The Collective Memory of a City. the Case of Wrocław

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The Collective Memory of a City. the Case of Wrocław BARBARA PABJAN Institute of Sociology, University of Wrocław The collective memory of a city. The case of Wrocław What is the collective memory of a city and collective memory? Th is paper examines the collective memory of a city’s population. Th e col- lective memory of a city is defi ned here as a collective image of the city’s history, particularly in connection with the urban space. For a sociologist, a city is not only a material substance — urban space, buildings, but also the community which creates a city. Th erefore the collective memory of a city is associated with urban space and its meanings and the activity of its inhabitants (commemorative practices). Th is article proposes a sociological analysis of the memory of a city by which I mean an empirical study of 1) the collective knowledge of the inhabit- ants about their city’s past, 2) collective practices of commemoration. Collect- ive means shared by a substantial part of the population. Memory as knowledge about the past is framed and shaped by the social context and this is a fundamen- tal assumption for the sociological analysis of memory (Halbwachs 1950; Misztal 2006; Szacka 2006). Th e memory of the city’s past is represented in the collective memory of the city’s community as well as in urban space. Identity is an import- ant category of an analysis of collective memory. Memory and identity are con- cepts that are closely linked. Th e reconstruction of memory about the city is at the same time the reconstruction of the city’s identity: “Memory is knowledge with an identity-index, it is knowledge about oneself, that is, one’s own diachronic identity, be it as an individual or as a member of a family, a generation, a community, a na- tion, or a cultural and religious tradition” (Assmann 2008, 114). Th is article focuses on the following problems: 1. A theoretical analysis of the concept of collective memory and the memory of a city; 2. How is the collective memory of a city formed? Forum Socjologiczne 6, 2015 © for this edition by CNS fforum_socjologiczne6.inddorum_socjologiczne6.indd 8877 22016-09-12016-09-12 110:45:390:45:39 88 Barbara Pabjan 3. Th e issue of multiculturalism and Wrocław’s German past in collective memory. 4. Th e role of the sites of memory and social practices for the formation of the collective memory of a city. Th ese problems are analyzed on the basis of empirical data derived from the case study of Wrocław. Moreover, issues specifi c to Wrocław are analyzed: what the collective memory of Wrocław is and whether Wrocław is a multicultural city in collective memory. Th e notion of collective memory is very ambiguous. Th ere are numerous theoretical debates on this conception, but a detailed analysis of them exceeds the limits of this paper (see Olick 1999, 2007; Olick et al. 2011; Gedi and Elam 1996; Kansteiner 2002; Radstone, 2000, 2008; Rossington and Whitehead 2007; Szacka 2006, Wertsch and Roediger 2008a, 2008b and many others). Considering the controversies around the notion of collective memory, one explanation seems to be necessary: within the sociological perspective memory is collective, includ- ing common beliefs about history; in other words, it is the intersubjective image of the past shared by a particular community. Th e image of the past is a result of various factors. Some of them are long- term factors, the eff ects of their actions are revealed aft er some time. In case of Wrocław one should mention at least three elements: 1. social mobility, 2. histor- ical policy used to self-legitimise under Communism and 3. post-Communist marketing of historical policy. Since collective memory is a political issue, it is very much driven by political interests and framed by ideological narratives. So was the case in Wrocław: historical policies were the tools of political interests disguised as ideological narratives about the city. Wrocław, like the whole of western territories of Poland, is specifi c because aft er WWII the entire German population was replaced by Polish settlers from diff erent regions of Poland (but also outside, if one means post-1945 borders, i.e. kresy). Th e social consequence of the massive post-war migration was the disintegration of social ties. Th e ques- tion arises whether the consequences of this violent social process are still visible aft er 60 years and how they infl uence collective memory. I refer to other studies showing the results of post-war resettlements in Poland. Th e diff erences in pat- terns of social behaviour, social norms between populations of the eastern and western parts of Poland appear in various contexts: in voting patterns, religious practices, crime statistics, neighbourhood ties and many other areas. Th e impact