------
1
The Medici gardens of Boboli and Luxembourg: thoughts on their relationship and development
by Pamela M. Coombes
A Thesis submitted to ( the Faculty of Graduate studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts
Department of Art History McGill University Montreal, Quebec
Pamela M. Coombes March, 1992 ( TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDG8MENTS . ii ABSTRACT . . . . iii SOMMAIRE . iv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS v INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTERS 1. PRECEDENTS OF ITALIAN INFLUENCE IN FRENCH GARDENS. 7 II. BOBOLI; ITS RELATION TO MARIE DE' MEDICI 19 Ammannati; the amphitheatre and Palazzo Pitti. 25 The Fountains and Iconography of Cosimo 1. 29
The Grottoes at Boboli . . . . 34 The Parigi's; the 'Viottolone' and 'Isolotto'. 39
III. THE GENESIS ~ND DEVELOPMENT OF LUXEM~OURG . 44 Land Aquisitions, Planting and Water . 48 Salomon de Brosse; the Palais du Luxembourg. 53 The Star-shaped wood and Boboli's Labyrinth.. 59 Jacques Boyceau and the 'Grand Parterre' 63 Francini's Terracing 71 Water in the Garden; "the living spirit" . 74
CONCLUSION . 86 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 87 ACKNONLEDGEMENTS
Gardens and gardening have long been a source of pleasure for me; thus it was with delight that l stepped from digging and planting to research and writing. l must credit this new approach to my advisor, Prof. Thomas Glen, whose enli~htenp.d view of 'gardens as art' was introduced in a post-graduate seminar. He suggested the thesis tOp1C and along with the members of the Department of Art History, has
opened new vistas and provided motivation for my studies through absorbing and vivid lectures.
Cathy Rankin and Denise McMurchie have been of special
assistance, as have Carol Jackman, Marilyn Berger, the staff
of Blackader-Lauterman Library and Inter-library loans, not
to mention my colleagues in post-graduate studies whose
humour and support will be warmly remembered.
The experience was made even more rewarding by the
acceptance and understanding of my ch11dren, Alleyne,
Christopher and Michael, and their pride in my new role as
student.
ii c
ABSTRACT
Marie de' Medici began the 'jardin du Luxembourg' during her Regency for Louis XIII. As Henry IV's queen, she had clung tenaciously to her Italian family heritage and as her upbringing had close associations with the spectacular 'giardino di Boholi', she was thus inspired to utilize it as the prototype for her Parisian garden. The validation of Marie de' Medici's success lies in the investigation of both gardens ta determine the recurring features and to ascertain their precise chronology. Evidence suggests that sorne replicated features were weIl known to Marie, the 'Gratta Grande', the original layout and the amphitheatre's general form; while other features, the 'Isolotto' and the amphitheatre's stone seating, were not. These were realized
either concurr~ntly or ev en later than similar features at Luxembourg: a factor overlooked by historians who habitually cite the formative role of Boboli at Luxembourg.
iii 1
SOMMAIRE
Marie de Médici entreprit la création du )ardln du Luxembourg durant sa régence de LOU1S XIII. Veuve du roi
Henri IV, elle continualt de s'accrocher farouchement à son héritage italien qui avait connu des liens étrolts avec le spectaculaire 'giardino dl Boboli' et Marie fut lnsplrée de l'utiliser comme prototype pour son jardln de ParlS. La validation du succès de cette déclslon repose dans l'examen historique de ces deux Jardins afln d'en déterminer les caractérlstiques semblables et d'en préciser leur cronologie . • L'évidence suggère ~ue certains aspects étaient connus de Marie, tels la 'Grotta Grande', le plan origlnal et la forme générale de l'amphithéâtre mais non 'l'Isolotto' ni
l'escalier de pierres dans l'amphithéâtre. Ces d~rnlers
furent réallsés soit concurrement aveç, ou ultérleurement à, ceux du Luxembourg; un fait qui a échappé aux historiens qui citent le rôle formateur de Boboli sur Luxembourg.
iv c
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
~igure
1. Plan of Boboli Garden, engraving by G. Vascellini (1789) in the book of F.M. Soldini.
2. Plan of Luxembourg Garden, detail from Gomboust's map of Par1S (1652).
3. Château and garden at Amboise, engraving by Jacques Androuet du Cerceau (1576).
4. Château and garden at Blois, engraving by Jacques Androuet du CercedU (1576).
5. Château and garden at Fontainebleau, engraving by Jacques Androuet du Cerceau (1576).
6. Grotte des P1ns, Fontainebleau (1541-43). ( 7. Grotto at Palazzo deI Té, Mantua (1532). 8. Cortile deI Belvedere, engraving by Hendrick van Schoel (1579) .
9. Château and garden at Ancy-le-Franc, engraving by Jacques Androuet du Cerceau (1576).
10. Chât.eau and garden at Anet, engraving by Jacques Androuet du Cerceau (1576).
Il. Chàteau and garden at st. Germaine-en-Laye, engraving by Francini (1614).
12. Bird's-eye view of Boboli Gardens by Stefano Buonsignori (ca. 1594).
13. Giusto utens, Lunette of Boboli Garden, Museo di Firenze corn'era (ca. 1599).
14. Amphitheatre, detail of Utens Lunette.
15. Exterior of the 'Grotticina' by Baccio Bandinelli (1553).
( v 16. lnterior of the 'Grotticina' by Giovanni Fancelli 1 (1554) . 17. Plan of the pitti Palace and Boboli Garden after additions of Parigi.
18. Plan of Villa Giulia.
19. F'ountain of Neptune, sto 1 do Lorenz 1 (ca. 1565 - 68) .
20. Fountain of Neptune, detail from Utens Lunette.
21. Design for the Chariot of Neptune, Giorgio Vasari (1566) .
22. Fountain of Oceanus by Giambologna (1567-76).
23. Design for a fountain by Giambologna. Collectlon of Mt Henry Oppenheimer, London: Pen and ink; 205 x 330mm.
24. Fountain of Juno by Ammannatl (1556), detall of utens Lunet te.
25. Mock-up of Fountaln of Juno.
26. Exterior of the 'Grotta Grande' by Glorg1o Vasarl (1556-60) and Bernardo Buontalentl (1583-89).
27. lnterior of the 'Grotta Grande' with frescos by Bernardlno Poccettl and figures by Piero Matl (1583-93) .
28. View of the 'Viottolone' and the 'Isolotto'.
29. Harpy Fountain, Giulio Parigi (1618-20).
30. Map, vicinity of Hôtel du Luxembourg prior to Marie de' Medici's purchases.
31. Aqueduct Arcueil at Rungis (1613-24).
32. Plan of Luxembourg Palace by Alfonse de Gisors.
33. Garden façade, Luxembourg Palace, engraving wlth architecture by Marot and figures by Stefano della Bella (1649).
34. Court yard façade of Palazzo Pitti and view of the amphitheatre.
35. Map by François Quesnel and Claude Vellefaux (1615).
-... vi ~------
36. Plan of Luxembourg, Anon. (before 1627).
( 37. View of Luxembourg Palace and Garden, engraving by Gabriel Perelle.
38. Luxembourg, 'parterre de broderie' by Jacques Boyceau, T:t::_~J!~_ (;h.Li~rgiI}~q~ (1638).
39. Luxembourg, Vl ew of cent ra l 'parterre', engra ving by Gabrl€'l Perelle (1649).
40. Luxembourg, liew of west terrace and parterr.e' , engraVl'-~'1 by Israel Sylvestre (1649).
41. Luxembourg, view of concave-convex stai rs leading to terrace and Grc.t te du I.uxembourg in original location, engra'/ing by Israël Sylvestre, figures by Stefano della Bella (1649).
42. Grotte du Luxembourg.
43. Grot te du Luxembourg 1 engraving by Jean Marot.
44. pl at e VI, !"i.Yre _ d' at:chi tect ure, Al essandro Francini (1631) .
45. Plate XXXIV, l:!i vr~ __c!~ __ ~rchi_te~J.ure, Al essandro Francini ( (1631). 46. Pl at e II II, .l:!i. vre_.çt'_~rc_hi tect ur~, Al essandro Francini, (1631).
47 . Foun tain 0 f the Acqua Gi ul i a, drawing by Paul Brill, Gabinetto Nazionale delle Stampe (end of 16th century) .
48. Fountain for the 'grand parterre' with sculpture by Gui llaume Berthelot. Sketch in notebook of Richard Symonds (1649).
( vii 1
INTRODUCTION
The Parisian garden of the PalalS du Luxembourg and the Florentine 'giardlno dl Boboll' of the Palazzo Plttl have a
strong common bond in terms of patronage -- bath w~re created for members of the famed Florentlne Medlcl famlly.
