface............................................................................................................................ i 1. Introduction: Im Zweifel für Europa Sabino Cassese.......................................................................................................1 1. The European Union: Reasons for success ..................................................1 2. The crisis and its paradoxes...........................................................................2 3. A realistic agenda............................................................................................4 Part I. Economics and Consensus 2. Partisan Protectionism: Political Consensus, the Euro and Europe’s Response to the Global Crisis Carlo Bastasin .......................................................................................................7 1. A crisis in consensus.......................................................................................8 2. A crisis in politics..........................................................................................13 3. The euro as trigger – two examples: Germany and Italy ........................16 4. Protection versus protectionism .................................................................19 5. Welfare ...........................................................................................................23 6. Beyond partisan protectionism ...................................................................28 References .............................................................................................................30 3. A More Social EU: Issues of where and how Maurizio Ferrera & Stefano Sacchi...................................................................31 1. The need for a more social European Union.............................................31 2. How to build a more social EU ...................................................................34 3. Supplementing the internal market with social rights ............................36 4. Less rhetoric, more forward-looking initiatives .......................................43 References .............................................................................................................46 4. Economic Policy Coordination and Failures in Europe to counter Recession Fiorella Kostoris..................................................................................................48 Introduction..........................................................................................................48 1. When is coordination appropriate?............................................................49 2. Economic policy coordination under pressure.........................................52 3. A case study of the Stability and Growth Pace ........................................ 54 4. Effects of the financial crisis........................................................................ 61 5. Conclusions ................................................................................................... 62 References............................................................................................................. 65 Annex.................................................................................................................... 67 5. Market Integration and Competition Policy: The Challenges Ahead Ginevra Bruzzone & Luigi Prosperetti ............................................................ 72 1. Introduction................................................................................................... 72 2. Becoming closer to citizens ......................................................................... 76 3. Stable principles and integration of structural policies........................... 80 4. The proper degree of harmonisation......................................................... 81 4.1 Supranational regulation .................................................................. 81 4.2 Common rules for products ............................................................. 84 4.3 Commercial relations between business and consumers............. 86 4.4 Common rules for services ............................................................... 86 4.5 ...including network industries ........................................................ 87 5. Coordinated implementation..................................................................... 90 6. Conclusions ................................................................................................... 95 References............................................................................................................. 96 6. Energy and European Institutions Valeria Termini.................................................................................................... 98 1. Background ................................................................................................... 98 2. European Institutions: A necessary but insufficient precondition. From Euratom to the Lisbon Treaties........................................................ 99 3. European strategy and domestic policies: Goals, conflicts and proposals.............................................................................................. 105 4. Europe’s relationship with the rest of the world: Energy security and climate change..................................................................................... 111 5. Conclusions ................................................................................................. 116 References........................................................................................................... 118 Part II. The International Projection 7. Europe on the International Scene: A Union of necessity after a Union of choice? Cesare Merlini....................................................................................................120 1. The international context...........................................................................123 2. The Union’s Internal Context ....................................................................128 3. Suggested guidelines for a non-marginal common foreign policy......133 4. The instruments for the EU to achieve a high-profile foreign policy ..137 References ...........................................................................................................140 8. The Enlargement of the European Union Rocco A. Cangelosi & Ferdinando Salleo ......................................................142 1. European enlargement and vision............................................................142 2. Recent admissions and new candidates ..................................................144 3. The Western Balkans ..................................................................................147 