of war resettlements on the territory of Poland has been observed and analysed in several studies (Bartkowski 2003; Gorzelak 2004; Zarzycki 1997; Lewicka 2005). Th erefore, we can assume that migration is an important lens through which to interpret the results of our present data. For this study the key issue is the impact of migration on the self-image of the local community and place identity. Place attachment is closely related to place identity and linked to the memory of the place. Th e regional diff erences in Poland in place attachment were shown by Le- Forum Socjologiczne 6, 2015 © for this edition by CNS fforum_socjologiczne6.inddorum_socjologiczne6.indd 8888 22016-09-12016-09-12 110:45:390:45:39 The collective memory of a city. The case of Wrocław 89 wicka: there is lower place attachment and neighbourhood ties in Western and Northern Territories of Poland than in the traditional Eastern Poland and Galicia (Lewicka 2005, 391). Th e resulting suggestion is that due to the migration process the community of Wrocław has no historically rooted identity (or rather that the identity is problematic: if it is a set of features specifi c for the local community, self-knowledge, self-concept) and “no memory” (or: not developed) was empiric- ally confi rmed elsewhere (Pluta 2006; Lewicka 2008b). In this paper I follow this line of thinking. What kind of process concerning Wrocław did migration induce? Wrocław’s uprooted community settled down in a new and unfamiliar territory, that of a former enemy. Th ey had no memory and no familiar identity connected with the city, which was a German city since 1741 until 1945, (and only in the Middle Ages it was for some time incorporated into the Polish Kingdom). Th e state and community that acquired a new city searched for territorial legitimisation and a narrative of the city’s past that would provide the city and its population with a specifi c identity. Territorial legitimization is based, where an authentic history is lacking, on invented history. It has certain similarities to Hobsbawm’s notion of invented tradition which “implies continuity with the past […] establish continu- ity with a suitable historic past” (Hobsbawm 2013, 1). Regarding Wrocław as one of the narrations of the past involves creating myths (as false stories). Th e belief in primeval (pre-German) territorial origin and the auto-stereotype of Poles as vic- tims legitimizes the present Polish identity of the city. Th e past confl icts between Poles and Germans are remembered, which reinforces the anti-German attitudes and opposition towards any restitution of the German heritage in Wrocław. Th e collective memory of Wrocław is also highly political, and the main framework of the city’s collective memory is its political history. Moreover, col- lective memory is the domain of historical policy. Th ere are at least two reasons why we tend to construct memory in such a way. One is the dominant trend in teaching and learning history as political history, hence the tendency to focus on the political aspects of city history, the other is the use of political history in historical debates and in current political ideologies (which are the instruments of historical policy). Collective memory is shaped by the interests of various social groups. One of the most signifi cant for memory formation is the political interest of those who have power, either formal or informal, or both. During the Communist period, the authorities tried to impose a new collective memory based on an anti-German feeling. Another feature of the offi cial historical policy was the construction of a myth of origin, which would have legitimized the presence of a Polish popula- tion in this “German” city. Th is was the “Piast” myth, which reconstructed the story of the medieval roots of Polish Wrocław. Th e elite of Wrocław, on the other hand, formed the Lviv myth, which in turn created the roots of local identity. Th is myth assumed that the majority of displaced Poles who came to Wrocław were Forum Socjologiczne 6, 2015 © for this edition by CNS fforum_socjologiczne6.inddorum_socjologiczne6.indd 8899 22016-09-12016-09-12 110:45:390:45:39 90 Barbara Pabjan from Lviv, former Polish Lwow, whereas according to the 1950 census it was about 30% of population altogether that came from the territory of USSR (USSR within the post-war border, which includes pre-war Polish territory and Lviv) (Kosiński 1960). Th ese propagated myths which were designed to erase the German past and legitimize the presence of Polish in the German city have been thoroughly studied elsewhere (Kłopot 2011, 2012a, 2012b; Th um 2008). Both were designed to invent traditions and the city’s history, as well as to make it more familiar. Th e presented data show that the Lviv myth took root successfully, because it is still alive.
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