Marie de' Medicl, for who~ the PalalS du Luxembourg was constructed, has achleved over the years, consIderable renown as a patroness of the arts. Though perhaps less a
connaisseur than her I~allan ancestors, her taste for displays of munificence still demanded the employment of the 1 most noted artists and architects of the tlme. The cel ebra ted !-1edi~i _p~.J'i_~_~ by Pet er Pau 1 Rubens, commissloned for the Palais du Luxembourg, lS but one, albelt the most notable, attestation to her involvement with the arts. ln thlS respect she drew on an illustrlous famlly
heritage dating back to GiovannI di Bicci de' Medicl (1360-
1429), the founder of a prosperous Florentlne banklng family. His descendant, Marie's grandfather, was appolnted
Tuscan Grand-duke in 1569. Cosimo 1 (1519-74), as he became, surrounded himself with the leading late Renalssance artists. His era gave rise to the cultural milleu that produced not only the Boboli garden but the transformation of the fortress-like Palazzo Pitti into a ceremonial state
1 resldence. tt was ln this treasure house, arnong a vast 1 accumulatlon of contemporary and ancient art, that Marie spent her youth.
Born in 1573 to Cosimo's eldest son, Prince Francesco
(1541-87), and Glovanna of Austria, Marle's childhood was
both lonely and bereft. In 1578 her mother died, and
Francesco, now grand-duke, hastily married his notorious
mistress Bianca Cappello, retreating to a favoured villa at
Pratolino. His children were ensconced in the Palazzo Pitti
to be cared for by family retainers. Marie's young
companlon in thlS lsolatlon, Léonora Dorl (later known as
Galigaï), became her closest confidante.
The death of Francesco in 1587, forced hlS younger
brother, a Cardinal, to leave the church and assume his
hereditary title. The new Grand-duke, Ferdinando I (1549-
1609), endeavored to treat his niece as a daughter, and his
marriage to Chrlstlne of Lorraine, in 1589, provided a
second enduLlng friend of comparable age for the orphaned
Marie, now in her mid-teens. Desirous of a suitable match
for the princess, Ferdinando I was instrumental in arranging
her marriage to Henry IV of France in 1600. The king,
tempted by her generous dowry, was anxious to augment his
coffers, seriously depleted by military struggles in France.
For the next ten years, Ferdinando constantly kept himself
informed of activities in his niece's adopted country. This
policy was to be continued by his successors, Cosimo II
2 (1590-1621) and Ferdinando II (1610-70). l With the brutal assassination of Henry IV in May of
1610, Marie de' Medici became Queen-Regent: her coronation having taken place only the day before. W~thout delay, she envisioned a residence befitting her new status. There is
little question that she intend~d ta mndel this future palace after the Palazzo Pitti. The letters sent by MarLe
to her w~dowed Aunt Christine, are frequently clted by scholars of French architecture in general and the Palais du
Luxembourg in particular, as evidence of th~s. Nonelheless, there is also accepted agreement that Salomon de Brosse, the
architect chosen by Mar~e, made only minImal reference ta the Florentine ediflce, adaptlng solely the details of
rustication ~ntroduced by Ammannati in his mid-slxteenth- century additions to the court yard of the 'palazzo'.
Eminently aware of the raIe that a garden played ~n the enhancement of a residence, did Marie aiso intend ta refer
to the 'giard~no dl Boboli' extending beh~nd the Palazzo Pitti? The answer to this question forms the prlnr.lpal objective of this thesis, which is ta establlsh that Marle
de' Medici, Queen Regent of France in the years 1610-1617, determined ta create an environment that would have as its basis the garden she remembered from her youth. However, Marie's concept involved more than just a physlcal
l The information relating to Marie's childhood i5 found in Louis Batiffol, Marie de MédlCis_ anA_h~J; __Ç91!r_t" trans. Mary King (London: Chatto and Windus, 1908), 1-35.
3 manifestation of the Boboli garden. She drew on her Tuscan heritage in an attempt to recreate the impressive grandeur of the Florentine garden which, historically, had been manipulated to exalt the status of the Grand-dukes. Tc this end, hallmark features of the Boboli garden were considered and, indeed, provided inspiration for the 'jardin du Luxembourg' located in the environs of Paris. Marie purposefully chose a similar suburban setting, thereby initiating a replay of Medici tradition. Rer plans for constructing an aqueduct were also in line with a long standing tradition of the Grand-dukes who equated the supply of water with the beneficence of their government. Marie's purchase of property, which reflected the Boboli garden in both size and unusual longitudinal disposition, was yet another indication of her intent. Unfortunately, duplication of the Tuscan region's steep terrain was beyond possibility. Nonetheless, the overall layout of the Italian garden, as seen in Vascellini's engraving of 1789, (Fig. 1) provides evidence of the similar disposition of walhways, wooded areas, ponds and decorative features when compared to
Gomboust's map of Paris (1652), which depicts the immediate vicinity of Luxembourg. (Fig. 2) lndividual characteristic features of Boboli: the amphitheatre, 'Grotta Grande', 'Isolotto' and 'Viottolone', became motivational elements that, in the hands of French garden artists, were adapted and transformed to conform to the demands of a new time and
4 ,. J
place. 1 Marie Luise Gothein is the first garden historian to comment on the resemblance between these two gardens. 2 Even
more revealing is the illuminating biography of Jacques
Boyceau, by F. Hamilton Hazlehurst, which draws attention to
specific elements clearly deriving from Boboli and
incorporated into the overall plan at Luxembour9. 3
With a view to exploring further these simllarlties,
the present research takes into consideration the necessity
of understanding the chronological development of Marie's
French garden from the time of its inception in 1611 to the
later stages, circa 1635, when the queen, though permanentty
exiled, still maintained a minimal voice in its progress.
A second ave~ue of research focuses on an almost
parallel evolution of the Boboli garden, held as the
formative influence at Luxembourg, between the years 1549 ta
1637. It is, therefore, most important to differentiate
between features relating to the time of Marie's residency
in the Florentine palace and later developments occurring
after her departure in 1600. Since major renovations,
particularly in the western sector of Boboli, appear to have
2 Marie Luise Gothein, A History clf __ .Q~xçl~J!..1\rt, trans. Mrs Archer-Hind (London and Toronto: J.M. Dent & Sons Ltd., 1928), 1:428-429.
3 Franklin Hamilton Hazlehurst, Jacques Bo~ceau and th~_ French FormaI Garden (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1966), 51-62.
5 been made in the early years of the seventeenth century and yet are mirrored in the plan of Marie's French garden, the following questions arise: How could the designers of
Luxembourg have been aware of them, and how significant was the role they played in terms of the French concept?
As seen today, neither the Boboli nor the Luxembourg garden replicate the ideas of their creators. Early maps, engravlngs and paintings specifying the location of walks, plantations, water and decorative embellishments are the m~in sources of data, in conjunction with contemporaneous garden treatises that are often accompanied by illustrative planting designs and detailed information on plant materials. The diaries of long-deceased travellers inform us, through descriptive passageb, of sights that delighted the eyes. As weIl, writings of early historians record for posterity the achievements of inàividual artists whose creations formed an integral part of the composite we know as a garden. Lastly, mundane but es~-~~ial records, preserved in French and Italian arc~~ves, impart the facts and figures relating to a particular installation: a fountain, sculpture or grotto. When compiled, these gleanings from a variety of sources render a vision of the garden, reborn, as in the halcyon days of its genesis.
6 CHAPTER 1 THE PRECEDENTS OF ITALIAN INFLUENCE IN FRENCH GARDENS
French and Italian gardens are rooted in traditions that grew from considerations of cultural heritage, climate and topography. In the early sixteenth cenlury, French châteaux and their surrounds had evolved within the fortress and moat concept of the Middle Ages, while Itallan villas of the same period, were created ln response to the greater
freedom of Italian city states. Located in hilly regions, as dictated by Alberti's Renaissance theories, the vjllas
and their accompanying gardens contrasted greatly with the generally fIat topography elected by French royalty and
nobility for their estates. As weIl, French climate lacked
the strong Mediterranean sunshine; winlers, although mild,
were cooler and damper than those to the southeast of the
Alpine barrier.
The assimilation of Italian garden theories and models
into French gardens introduced concepts that ne"essitated a
compromise between Italian forms and the demands lmposed by
the character of France. The tradition has its earl1est
beginnings in the fourteenth century. The garden of the
Hôtel de Saint-Pol, built in Paris during the reign of
Charles V, followed Italian conventions and was influenced 7 by the Italian treatise, Qpus ruralium commodorum (c 1304),
written by Pietro de Crescenzi. 4 In 1373, C~arles ordered that this agricuiturai treatise be translated into French under the title, Rustican de labeur des champs. Fourteen
editions were printed from 1486-1540 and its importance was not superceded untll the sixteenth-century treatises of Oliver de Serres and Charles Etienne, both of whorn relied heavily on previously printed material, including the Opus
ruralium commodorum. 5 Crescenzi perceived gardens in the utilitarian sense as deriving from monastic gardens of the Middle Ages. But he aiso made reference to a long neglected aspect, that of the
pleasure garden. 6 Although not a totally new concept, having roots in Far-Eastern tradition, it was one that would have far-reaching effects in the development of the French garden. Crescenzi's work represented the first in a series of successive waves of Italian influence to affect French ideas. However at this tirne, the focus was restricted to theory as opposed to direct contact with the Italian gardens themselves. The invasion of Italy, launched by the French king,
4 The garden's general form and individual features followed Italian practices. Hazlehurst, Il.
5 Kenneth Woodbridge, The Princely Garden (N.Y.: Rizzoli, 1986), 16.
6 Hazlehurst, 10. r 8
- Charles VIII, in August of 1494, provided impetus for the 1 adoption of Italian horticultural knowledge. Prior to entering Naples, the king had rested at Poggio Reale (1484- 90), a villa located a few miles east of the city. The following spring, after the fall of Castel Uova, Charles was forced to spend time once again at the villa while
convalescing from an attack of measles. During this per~od he became enamoured of both the beautiful gardens that surrounded this country residence and an Italian woman, Léonore de Marzano. 7 No dcuLt romance heightened the
garden's dazzling effect; but what~ver the circumstances, there is no question that at this point in history, the French were captured by the weo of the Italian Renaissance. The architect responsible for building the villa at 1 Poggio Reale, and in part its garden, was a Florentine, Giuliano da Maiano. 8 The spectacular terraced site, overlooking the Bay of Naples, so impressed Charles by its size, luxury and innovation that he wrote a glowing description to his brother-in-law, Cardinal de Bourbon: What's more, you would not credit the fine gardens l have in this town. For my faith only Adam and Eve seem lacking to make them an earthly paradise, so beautiful are they and so full of good and remarkable
7 Woodbridge, 39-40.
8 According to Woodbridge, the gardens are known only from sixteenth-century reconstructions based on unscaled sketches by Peruzzi and by descriptions of Jean Burchard (1495) and Marcantonio Michiel (1509). Ibid., 35.