4. Turkey...........................................................................................................149 5. The borders of Europe................................................................................152 6. Europe’s identity.........................................................................................154 7. Enlargement in 2009 ...................................................................................157 8. After the Lisbon Treaty ..............................................................................159 References ...........................................................................................................161 9. European defence or defence of Europe? Alessandro Pansa ..............................................................................................162 1. The institutions: A past of great hopes, a future with no illusions......162 2. The industry: Oligopoly, foreign policy and internationalisation .......168 3. Europe: Cooperation, inefficiency and nationalism...............................172 4. Governments, institutions and investors: A changing role ..................175 5. Industrial structures, control systems and the equity market ..............177 References
Load more

Recommended publications
  • International Relations Theory
    Political Science 240/IRGN 254 International Relations Theory (Spring Quarter 2003) Prof. Stephan Haggard (Office hours, Monday 12-2, Robinson Building 1425 or by appointment at [email protected] or 4-5781) This course provides an introduction to some strands of contemporary international relations theory. Writing requirements (approximately 60 percent). Three five page papers on the assigned readings, due in class on the day of the discussion (late papers will not be accepted). Alternatively, you may write a single, 15-20 page review essay that deals with the assigned and background readings for a particular session in greater depth. “Background” readings include important or exemplary statements on a particular issue, provide more on the history of a given debate, or suggest cognate areas of inquiry that we cannot explore in depth (or even at all). Seminar participation (approximately 40 percent). In addition to active participation in the discussion, students will be responsible for initiating one or two seminars—depending on class size-- through a brief (10-15 minute) presentation. The presentation will simply outline some of the most important questions that arise out of the readings. The following books have been ordered for purchase. David A. Lake and Robert Powell, eds., Strategic Choice and International Relations. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999. Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics. Reading, MA: Addison Wesley, 1979. Helen V. Milner, Interests, Institutions, and Information: Domestic Politics and International Relations. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997. Peter J. Katzenstein, Robert O. Keohane, and Stephen D. Krasner, eds., Exploration and Contestation in the Study of World Politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Lake for Gilpin Vol. V3
    Chapter 7 Dominance and Subordination in World Politics: Authority, Liberalism, and Stability in the Modern International Order David A. Lake Prepared for G. John Ikenberry, Editor, Power, Order, and Change in World Politics. April 2012 Order is a fundamental feature of world politics, but it is not a constant. It waxes and wanes with corresponding ebbs and flows, yet not in any predictable lunar cycle. Where order exists, as in the so-called developed or first world since 1945, peace and prosperity are possible. In this “Western” system, states have escaped the Hobbesian state-of-nature for an international society. Where order is absent, as in present day Africa, war and suffering often abound. In the absence of an international civil society, as Hobbes wrote, “life is solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short” (in Brown et al. 2002, 337). Order arises in many forms and from many sources. In Chapter 7, Charles Kupchan emphasizes the normative orientations of leading states. In Chapter 9, John Ikenberry highlights the confluence of American power and liberal ideals. I do not disagree with their perspectives or their core interpretations of modern international orders. In this chapter, however, I examine the role of authority and international hierarchy in the creation and maintenance of international order. In this focus, norms and ideals follow from and facilitate transfers of authority from subordinate to dominant states, but are not primary drivers of international order. The discipline of international relations has largely ignored international authority. Blinkered by the assumption that the international system is anarchic, scholars of international relations and even contemporary policy makers have failed to see or understand the importance of authority by states over other states in international history Lake, Dominance and Subordination, Draft 3.0 (July 15, 2013) 1 (Lake 2009a).
    [Show full text]
  • Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1980
    Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1980 Robert L. Richardson, Jr. A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2009 Approved by, Michael H. Hunt, Chair Richard Kohn Timothy McKeown Nancy Mitchell Roger Lotchin Abstract Robert L. Richardson, Jr. Neoconservatism: Origins and Evolution, 1945 – 1985 (Under the direction of Michael H. Hunt) This dissertation examines the origins and evolution of neoconservatism as a philosophical and political movement in America from 1945 to 1980. I maintain that as the exigencies and anxieties of the Cold War fostered new intellectual and professional connections between academia, government and business, three disparate intellectual currents were brought into contact: the German philosophical tradition of anti-modernism, the strategic-analytical tradition associated with the RAND Corporation, and the early Cold War anti-Communist tradition identified with figures such as Reinhold Niebuhr. Driven by similar aims and concerns, these three intellectual currents eventually coalesced into neoconservatism. As a political movement, neoconservatism sought, from the 1950s on, to re-orient American policy away from containment and coexistence and toward confrontation and rollback through activism in academia, bureaucratic and electoral politics. Although the neoconservatives were only partially successful in promoting their transformative project, their accomplishments are historically significant. More specifically, they managed to interject their views and ideas into American political and strategic thought, discredit détente and arms control, and shift U.S. foreign policy toward a more confrontational stance vis-à-vis the Soviet Union.