9 hope to tell you wh en l see you. 9 The king's short-lived occupatlon was sufflcient to make him desirous of achieving sirnilar effects in his own gardens at Ambo1se and Blo1S. To this end, he returned home with a group of Italian craftsmen whose influence was to have long-Iast1ng effects on the gardens of French royalty. Two of the immigrants, a Neapolitan priest Pacello d9 Mercogliano (known as Dom Pasello) and Fra Gioconda of Verona, had been associated with work at Poggio Reale. In France, Dom Pasello's horticultural skills were employed in the acclirnatization of southern fruits: lemons, oranges and figs. He purchased fruit tre~s (probably bitter orange) for the royal orchard at Amboise and built an 'orangerie' on a tenant's land, who, in turn, annually presented a token orange branch to the k~ng.10
W1th the death of Charles in 1498, Dom Pasello continued his wark at Amboise and Blois under the new king, Louis XII. In 1517, his innovations at Blois were recorded by Dom Antonio de Beatis who wrote of wooden tubs planted with lemon and orange trees and of a large wooden shelter buile to protect them. ll These 'orangeries' of Dom Pasello appear to be the earliest examples of such buildings in France. Moreover, it is interesting to note the use of
9 Ibid., 40.
10 Gothein, 1:393.
11 Woodbridge, 43, 44.
10 wooden tubs as substitutes for the terracotta pots of Italy. 1 The second advance in French gardenlng, which seems ta have been introduced by Dom Pasello, i5 the transltion from
the previously used knots and labyrlnth deslgns to the 'parterre' composed of multiple unit5, each planted wlth low growlng flowers and shrubs arranged in elaborate geometrlc
pat terns. 1 2 In th2 engravlng of Du Cerceau, on 1 y fi ve
compartments are visible in the garden at Amboise L3 (Fig. 3) but the design appears very simllar to that of Blo1S, where Dom Pasello's responsibility has been documented. 14 Here,
the central 'Jardin de 1 a Reine', Wl th i ts l ta 1 i anate
pavilion and manner of planting, was laId cut ln ten
'parquets' divided by a central aXlS. (FIg. 4)
, '. Fra Gioconda had aiso worked at Blois,15 but hlS greatest impact was ln the djssemination of Italian theory.
He was responsible for the publicatlon of VitruvluS' writings and other ancient authors on agrlculture: Cato, Columella and Varra. Lecturing in Paris ln the early
1500'5, he is credited with provlding a firm foundation for
12 Hazlehurst, 12-13.
13 The beds at Amboise were laid out by Dom Pasello ln
1501-1505. W.H. ~lard, ed. 1 f~ençlLÇJ}ât~~t!.l5-...~n..(LG~!:çteJ~_s _lJl the XVlth Century (London: B.T. Batsford, 1909), 9.
14 Dom Pasello's name appears ln receipts up ta the year 1531. He received 300 llvres a year. Woodbrldge, 42.
15 He engineered the white marble fountaln by the Italian sculptor, Pacchaerotti. Gothein, 1:394.
11
.. the future development of garden art in France. 16
In the slxteenth century, Italian influence in France
is seen once more, when the military adventures of Francis l
ended with defeat and capture at the hands of Charles V of
Pavia in 1525. Returning home, the French king concentrated
hlS ener.g1es on huntlng rather than war. Fontainebleau, a
royal hunting lodge near Paris, became his favoured
residence and it was here that a second growth of Italian-
inspired adaptations were to bear fruit.
Arriving ln France at the invitation of Francis l,
Itallan artists, among them Vignola, Primaticclo and Serlio,
provlded a merger of Italian Renaissance and Mannerist
Ideals ln the rebuilding programme at Fontainebleau (begun
c.1528). Their contributlons ta garden art were not so much
( in the horticultural field, as had been the case at Amboise
and Blois, but in the decorative asp~cts of fountains and
sculptures, which began to adorn French gardens to a far
greater extent. Du Cerceau·s engr.aving, although of a later
period, illustrates the garden as completed by 1540.(Fig. 5)
Vignola, whose greatest fame was to be achleved in the
Italian gardens at Caprarola and Villa Lante, enhanced
Fontalnebleau wlth bronze replicas of famous antique marble
sculptures existing in the garden of Julius II at the
16 Woodbridge, 40. [ . 12 , 1
Cortile deI Be1vedere. 17
1 A second Italian innovation was the gratta. Attributed
to both Serlio and Primaticcio,l8 the 'Grotte des PIns'
(1541-43) at Fontainebleau was built under a corner pavIllon
of the 'Galerie d'Ulysse' and faced the 'JardIn des PIns'.
(Fig. 6) This structure's Italian ancestry 1S reveal~d ln
the rustlcated arches of the façade, which recall trlumphal
Roman arches, and in the crudely sculpted figures of the
columnar supports with thelr afflnity to GIulIO Romano's
models in the 'Sala dei Giganti' frescoes at Palazzo dei Tè.
The keystones that drop out of allgnment over the arches,
are also a reminder of the unIque Mannerist style of the
Mantuan 'palazzo'. An early revival of a classlcal
nymphaeum, the grotto at Palazzo dei Tè (1532) was a
distinct architectural unit and, therefore, unllke those ln
hillside locations at most Italian VIllas. (FIg. 7)
Moreover, it was weil known ta Primaticclo who had assisted
the celebrated archltect GIulIO Romano.
17 The Laocoon, Apollo Belvedere, and the sleeping Ariadne were ail figures appearing in the sculpture garden of Julius II at Cortile de Belvedere. Georgina Masson, Itallan Gardens (London: Thames and Hudson, 1961; rev. ed. Antique Collecters' Club, 1987), 126.
lil Lucile, M. Golson, "Serllo, PrimatlcclO and the Archi tectura 1 Grot to, Il 9azet_t_~_4.e~_ .. a_~~_!lx_..h_rJ~ 77 (February 1971): 97. Rosenfeld definltely attributes the archltectural aspect of the grotto to Serlio based on Plate XXXIII appearing in On Domestic Architect~r~_. Myra Nan Rosenfeld, Sebastianp Serlio on Domestic Archi~~ctu~~ (New York: Architectural History Foundation; Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, England: The MIT Press, 1978), 23-24.
13 Seba~tlano Serlio, the most notable Italian architect 1 to be Invlted by FranCIS, exerted greater influence through his illustrated publlcations on archltecture than through his actual bUIldIngs. In hIS studies of Roman antiquities and the archltecture of his lmmediate Italian predecessors, partIcularly Bramante, he acqualnted the French wlth the
'mode d'Italie'. H1S books, replete with drawings of the Cortile deI Belvedere and the Palazzo deI Tè, gave as much importance to visual presentation as ta text and thus served
as manuals that overshadowed previous publlcations. 19 Unfortunately, the only surviving evidence of Serlio's skill is the château Ancy-le-Franc (ca.1546), located near Tonnerre, Burgundy.2o A drawing by Du Cerceau characterizes the close symmetrlcal relationship achleved between house and garden: a concept introduced by Raphael at Villa Madama ln 1516 and considered to be the perfect example of a unified plan for house and garden. (Fig. 9) Seen for the flrst tlme in France, this innovation was destined to becorne one of the prlme concerns of French gardening in the seventeenth century. parallels can be drawn between Ancy-le-Franc and Tribolo's contemporary plan of Villa Castello designed for
19 Woodbridge, 61. 20 While at Fontainebleau, Serlio designed the palace of Ippollto d'Este. Later, when Ippolito d'Este returned to Rome, he built the famous Villa d'Este. Woodbridge, 51. Ancy-le-Franc was built for Antoine de Clermont. Ward, f.r_~nçh_.Ç)lâteaux and Garg~DJ3_, 19. { 14 .,,
COSImo de' Medici in 1540. In both instances, the central axis, passing from building to garden, serves ta )Oln the two areas. However, in terms of site there lS little similarity, as Castello, ln the hilly regions of Tuscany, contrasts markedly with the uniformly fIat terraln of Ancy-
le-Franc. 21 To compensate for thlS deflciency, Serllo adapted the stepped terrace introduced by Bramante at lhe
Cortile deI Belvedere. (FIg. 8) By incorporatlng thlS feature with the moat's retaInlng walls -- no longer a protective feature but still kept from the medleval perIod--
Serllo created an elevated walkway fer vlewing the pattern~
of the garden below. 22 Not aIl Italian influence came to France by way of
invaslon and immigration. Marriage with the powerful MedI~l family of Tuscany provlded another source. Catherine de' Medici, who married Henry II prlor te his succeSSIon, was more infiuenciai after the kIng's death, ln 1559, than before. Her passion for 'fêtes' established the garden's use as a stage for spectacular court festivals WhlCh perpetuated "the golden age" symbolism of life under the powerful Tuscan family.23 Such grand allusions would have
21 Woodbridge, 64. ,. 1 22 Hazlehurst, 18.
" l' 23 The Fête of 1564, focuses on the Golden Age of Henrl ,~ II, to be revived by his son Charles IX. R. strong, \ SpI endo_l!L~.L~..9_urt t Renai~Ê..anc~_ .QP~~La.~ 1..~_.~rgl._ t_he. Tne.at_re of " power (Boston; Weidenfeld anô Nicolson, 1973), 132. il' [ ,"'l, ~ 15 ~ .' abundant appeal tor her descendant, Marie de' MedIci.
During Henry's reign, Catherine was overshadowed by his
mIstress, DIane de Poitiers. Philibert de l'Orme, who was
commlssioned to rebulld Château d'Anet (1548-55) for the
kIng's favorite, establlshed an architectural relatlonship
between hause and garden simllar ta that of Serlia's Ancy-
le-Franc. 24 De l'Orme, uSlng a fIrst-hand knawledge of
antIquities garnered during a three year stay in Rame and
prlnciples established by Alberti and Vitruvius, achieved a
classical symmetry that rivalled the architecture of the
rtalian Renatssance. 2S As seen in Du Cerceau's engraving,
the central axis passed thraugh the bUIlding anto a terrace
constructed over a cryptoparticus, a feature al so derived
26 ;( from Villa Madama. (Fig. 10) This terrace had no precedent ln France. Instead, it corresponded ta the Ital ian need ta
view the geometric patterns of flawer and herb gardens and
gave a sense of height and changing level to the typically
fIat terrain af most French gardens. The axis termInated ln
a crescent-shaped basin forming part of the maat. This
24 Diane de Poitiers inherited the feudal fortress from her husband, Louis de Breze, Grand Senschal of Normandy. Ward, f.p~..D~h._Çnât~a'd~ and Gardens., 20.
25 De l'Orme studied bath standing Roman antiquities and excavation results at VIlla Adriana from 1533 ta 1536. Woodbridge, 52.
26 Naomi Mi Il er, "Domaine of 1 Il usion: The Grot to in France," ln Fatl~~ientlae: Renaissance Garden Fountains, ed. Elizabeth MacDoughall (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard Unlversity, 1978), 179.
{ 16 r~ i, \
exedral shape is again reminiscent of Bramante's Cortlle d~l Belvedere, as are the double flights of aval stairs descending ta the arcade enel osed garden. (Fig. 8) The most Italianate garden in France was St. Germaln- en-Laye, reconstructed under Henry IV by Etienne du Perac. Originally, Francis 1 had built on pre-exlsting feudal foundations, but Henry II, findlog the bUIlding gloomy and too far from the Seine, erected a second 'chàteau' closer to the river, where the prospect was greatly enhanced.
The incline of the slope lent itself ta a serles of SIX terraces descendlng to the river's edge. Franclni's
engraving illustrates the transition from levei ta level by
ramps and staircases in the mann~r originated by Bramante. (Fig. Il) Further contemporary Italian precedents are recognized in the hillside garden of Villa d'Este at Tivoli
(ca 1560) and, more particularly, ln Vignola's Villa Lante
at Bagnaia (1566) .27 The renowned grottos at St. Germain-en- Laye were created by Tommaso Francini, an Itallan fountaineer responsible for the famed hydraulic worka ln the Medici garden at Pratollno. Wlth his arrival ln France ln
1598, Tommaso established a family traditlon ln thls field. Both he and his brother Alessandro were employed by MarLe de' Medici at Luxembourg, where Tommaso englneered the 'aqueduc d'Arcueil' and created the terraces surrounding the
27 A list of the common features appear in Hazlehurst, n.42,100.
17 'grand parterre'.28 Moreover, it is interesting to note that ( Bramante's influentiaI innovations will once more play a formative roIe in this same garden. From the fourteenth century onward, it is readily apparent that France had been steeped in the lessons of Italian garden art. Therefore, in the seventeenth century, when Marie de' Medici, reluctant to forego her Italian heritage, expressed a desire to use the Boboli garden as an inspiring model for the realization of her own ambltions at Luxembourg, it cannot be considered a startling or innovative concept on her part. Indeed, she persisted with what must be recognized as a well-established precedent in the gardens of French royalty and nobility. (
28 M. G. Weber, "Un livre d'esquisses inédit attribué à Tommaso de Francini (1571-1651)," Bulletin de la Société de l'histoire de l'art (1980): 71-80.
( 18 1
CHAPTER II BOBOLI; ITS RELATION TO MARIE DE' MEDICI
The palace and garden that encompassed the world of the
youthful Marie de' Med~Cl bore the stamp of her grandfather,
Duke Cosimo and his wife Eleanora of Toledo. USlng proceeds
from her dowry, the wealthy duchess purchased the steep,
hlllslde property of Lucca Pittl, situated across the Arno
River on the outskirts of Florence. 29 Several neighboring
farms completed the garden's scope. One such early parcel
of land, owned by the Bergoli family, held the clue tor the
name still gracing the garden today, that of Boholl. 30
Eleanora's intention was to create a monument exaltlng her
Spanish heritage, while COSlmo understood the benefits of
such an endeavour as twofold: on the one hand, a residence
and garden which would add to his stature as the rullng
prince; on the other, one which would extol hlS polltical
virtues. ------29 Eleanora was the daughter of the Viceroy of Naples. The duchess paid 9000 gold scudi for the palace purchased ln 1549. Caterlna Caneva, The Boboll ~~~d~nê, transe Andrew McCormick (Florence: tlLo Studlolo," 1982), 4.
30 Land transactions involving the family Borgoli or Borgolini are cited by Francesco Marla Soldini, It_Real~ Giardino di Boboli (Florence: 1789; reprint Rome: Multigraflca Editrice, 1976), 3.
19 The wedge-shaped parce: of land ascended a precipitous ( slope directly behind the palace. At its widest point, the ramparts deslgned by Michelangelo and the later 'Forte di Belvedere' prevented further extension. Fortificatlon walls bounding the southern limits extended transversely down a gentle lncllne to the narrow western end of the 'Porta
Romano' .31 These defined the garden's unusual shape, which in area encompassed roughly one square mile. Previously, this site had consisted of a conglomeration of small orchards, vineyards and quarries. One quarry, still active in 1489 and owned by the Convent of Santa Felicita,
had provided 'pietra forte' for the Palazzo Strozzi. 3 2 Moreover, sorne of the best stone used in the construction of the Pitti Palace had been excavated from the area behind the { palace. As a result, the landscape was marked by a unique horseshoe-shaped valley that dictated the layout of one of
the garden's most remarkable features, the amphitheatre. 33 Lucca Pitti's rusticated fortress had been created from
31 The walls were raised against the slope in 1545 and the 'Forte dl Belvedere' was bUllt ca. 1590. Dami, The Italian Garden, trans. Scopoli (N.Y.: Brentano's Inc., 1~29), 44.
32 Richard Goldwaithe, The Building of Renaissance Florence: An Economie and Social History (Baltimore and London: Hopkins University Press, 1980), 226.
33 Eve Borsook, The Companion Guide to Florence (New York and Evanston: Harper and Row, 1966), 31.
20 , \
exceptional blocks of stone,34 which prompted Ruskin's apt
1 descript~on; lia stern expression of brotherhood with the
mountain heart from which it was rent."35 Bu~lt by Luca
Fancelli about 1458, its des~gn has sometlmes been attributed to his rnaster Brunelleschi, whose death, twelve
years before, makes this an unlikely assumption. 36 According to Vasari, Cosimo entrusted Niccolà di
Raffaello, called 'Il Tr~bolo', to lay out the grounds and adorn them with gardens, woods, fountains and ponds. Considering the difficult terrain, he was a JUdlC10US choice, for ln additlon to belng an hydraulic engineer and famed sculpter, he was noted for hlS skills at estlmating
the heights of mountains and depresslons. 37 In 1550, before his plans could reach fruition. Trlbolo died. H1S deslgns were then relegated to the interpretatlon of ether artists
and architects ~n Cesimo's employ, among them Bandlnelll,
34 The largest block was an unheard of 28 inches ln length. Giorglo Vasari, On TechnigQ~, et~. Prof. G. Baldwln Brown, trans. Louisa Maclehose (New York: Daver publlcations, 1960), n. 101, 60.