    [Show full text]
  • A Neorealist Analysis of International Space Politics (1957-2018)
    “War in Space: Why Not?” A Neorealist Analysis of International Space Politics (1957-2018) Eirik Billingsø Elvevold Dissertação em Relações Internacionais Maio, 2019 Dissertação apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Relações Internacionais, realizada sob a orientação científica da Professora Doutora Ana Santos Pinto e a co-orientação científica do Mestre Rui Henrique Santos. ii To my wife Leyla, For your love, patience and support. iii AKNOWLEDGEMENTS As I came to Portugal to work for the Norwegian Embassy in Lisbon, I had no idea I would stay to study for several years. The decision, however, I will never regret. I would like to thank Universidade Nova and the social sciences faculty, FCSH, for allowing me to study at a leading university for International Relations in Portugal. Our classes, especially with prof. Tiago Moreira de Sa and prof. Carlos Gaspar, will always be remembered. To my coordinator, professor Ana Santos Pinto, I want to express gratitude for her guidance, sharp mind and patience throughout the process. The idea of studying a mix of international politics and space came with me from Norway to Portugal. After seeing Pinto teach in our scientific methods class, I asked her to be my coordinator. Even on a topic like space, where she admitted to having no prior expertise, her advice and thoughts were essential for me both academically and personally during the writing process. In addition, I want to express my sincere gratitude to Rui Henriques Santos for stepping in as my co- coordinator when professor Pinto took on other challenges at the Portuguese Ministry of Defense.
    [Show full text]
  • Bound to Fail John J. Mearsheimer the Rise and Fall of the Liberal International Order
    Bound to Fail Bound to Fail John J. Mearsheimer The Rise and Fall of the Liberal International Order By 2019, it was clear that the liberal international order was in deep trouble. The tectonic plates that underpin it are shifting, and little can be done to repair and rescue it. Indeed, that order was destined to fail from the start, as it contained the seeds of its own destruction. The fall of the liberal international order horriªes the Western elites who built it and who have beneªted from it in many ways.1 These elites fervently believe that this order was and remains an important force for promoting peace and prosperity around the globe. Many of them blame President Donald Trump for its demise. After all, he expressed contempt for the liberal order when campaigning for president in 2016; and since taking ofªce, he has pur- sued policies that seem designed to tear it down. It would be a mistake, however, to think that the liberal international order is in trouble solely because of Trump’s rhetoric or policies. In fact, more funda- mental problems are at play, which account for why Trump has been able to successfully challenge an order that enjoys almost universal support among the foreign policy elites in the West. The aim of this article is to determine why the liberal world order is in big trouble and to identify the kind of inter- national order that will replace it. I offer three main sets of arguments. First, because states in the modern world are deeply interconnected in a variety of ways, orders are essential for facilitating efªcient and timely interactions.
    [Show full text]
  • Robert Gilpin and International Relations the Liechtenstein Institute on Self-Determination at Princeton University
    Robert Gilpin and International Relations The Liechtenstein Institute on Self-Determination at Princeton University The Liechtenstein Institute on Self-Determination at Princeton University's Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs supports teaching, research, publication, and negotiation about issues related to self-determination, especially pertaining to the state, self-governance, sovereignty, security, and boundaries. A particular focus is sociocultural, ethnic, and religious issues in­ volving state and nonstate actors. The institute was founded in 2000 through the generosity of H. S. H. Prince Hans Adam II of Liechtenstein. edited by Wolfgang Danspeckgruber Liechtenstein Institute on Self-Determination at Princeton University Contents Introduction 1 © 2012 by The Trustees of Princeton University Wolfgang Danspeckgruber All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any fom1 or by any means without permission in writing from the Liechtenstein Institute on The Richness of the Contributions of Robert G. Gilpin 7 Self-Determination at Princeton University. Michael Mastanduno The statements made and the views expressed herein are solely the responsibility of the contributing authors. 2 Robert Gilpin and the Early Development of International Political Economy 21 Liechtenstein Institute on Self-Determination Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs Benjamin J. Cohen Princeton University Princeton, New Jersey 08544 3 Robert Gilpin and the Foundations of International Relations 33 USA Joanne Gowa Telephone: 609.258.6200 Facsimile: 609.258.5196 4 Gilpinian Realism and International Relations 43 E-mail: [email protected] www. princeton.edu/lisd William C. Wohlfarth Facebook: www.facebook.com/princeton.lisd Twitter: @PrincetonLISD 5 Power, Markets, and Gilpin's Enduring Ideas: Distributed throughout the world by War and Change Today 61 Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc.