35 John Ruskin, The_Se~en La~~_~f ~rchit~ct~%~ (London: J.M. Dent & Sons Ltd., 1910), 83.
36 Brunelleschi died in 1446. Peter Murray, R~nat~§_~pce Architecture (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1971), 48. The 'palazzo' has many of Albertl's stylistlc features accordlng ta L. Heydenreich and W. Lotz, Architecture in Itill___ Ll~_9_0._- 1600, trans. Mary Hollinger (Harmondsworth: Penquin Books Ltd., 1974), 40.
37 Giorgi 0 Vasari, Lives .Qf the Pain.te_L~.1-.sc~lp.!:.9r.ê_.~nd Architect~, trans. A.B. Hinds (London: J.M. Dent & Co., 1900), 6:65,41.
,o. 21 Ammannati and Buontalenti. It is apparent, however, from t early depictlons of the garden the maps by Francesco's cartographer, Buonsignori (ca. 1595) (Fig. 12) and Giusto utens' Lunette, Belveder con Pittl (ca. 1599) (Figs. 13 &
14) -- that Tribolo was well aware of the theories espoused by Albertl with respect te gardens: Let the greund also be here and there thrown into those Figures that are most commended in the Platforms of Houses, Clrcles, Semlcircles and the like, and Surrounded with Laurels, Cedars, Junlpers with their Branches lntermixed, and twining one into the other. 3B Accordingly, gardens and buildings should form a harmonious unit and as building designs were enclosed by walls, so garden designs should be enclosed by foliage. Alberti alse advocated that gardens be laid out ratlonally in geometrlc deslgns wlth stralght paths and intersections emphaslzed by sculpture. He writes: The trees ought to be planted in Rows exactly even, and answering to one another exactly upon straight Lines. 39 Most importantly, there were to be mathematical, predictable vlstas wlth fountains along a central axis responding to a criterion of definite symbolism. 4o Tribolo's original design for the garden included the perspective of the central perpendicular axis, which was
38 Leone Battista Alberti, Ten Books on Architecture, [Florence 1485] ed. Joseph Rykwert, trans. James Leoni (London, 1726; reprint, London: Alec Tiranti, 1965), 9:193.
39 Ibid.
40 Caneva, 10.
22 intended to provide an illusion of greater dIstance. As 1 weIL, a spectacular fountaln was envisloned by the sculptor to stand silhouetted agalnst the yew trees planted ln the
hollow depression'5 5mall lawn or 'prato' .41 Giambologna's
Qce?~us (1567-76) was to be the fulfliiment of Trlbolo's conception. ProvIsion for water was an IntImate part of thp garden's plan and necessitated an aqueduct trom 'Porta San
Giorgio'. This, too, was Inltiated by Tribolo but not
completed until after his death. 42 To compliment the VIsta seen from the palace, a rectangular 'vlvaio' was posltloned on the hlll 's summit. Judglng from its placement, thls pond served as a reserV01r enabllng water ta flow naturally to other locatIons withln the garden. Some plantlng was begun prior to Trlbolo's death, but for the most part, the geometric configurations ct llex and
laurel were the work of Marco de Tasso. 43 In later years, the denseness of planting caused Vlsltors to lose slght of the garden's actual size, making it seem much larger. Doubtless, one of the most interestlng aspects ot Tribolo's layout of the garden may be recognlzed ln what he did not do. One ponders why the spectacular hlllslde, so
41 Dami, 44.
o Judith Chatfield, A Tour. of Itallan._.G?]:"q~.~_ (N.Y.: Rlzzoli, 1988), 123. Payment for the aqueduct 15 recorded August 19, 1553. Judith Chatfield and Francesco Gurrleri, Boboli Gardens (Florence: EditrIce Edam, 1972), 74.
43 There were also rare plants and orchards. Caneva, 6.
23 ldeally suited to the archltectural terracing in vogue Slnce
Bramante's Cortlle deI Belvedere, was not transformed in
llke manner. Astonishingly, Trlbolo's plan is equally
suited for level terrain. 44
COSlmo's garden at Castello (1540), designed by TrIbolo
prlor to Boboll, had been based on an lconographic theme
that supported the polltical activities of the Duke in
allegorlcal form and, as a secondary focus, documented the
passage of water in nature. 45 Perhaps a similar iconography
was intended for Boboll, particularly with respect to the
tountaln sculpture.
Beglnnlng wlth the era of Tribolo and including the
perlod of Marie's resldence in the Palazzo Pltti, the
Florentine garden's perimeter and central axis layout ( remained virtually unchanged. Therefore, it may be viewed
as the model that was emulated in both her land acquisitlons
and plan for the 'jardin du Luxembourg'. Essentlally,
Marle's garden resembles Boboli in dimension and outline and
has a coincidlng central axis punctuated by a wlde-based
fountaln. At the same time, through the use of perspective
devices and ter~acin~, a sense of distance and, more
importantly, elevation was achieved in the Paris garden, ------
44 Georgina Masson, "Florentine and Tuscan Gardens of the seventeenth and elghteenth centuries," Apollo 100 (September 1974): 210.
45 D. R. Edward Wright, "The Iconography of the Medici Garden at Castello," Journal of the Society of Architectural ~_~ê~JL~i~~s 34 (Dec. 1975): 314. c 24 ------~------
although never comparable to the abrupt nature of the
,1 Florent~ne site. Water suppiy, a problem common to bath
gardens, was rel~eved ln each instance by the construction
of aqueducts. Cosl.mo considered them proof pOSi t ive of hiS beneflcence, the greatest achlevements of hlS relgn: a factor no doubt considered by Marle when she commlSSloned the 'aqueduc d'Arcueil' ta benefit her ParlS garden.
Amm_annati: the Amphi theatrIlL~~~t~~l ac_~ One of Boboll'S hallmarks. the amphltheatre. Iles immediately behlnd the palace and was Italy's flrst "green theatre."46 Set agalnst a backdrop formed by the hill 's lush foliage, the horseshoe-shaped depresslon appears
clearly deflned ln Utens' Lunette ot 1599. (Fig. 13) Its
small square lawn, impos~ng fountaln and 'boschett1' of
evergreen trees would have been a well-known Vlew ta the young Marle de' MedlCl as she gazed from the famlly quarters on the 'plano nabile' or stralled wlth her frlend. Léonora. Whether origlnally a natural valley or the result ct quarrying operations, thl.s hollow ln the landscape lncited
the admlration of Baccio Bandlnelli as early as 1551 when ln a letter ta Cosimo, he wrote; tIlt seems te me that this field which I have seen has been sa weIl placed by nature
that 1 have seen no other like it."47 In thlS same letter he ------
46 Chatfield and Gurrieri, 45.
47 Masson. ItaUan Gardens, 79.
25
- offers to acqua~nt Duke Cosimo w~th Bramante's plans ot the 1 Cortile deI Belvedere; again, there is little te suggest
that he met with success. The Boboll garden cent~nued ta
follow the natural slope of the land. Planted embankments
and a hone~,comb of symmetr~cal walks delineated the U-shaped
outl1ne, clearly rem1niscent of Roman temple exedras or
anclent ci~cuses: elements that had also lnspired Bramante.
In conClse form, Bandinelli offered te COS1mo the basle
tenet ot garden deslgn during the Renaissance: "Le cose che
Sl murano debbono essere guidl e superlorl a quelle che Sl
plante. "4 a Wl th th~s premise in mind, Ammanna tl st:re 1 y
planned a harmonlOUS union between palace and garden when
commisSloned by Cosimo to extend the palace ln 1559. A
frlend and collaborator of Vasarl at Villa Glulia, Ammannatl
was, most probably, entrusted with responsibility for the
amphitheatre, Slnce th1S feature was so closely lntegrated
wlth the palace. 49 H1S involvement with the garden lS
confirmed in letters to Duke Cosimo, dated 1563/64. 50
The plans for renovation and expanSlon of the seven-bay
48 Masson "Florentine and Tuscan Gardens," 212.
49 Credit for the design is generally attributed to Ammannati, although sorne authors assign lt to his successor, Buontalentl. Chatfleld and Gurrieri, 45.
50 "Bartolommeo Arnmannati informa il Granduca sullo stato del lavori nella fabbrica de' Pitti e sulle spese per la fabrica stessa e per 11 giardino." F. Morandini, ed., Mostt~do~um~ntaria e lconograflca dl Palazzo Pitti e deI 9iar~~n~~~obol~ (Florence: Tipographia Glunta, 1960), no. 26, 15.
26 block-like palace included two wings projectlng towards the 1 garden. The fourth or open side was closed by a slngle story wall that created a court yard. The prlmary functlon
of this 'cortile' was to facllitate the 'grandezza' or
theatrlcal performances celebrated at Coslmo's court: these
extravagant pageants, planned by court artJsts, welcomed
vlsitors or commemorated Medlci weddings. Frequently, the
"green thea t re" served a slmil ar purpos e, thus empha5lZ 1 ng
the Intrlnsic reiatlonship between theatre and the palace
garden complex. 51
It has been written that, ln contradIctIon to the
RenaIssance developments of Bramante and Raphael, there 15
Ilttle unIt y between the Boboli garden and the Palazzo
PIttI. 52 Indeed, when the extensIons of Parlgl early ln the
seventeenth century are considered, such a statement 5eems
to have va 1 idi ty . However, Ammanna tl 's plans, pr l or to thlS
constructIon, Illustrate that he intended, in the sedate
archItectural grotto of the medlating wall between garden
and 'cortlle', a repetition of the semIclrcular form that
characterizes the amphltheatre. (Fig. 17) Obscured by the
overhead terrace, curving stairwells descended ta the aval
pool of a grotto. Not only do they echo the shape of the
valley but there is a strong sense of the archltect's design
51 Chatfield and Gurrieri, 45.
52 Hazlehurst, 59.
27 for the VIlla Glulia's celebrated sunken nymphaeum. (FIg. 18)
It must alsa be noted that in the sixteenth century, there was much less dlsparlty between the levels of the court yard and the amphitheatre. s3
Ammannatl's extenSIons ta the palace, and therefore the characterlstlcs that relate them to the surroundlng garden. were reallzed a decade before the blrth of Marle de' Medlcl.