    [Show full text]
  • Power As Prestige in World Politics
    Power as prestige in world politics YUEN FOONG KHONG Prestige, rather than power, is the everyday currency of international relations, much as authority is the central ordering feature of domestic society … prestige is ‘enormously important’ because ‘if your strength is recognized, you can generally achieve your aims without having to use it.’ From the vantage point of where I sit (Singapore), the most compelling observa- tion to make about power in the world is that it is shifting from the West to the East. The initial throes of this shift are currently being experienced in Asia, where the key protagonists are the United States, the established power or hegemon, and China, the rising challenger and peer competitor. For the historian Stephen Kotkin, ‘today’s competition between China and the United States is a new twist on an old story’; in fact, ‘the geopolitical picture today resembles that of the s, and even the s, albeit with one crucial exception … the displacement of Japan by China as the central player in the Asian balance of power’. This article will focus on this ongoing power contest in Asia and beyond. I will anchor my account in the concept of prestige—what Robert Gilpin calls the ‘reputation for power’—and, where appropriate, contrast it with its manifesta- tions in the past. I argue that the current geopolitical competition between the United States and China is best viewed as a competition over the hierarchy of prestige, with China seeking to replace the US as the most prestigious state in the international system within the next years.
    [Show full text]
  • Theories of Hegemony in International Relations: Ontology and Social
    Hegemony and international relations Article (Accepted Version) Antoniades, Andreas (2018) Hegemony and international relations. International Politics, 55 (5). pp. 595-611. ISSN 1384-5748 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/70470/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk A VERSION OF THIS PAPER IS FORTCOMING IN THE JOURNAL INTERNATIONAL POLITICS HEGEMONY AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Andreas Antoniades Senior Lecturer in Global Political Economy Department of International Relations University of Sussex Brighton BN1 9SN, UK Tel: +44 (0)1273 872875 Email: [email protected] Abstract The paper interrogates the current state-of-the-art in hegemony analysis in International Relations (IR).
    [Show full text]
  • Schweller 4300 (Fall 2014).Pdf
    THEORIES OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Political Science 4300 Fall 2014 Professor Randall Schweller TuTh 2:20PM - 3:40PM Office: 2106 Derby Hall Hitchcock Hall 0031 e-mail: [email protected] Course Description The course introduces undergraduates to the major theoretical issues and paradigms in the field of international relations. The course is divided into three parts. In part one, three theoretical perspectives are covered: realism, liberalism, and constructivism. In parts two and three, these three perspectives are used as theoretical lenses to examine the current age of US primacy, how others are reacting to it, and what comes next. Course Requirements: Midterm: essay exam (50% of final grade); Final: essay exam (50% of final grade). Required Texts 1. Richard K. Betts, Conflict After the Cold War: Arguments on Causes of War and Peace 3rd or 4th edition (Longman, 2005). 2. G. John Ikenberry, ed., America Unrivaled: The Future of the Balance of Power (Cornell University Press, 2002). 3. Randall Schweller, Maxwell’s Demon and the Golden Apple: Global Discord in the New Millennium (Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014). Part 1: Theories of International Relations 1. ANARCHY Thomas Hobbes, “The State of Nature and the State of War,” in Betts. 2. THE SECURITY DILEMMA AND THE OFFENSE-DEFENSE BALANCE Robert Jervis, "Cooperation Under the Security Dilemma," in Betts. Jack Levy, "The Offensive/Defensive Balance of Military Technology," in Betts. 3. REALISM: CAUSES OF WAR Thucydides, "The Melian Dialogue," in Betts. Edward Hallett Carr, "Realism and Idealism," in Betts. Kenneth N. Waltz, “The Origins of War in Neorealist Theory,” in Betts.
    [Show full text]
  • A Review Essay
    A Review Essay Michael W. Doyle, Ways of War and Peace: Realism, Liberalism, and Socialism. New York: W.W. Norton, 1997. International relations is one of the last academic disciplines still to take seriously the Western canon, that body of philosophical and literary work that has shaped the Western world. The natural sciences and most social sciences, when bothering to notice the Aristotles and Descartes, do so to remind themselves of just how far they have come. The humanities have for years been engaged in a project of deposing “dead white males” and enthroning in their place critical theorists (many of whom are also white, male, and dead). But many international relations scholars believe that the classics more or less got it right, particularly about politico-military affairs. Other international relations scholars would prefer it if there were one less discipline that still paid attention to the dead white males. They might be disinclined to read Michael W. Doyle‘s big book, Ways of War and Peace: Realism, Liberalism, and Socialism.’ Also disinclined might be many scholars who do value the philosophical canon, because such scholars tend to be realists, and Doyle is a liberal. Both of these groups should overcome their disinclinations. Doyle has written one of the most important books on international politico- military theory since Kenneth Waltz’s Theory of International Politics.2 Doyle has made many important contributions to the field, but is best known as an early and profound expositor of the liberal (or democratic) peace, the proposition that liberal democracies do not fight wars against one another.
    [Show full text]
  • International Political Economy Course Objectives
    International Political Economy Semester: Spring 2016 Program: International Master’s Program in International Studies (IMPIS) Time: Tuesday, 9:10AM~12:00PM Classroom: TBA Number of Credits: 3 Course Type: Core course, required Instructor: Chienwu (Alex) Hsueh 薛健吾 Email: [email protected] Office Hour: Tuesday 2:00~4:00PM, by appointment, or walk-in welcome Course Objectives International Political Economy (IPE) studies the political battle between the winners and losers of global economic exchange, addressing how political factors affect economic outcomes and how economic factors influence political outcomes at both the domestic and the international levels of analysis. Two abstract and considerably broader questions typically shape IPE scholarship. First, how exactly does politics shape the decisions that societies make about how to use the resources that are available to them? Second, what are the consequences of these decisions? Therefore, the mainstream IPE examines the interaction between “societal interests” and “political institutions” in order to understand how economic and political policies are ultimately made and how these policies may further shape the welfare of both the society and the state. This course is composed of two parts. The first part provides introduction to the basic background knowledge, which contains the scientific research method and the 1 traditional schools of IPE. The second part introduces important topics of the contemporary IPE research, which includes international cooperation, international trade system, international monetary system, international financial system, international integration, economic coercion, and globalization. Students are expected to learn to know how to use the IPE theories and analytical frameworks to analyze (describe, explain, and forecast) the important developments shaping the contemporary world.
    [Show full text]
  • The Richness of the Tradition of Political Realism Author(S): Robert G
    The Richness of the Tradition of Political Realism Author(s): Robert G. Gilpin Source: International Organization, Vol. 38, No. 2 (Spring, 1984), pp. 287-304 Published by: The MIT Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2706441 . Accessed: 22/09/2011 20:54 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The MIT Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to International Organization. http://www.jstor.org The richness of the tradition of political realism RobertG. Gilpin What do the following scholars have in common: Kenneth Waltz, Robert Keohane, Stephen Krasner, Robert W. Tucker, George Modelski, Charles Kindleberger,and the presentwriter? Very little, you mightsay, exceptperhaps that they have all written on internationalrelations from a ratherdisparate set of professionaland political perspectives.How wrong you are, according to Richard Ashley. They are all card-carryingmembers of an insidious and rather dangerousconspiracy that, like Socrates, is indoctrinatingthe youth (readgraduate students) in false and dangerousways of thinking.And Ashley, like Karl Popper, E. P. Thompson, and other crusadersagainst nefarious doctrinesbefore him, seeks to expose their intellectualtreachery for the evil that it is. The heinous and common crime of these pervertersof the next generation of graduatestudents in internationalrelations is "neorealism."This felony may go under other names as well: modern realism, new realism, and struc- tural realism.
    [Show full text]