Thelr harmony and unlty of desIgn surely constltute a segment of Marie's memorles, as they resurface years later ln the underlYlng current that permeates the contour of the
'grand parterre' at Luxembourg.
ln 1631, an archItectural modIfIcatIon was Implemented at Boboll by CosImo II's architect GlullO Parlgi, who, with the aid of hIS son Alfonso, installed SIX levels of tlered stone seatIng around the perlmeter of the amphitheatre.
Crownlng thls enframement were altar-like niches contalnlng statues. By 1634, the undertaklng was cornplete.~4 It is dItficult to estabilsh if sorne other form of archItectural treatment had eXIsted prior to this time. During the tenure of AmmannatI, references ta small walls or 'muriccioil dell'anfiteatro' are recorded in 1563. 55 One proposaI, that
53 The level of the arnphitheatre was ralsed in 1771. ClaudIa Lazzaro, The Italian Renaissance Garden (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1990), n. 24, 314.
5" Caneva, 13.
!IS F. Morandini, ed., no. 41, 17.
28 ,
an alteration was begun as early as 1599,56 is unfortunately 1 not confirmed by the Utens Lunette, WhlCh shows only a thln grey line, difficult to dlstlngulsh as elther a pa th or a
wall, surrounding the horseshoe shape. The dates of Pan.gl's
innovation are of consIderable lnterest wlth respect to
Luxembourg, as records lndlcate the constructlon was later
than Francin1' s slmi lar terrac1ng ln the French garden.
The mandate glven to Tribalo by Cosimo had lncluded a
proVlso for fountain sculpture to embelllsh the garden: a
vogue WhlCh featured Innumerabl e sea deI tl es, nymphs, sa tyrs
and dolphins ln sixtep.nth-century Florentine gardens.
Laboring to complete thlS request, Tribolo travelled to Elba
to arrange for the transportat1on of a mammoth block of
hollowed grani te that was Intended to serve as the basln of
a fountain gracing the central • prato' .!i 7 Unfort unatel y,
his death precluded the plan's culminatlon.
Al though no fountain was created for Boboll by Tnbolo,
the garden's principal fountalns by Glambologna and LorenZl
at test to hlS inf l uentia l innova ti ons ln the rea l m of
fountain lconography. Tribolo onglna ted the mot 1 f of the
seated river dei ty, a departure from recl in1ng ri ver gods
56 Chatfield and Gurrieri, 45.
S 7 Elba was noted for exceptional blocks of grani te, this one measuring 12 braccia in diameter (apPt ox. 24 ft.). Vasari, On Technique, 41 . .- 29 Wh1Ch finds its precedent 1n Michelangelo's Sistine ceiling 1 'ignudi'.58 Perhaps, Tribolo's greatest achievement can be recognlzed 1n hlS break from traditional wall fountains. He
created, Instead, freestanding sculptures and orchestrated a
relationshlp between the slender Jets of water and the solid
forms of the fountaln. 59 However, faced with the chronlc
water shortage in Florence, Tribolo's figures always
remalned the dominant feature.
White marble statues were commonly contrasted against
dark foliage, whIle colour was restricted to the granite or
variegated marble basins that received the play of water. On
occaSIon, the more pictorlai bronze accented a fountain's
relatIonshlp with ItS natural surroundings, as seen in the
~~~~ta~n_ok~~une (1565-68) by Stoldo Lorenzi di
Sett.lgnano (1543-83). (Fig. 19) The earliest of Boboli 's
major fountains, the Neptune culminated an extended line of
site from the palace to Tribolo's 'vIvaio' on the crest of
the hill. GO The fountain's original cylix form is visible in
the Utens Lunette, though situated in a temporary location
58 Bertha Wiles, The Fountains of Florentine Sculptors a~d their followers trom Donatello to Berninl (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1933), 36.
59 John Pope-Hennessy, Itallan High Renaissance and Barogue~ç~~p-ture 2d. ed. (London and New York: Phaidon, 1970),73.
60 The fountain was seen in this location by the Venetlan Ambassador in 1576. Lazzaro, n. 28, 314.
30 to the left of the palace. 6l (Fig. 20)
1 The bronze f~9ure of Neptune, atop a marble pedestal, introduces an uncharacterlstic, dramatic vltality to the marine god whose arm is pOlsed, ready to strike. ThIS momentary pose foreshadows the later sculpture ot BernIni and represents a far more vlgorous god of the waters than the placid portrayals ot Neptune by either Ammannatl or
Giambologna. Lorenzi's Ne~~u~~_ falls dlrectly wlthln the category of sculpture Inspired by celebratory parade floats. COSImo l had expressly requested that the tountaln be based on a charIol desIgn, by Vasari, depictIng the 'TrIumph ot
Neptune' .62 (Fig. 21) The fountain's iconography was predIcated on COSlffiO'S poilticai aspiratIons and, as was cornmon ln the Renaissance, these were allegorlcally aligned wIth Neptune: the god who metaphorlcly stilled the troubled waters or InItIated the flow of water. Similar themes had Infused Trlbolo's garden lconography at Castello and the bond between COSImo and Neptune is strengthened by a commemoratIve medal, struck ln
1567, which portrays the two figures, one on either slde. 63
61 ThE fountain was returned to the hilltop early jn the 17th century. Caneva, 13. In 1768 the natural rock base was incorporated wIth the original figures. Lazzaro, 212.
62 The chariot was designed for a pageant, based on the genealogy of the gods, held for the wedding festivItles ot Marie's parents in 1565. Chatfield and Gurrierl, 48.
63 The medal commemorated completion of the aqueduct from Porta San Niccolà to Piazza della Signorla. WIles, 18.
31 --- 1
In 1567 when the colossal granite vessel, quarried
sev~nteen years earlier by Tribolo, finally arrived in
Florence, a fountain commission was given to Giambologna
wlth thlS dlrective by Cosimo;
10 ho fatto cavar questo sasso, come tu vedi, per fare una bella fonte per 10 giardlno; sia dunque tue penslero 11 tare essa fonte in modo, che la tazza faccia enore a te, e l'opere tue alla tazza;64
A decade later -- when Marie was still a toddler --
Francesco installed Glambologna's Oceanus Fountain in a pre-
eminent location, the centre of the amphitheatre's lawn. 65
Once more, a fountain's iconography presented an
equation that mlrrored Hedicean power. The commanding
stance ef the uprlght figure invites comparison with the
ruler of Florence: Oceanus, of Horneric legend, was viewed ( during the Renaissance as a symbol of the universal power of water. His role, as the father of the river gods and the
source of the seas, irnplied also the origin of aIl things. 66
The powerful, white marble body of Giambologna's
terminal figure rises into space. Jets of water play upward
like the spray created by a sea creature rising from the
ocean's depth. Underneath, turbulent river gods, haIt
crouching, half seated and akin to Tribolo's new ideas,
64 Quoted in Filippo Baldinucci, Notizie dei Professori deI Disegno (Florence: V. Batelli e Co., 1845; reprint, Florence: Eurographica S.p.A, 1974), 2: 559.
65 May, 1576. Chatfield and Gurrieri, 55.
66 Lazzaro, 194.
( 32 , r
perch precariously on consoles. They symbolically slgnify 1 the Nile, Ganges and Euphrates Rivers and simultaneously suggest youth, maturity and old age. 67 The great basin lS then representative of the oceans into which these great tributaries flow. (Fig. 22) Thaugh never cited as a source of 1nsp1ration, 1t seems
readily apparent ~hat Giambologna was also intluenced by Vasari's charlot design. (Fig. 21) The central flgure and the crouching supports have much in common with the same
drawing that had served as the model for Lorenzl's ~~~~e.
An early design for the OG~~nus presents a composition of greater stablllty by Including a balustraded, hexagonal
reservoir wlth tritons poised on the angles. (Flg. 23) Yet another illustratIon of Cos1mo's 'golden-age'
lconography arises in the scenographIe F9JJnJ~_U:LQ..t __ ...Ll,1Jl9 (1556) by Ammannati. (Figs. 24, 25) Though never Intended ta ornament the Boboli garden,68 lts placement on the terrace over the 'cortile' grotta ln 1589 was largely due to the initlative of Marie's uncle, Ferdinando l, and hlS approaching marriage to Chrlstine of Lorraine. The theme of
67 Borsook, 290.
68 Originally intended as a wall fountain for the Palazzo Vecchlo,it was stored ln the 'Loggia dei Lanza' and then moved to Pratolino by Francesco. Detlef Helkamp, "Bartolomeo Ammannati's Marble Fountaln for the 'Sala Grande' of the Pal azzo Vecchio," in FQ.ns_p_~~.t~p.!:..~_a_~_~_ Renaissance Garden Fountains, ed. Elizabeth MacDougall (Washington, District of Columbla: Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University, 1978), 141.
33 the fountain, inspired in part by Dante's Divine Comedy, was ( an elaborate allegory of earth, air and water. Cere (earth), the central caryatid figure, jetted water from her breasts oVPr. personifications of the Arno and Arbia Rivers. Atop an encircling trame, Juno (air) completed the cycle of
water from earth to heaven and vice-versa. 69 This symbolic reference to the natural occurrence of water in the region, manifests the Grand-duke's concern for providing this precious commodity to ensure fruitfulness in the gardens and survival to the citizens under his rule. The three principal fountains of Boboli, thus exemplify a single theme that focuses on the origins and value of water. In allegorical terms, they associate the deeds of the antique gods with those of Cosimo and, as well, his ( successors. The young Marie, soon to be the centre of her uncle's marriage negotiations, was undoubtedly aware of and, perhaps, impressed by their metaphorical significance.
The grottoes at Soboli Contemporary with the completion of Tribolo's aqueduct and located in a secluded area of the boundary wall towards
Santa Felicita, was the earlie~t grotto at Boboli, the 'Grotta di Madama' (1553-55) or 'Grotticina', as it was later known. Bacio Bandinelli had received the commission
69 In detailing the complex iconography, Heicamp also refers to the reclining fernale figure as a personification of the Spring of Parnassus. The Arbia would signify the Medici Duchy of Siena. Ibid., 122. 34 from Eleanora although a major portion of the decor has been ascribed to Giovanni di Paolo Fancelli. 7o (Fig. 15) The unusual entrance consists of two portaIs varying in size and tilted one inside the other at slightly different angles. Surmounting the architrave, are the comblned coats- of-arms of the duke and duchess. The area between the doors is fil1ed with 'spugne', a porous rock, echoing the main
component of the rustic interior's decoration. (Flg. 16) This style ca11s to mind the words of Alberti; the Ancients used to dress the Walls of thelr Grottoes and Caverns with aIl Manner of rough Work, with little Chips of pumice or soft Tyburtine stone which Ovid calls the living Pumice. 71 Below the 'Grotticlna' and adjacent ta his corridor linking the Palazzo Pitti and the Palazzo Vecchio, Vasari began, unknowingly, the first stage of Buontalenti's 'Grotta
Grande' between 1556 and 1560, when he erected a classical
portico in front of a small fishpond. 72 Inltially, the tradition which generated Boboli had focused on the political policies and cultural milieu of Cosimo; but with his death in 1574 and the ascension of Grand-duke Francesco, the garden underwent a change towards irrational Mannerist space. The tastes of Marie's father, a scholar, artist, botanist, chemlst and lapidary connOlsseur,
70 Vasari, The Lives, 6: 113.
71 Alberti, 9:192.
72 Wiles, 78.
35 were very much in tune with those of his tutor, Buontalenti. , ThlS master of theatrical illusion had been educated and
first employed by Cosimo. By 1~69, he had superceded Ammannati73 and it was his fascination with the concept of metamorphosis which inspired another of the garden·s hallmarks, the 'Grotta Grande'. (Flg. 26) Terminating a view to the left of the palace gate, the grotto's lmposlng façade initiates visitors into the world of the garden: a location in direct contrast to the 'Grottlcina', which lies unobtrusively hidden in a boundary wallon the same side of the garden. Nowhere is the difference in spirit between the ages of Cosimo and Francesco more clearly revealed than in the façade of the 'Grotta deI Corridoio', as it is sometimes known. The formalist taste of Vasari and Cosimo governs the lower level. The rectangular entrance, supported by Tuscan Doric columns and flanked by niches containing Bandinelli's sculptures of Ceres and Apollo,74 resembles the triumphal arches of ancient Rome: models of antiquity, no doubt, used intentionally as a means to evoke an association between Roman glory and the Tuscan ruler. According ta Medici accounts, work on Buontalenti's
grotto began in 1583 -- when Marie was only ten -- and
73 Caneva, 7. 74 Intended as Adam and Eve for the Cathedral, they were presented ta Eleanora by Bandinelli. Vasari, The Lives, 6:208. ( 36 r,
continued over a decade. 75 An additional level was added to 1 Vasari's façade in order to accommodate three pro90sed caves. The rustic decoration of Buontalentl's upper st ory
mediated between the natural world of the garden and the
fantasy world of the interior and reflected its precedent,
the 'Grotticina'. Stalactites, analogous to garlands and
volutes, drip from the pediments, confus~ng nature and
architecture. The reclining figures by Glovanni de Taddl,
personifying Pe~c~ and J~s~i~e, hold a10tt Ferdlnand's
'stemma' or coat-of-arms. 76 In dedlcation to Cosimo l,
mosaic-like rectangles frame his 'lmpresse', a turtle wlth a
sail, and his zodlac sign, Caprlcorn. Florentlne lliles
ornamented the original entrance gate, a sundial crowned the
,', gable and potted Agave plants were placed atop the pedlment,
their flame-shaped leaves adding an element of 'real' nature
to Buontalentils scenography.77
Entering the now dry and dusty gratta bears little
relation to the era of Marie de' Medicl, when Buontalentl 's
talent for theatrical illusion created the impressl0n of a
resurrected ruin or subterranean world. Moving from sunlight
to the cave-like interior's darkness, onels eyes gradually
75 Caneva, 8.
16 Det 1 et Heikamp, "La Gratta Grande deI Giardino di Boboll," ~ntlchità Vlva 4 (July-August 1965): 30.
77 Detl ef Heikamp, "The 'Grot ta Grande 1 in the Bobol i Garden, Florence. A drawlng in the Cooper Hewltt Museum, New York," The COI)lloisseur 199 no. 299 (1978):42.
37 adjusted to the shimmering underwater effect, created by the sun's ra ys passing through water suspended in a crystal fish basin beneath the 'oculus' of the vaulted roof. 7D In the first room, nature, in the form of moss-covered rock, stalagmites and stalactites, camouflaged the art of man and gave a sense of the unreal to the scene of creation derived from the fable of Deucalione and Pirra in OV1d's
Metamorph~se~.7g (Fig. 27) Near the dame, the graduated relief of Piero di Matt1's stucco sculpture merged with Pocetti's frescoes, painted in illusionary 'trompe l'oeil'. These were to foreshadow later developments of sixteenth and seventeenth-century ceilings in Rome. BO Matti and Pocetti created an Alpine landscape that was glimpsed through vestiges of rib vaults, overgrown and reclaimed by nature, suspended between the end and the beginning. Allied to the sacred caves of antiquity, this vision was weIl in accord with Vasari's theories for rendering rustic grottoes. Dl The second chamber of the grotto was not subjected to the same total transformation, although the feeling of solidity is challenged by the 'spugne' encrusted areas where
18 Baldinucci, 2:499.
7 9 Heikamp, "Grot ta Grande deI Giardino di Bobol i," 30.
80 Ibid., 37.
01 "Sorne take sponge-l ike stones and joining them together ... with an order which appears disordered and wild, the grottoes are rendered very natural and real." Vasari, On Technique, 88-9.
38 one traditionally expects to see pilasters and moldings. 1 Completed under Ferdlnando l, the final room penetrated a world symbolic of the birth cave of Venus Anadyomene, and
visually illustrated yet another technique descrlbed by
Vasari, in which varlOUS shells were embedded ln wet stucco
to duplicate garlands of leaves and flowers.o 2
Marie's observation of the grotto's formatlve stages
surely accounts for the fact that essentlal components WhlCh
inform her 'Grotte du Luxembourg' are rooted ln the 'Grotta
Grande' 1 with particular emphasis on the rusticIty and
classicism of the façade by Buontalenti and VasarI.
The Parigis; the 'Viottolone' and the 'Isolott~~
As seen ln Buonsignorl's map of 1594, the garden's ., western area, comprised of geometrlc plantatIons, suggests a
more practlcal use than the ceremonial areas of the
court yard and amphitheatre. o3 Perhaps it i5 from thlS area
that Ferdinand supplied his niece with oranges, lernons, and
even the seeds of cauliflower for her gardens ln France.0 4
Vineyards were likely an integral part of the plan, as John
Evelyn writing in 1644, describes the oddity of seelng the
palace festooned with wicker wine bottles offered for sale ------82 Ibid.
83 The area beyond the city walls, which bIsected the garden, was already laid out in 1599. Chatfleld and Gurrieri, 29. Lazzaro suggests the land was not actually purchased until 1610-1620. Lazzaro, 208.
84 Louis Batiffol, Marje de Médicis __~n~~~X __ CQ~~~, 164.
39 , \
1n the manner of a vintner's bush. 85
( Attributed to Alfonso di Santi Parigi (1535-1590), the plan which div1ded the western slope by a broad central avenue was the first of Many changes to the area. 86 (Fig.
28) As a predom1nant cross axis, vislble in Vascellini's plan, the 'Viottolone' began its descent near the 'Prato
dell' Uccellare' .87 Originally covered with moss, 1nterrupted by transverse bars of stone to facilitate the passage of carriages,88 it lead to the 'Porta Romano' , Ferdinando's preferred entrance for welcoming guests. 89 On either side, redesigned symmetrical plantations were reached by paths that intersected this grand 'viale'. Often these walks were vaulted with greenery which created varying optical and spat1al effects as one passed from sun to shade. One of the areas accessible from the 'Viottolone' was
the labyrinth, begun under Cosimo II in 1613. 90 From seventeenth-century descriptions, the oval area was defined ------
85 John Evelyn, The Dia~of John Evelyn, ed. E.S. deBeer (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1955) 187.
86 Morandini, ed., 8.
87 A small wood contrived during Eleanora's time to entrap m1grating thrushes. Caneva, 6.
88 Chatfield and Gurrieri, 51.
89 Leon Satkowski, "The Pal azzo Pi t ti; Pl anning and Use in the Grand-Ducal Era," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 40 (Dec. 1983): 343. The route was not totally complete until 1630. Lazzaro n. 58, 315. 90 Dami, 44.
( 40 by low concentric walls of grotto stone spaced six feet apart and carved with channels to provide a continuous flow of water. 91 In Vascellini's plan, the labyrinth's deslgn exhibits a marked similarity to planted areas ln the Qarden at Luxembourg that are to be seen in Gomboust's map. The descent of the 'Viottolone' ends with a flourish, emerging in the sun-filled expanse of one of the tew levei areas in the garden's terrain, the 'Isolotto'. Created by Alfonso Parigi Jr. in 1618-20, the glimmering aval pond, centered by a small lsland, demonstrates a flalr for
sc~nography within the garden.
Prlor to the 1637 installation of Glambologna' s OC_~~r\llS_
at the nucleus of the 'Isolotto' ,92 travellers recorded a
", small cupola, or 'tempietto', overgrown wlth greenery as the .' focal point. 93 Access was gained by a small foatbridge, lts entrance flanked by 'pietra serena' columns surmounted by the Capricorns of Cosimo 1. (Fig. 28) Inspired by Hadrlan's
Marine Theatre at Tivoli,94 the diminutive island w~s laid out as a lemon garden. Fruit trees, planted in large terracotta pots, were placed at intervals in the heavy stone
9L Chatfield and Gurrieri, 50.
92 Authors have incorrectly used a 1618 inscription date as evidence for its lnstallation in the 'Isolotto'. The Oceanus was first moved from the amphitheatre to the 'Giardino di Madama' in 1618. Caneva, 14. In 1637, lt was relocated at the 'Isolotto'. Morandini, ed., no. 66, 22.
93 Gothein, 292.
94 Masson, Italian Gardens, 80.
41 balustrade, evocative of Roman architectonie influence. c The theatrical overtones of the 'Isolotto' were further enhanced by numerous sculptures, among them Giulio Parigi's
Harpy Founta~ns (1618-20) that rimmed the pond's perimeter. Rlsing on either a seahorse or dolphin pedestal, each crouchlng Trlton, enhanced by cock-feather wings, spouts a stream of water into a large conch shell supported on his knees. (Fig. 29) These creators of the 'Isolotto', Giulio (1570-1635) and his son Alfonso (-1656), were men who formed an unbroken line with predecessors noted for theatrical
design. 95 As a student of Buontalenti and the nephew of Ammannatl, Giulio fell heir to their complex role as court architect, engineer and scenographer under Cosimo II. The effect of the Parigis' display provided a vlsual ( climax to the garden's rich treasury of effects begun at the grotto of Buontalenti. Conversely, the 'Isolotto' and 'Viottolone' initiated the visitor approaching from 'Porta Romano' with an impressive display of Medici pomp and grandeur. It 1S of interest that, in large measure, the development of this portion of the garden dates from a period contemporary with Luxembourg's garden (therefore
95 Buontalenti was assisted by their father and grandfather, Alfonso Parigi Sr. at the wedding festivities of 1589, and Giulio, very likely assisted Buontalenti with the wedding celebrations for Marie de' Medici. G1ulio's early prlnts Qf his theatrical designs influenced, and were dlsseminated by, Stefano della Bella and Jacques Callot. Arthur R. Blumenthal, Theatre Art of the Medici (Hanover, New Hampshire: University Press of New Efigland, 1980), 31.
( 42 , r
almost two decades after Mar1e's departure from Florence) 1 yet, a similar broad avenue, terminated by a round pond, appears in Gomboust's plan of Luxembourg. This would lead to the assumption that Marie and her garden's creators were cognizant of developments taking place at Bobo11 under the Parigis. SadIy, the corresponding area of her Parislan garden was not destined for completion during the queen's lifetime, as Evelyn writes of "an excavation intended for a
Vast Piscina but never finished. "9 6 Unquestionably, Marie de' Med1ci viewed herself as a patroness of the arts in the grand Medici tradition. ln determining the importance she attached to this roIe, and her preference for the Italianate, one has only to look ta a sumptuous painting by Peter Paul Rubens created for the
establishes Marie as a patroness of the Arts and alludes to the grandiose mien of her ltalian ancestry. It is, therefore, with considerable ease that one env1sions her
resolve to create a magnif1cent garden. Moreover, 1t lS only logical to conclude that its most conspicuous model would have been the ultimate paradigm of princely glorification, the 'giardino di Boboli'.
96 Evel yn, 130.
43 t
CHAPTER III THE GENESIS AND GROWTH OF LUXEMBOURG GARDEN
The assassination of Henry IV on May 14, 1610, gave rise to the only period in which his widow, Marie de Medici, entertained any real power in France. During the years 1610-17, she ruled as Queen Regent in the name of her son, Louis XIII. With her husband's death, she gained access to the dowry funds initially provided by her uncle Ferdinando. These resources, when combined with revenues from personal
property, caused her income to double. 97 The Louvre, where she had resided as Henry's queen, held little appeal for Marie. The unhealthy stench, rising from the open ditches surrounding the palace, repelled her. She thus envisioned accomodations far more agreeable and comfortable than the Louvre quarters designated for the reigning queen. KnQuing full weIl that these apartments would be pre-empted wh en arrangements for her son's marriage were completed, she set in motion plans to acquire a new
97 This state of affairs did not, however, indicate a secure financial position: Marie soon depleted her funds and those of the treasury of the Bastille accumulated by the de ad king and his minister Sully. Louis Batiffol, Marie de Médicis and her Court, 290-297.
44 residence appropriate to her power and position. 98
1 Her preference was for a location on the left side of
the Se~ne, in the tranquil faubourg of st.-Gerrnain-des-Prés,
where mernbers of her Italian entourage already lived and
where Marie had first Iodged upon her arrivaI in Parls. 99
In August of 1610, when England's Ambassador Vouton
journeyed to Paris with an expression of sympathy for the
Queen-Regent and her son, Marie entreated Duke FrançoIs de
Luxembourg to place his favoured residence, aiso in
st.-Germain-des-Prés, at the service of the visitors.
The duke's Hôtel Luxembourg had been bu~lt ~n the mid-
sLxteenth century by Robert de Harlay de Sancy. Sltuated on
Rue de Vaugirard, the 'hôtel' had limited street frontage,
though an extensive park stretched laterally from Rue
d'Enfer to the old impasse of Notre-Dame-des-Champs. This
represented a distance of approxlmately eight hundred
meters, running east-west. The north-south dimensIons were
considerably less, roughly three hundred meters, and abutted
the waiis of a Carthusian monastery and farmland belonging
98 A contract between Louis XIII and the Infanta of Spain was signed Aug. 22, 1612. JulIa pardoe, Th~ J~.tte __Qt Marie de Medlci~~~~ee~ of France (London: Samuel Bagster and Sons Ltd.; N.Y.: James Potts and Co., 1902), 170.
99 These friends included Jerome de Gondi, ConClno Concini and his wife, Léonora Galagai. Jacques Selvaqgl, Jean-Noel Burte and Dominique Bouchacourt, "Le JardIn du Luxembourg," Çaisse natl,onal_fl_de_~L.m9nl!~!}.J.s_ll:u;j:.9J·".;L_q.l:lJ!~ __~_t. de sites 108 (1980): 100. Marie spent her flrst nIght in Paris at the Hôtel de Gondi, used by Henry IV to house ambassadors. L.A. Hustin, Le ..kuxembourg son hlstQJX.~. (Paris: Imprimerie du Luxembourg, 1910), 2:3.
45 to the Hôtel-Dieu. f The queen, enamoured with the duke's lodging and its healthful surroundings amidst trees and fields, entered into negotiations to purchase the property for her own personal
use. By September 27, 1611 an unofficial agreement W&S reachedlOO and Marie, in anticipation, conceived the idea of erecting a palace that would adhere to her Italian heritage, a tradition in which building and surrounds could be used to reflect and glorify the attributes of the owner. Marie, thus weil aware of the importance a garden could play in the perfection of a dwelling place, would have noted the potential that existed in the dimensions of Hôtel Luxembourg's park for a duplication of the Boboli garden's strong lateral axis and shorter central axis. This was not the usual or the ideal arrangement for traditional French garden plans. Marie's intention to use the Pitti Palace as a model is clearly apparent from her correspondence with her Aunt Christine, Ferdinando's widow, dated October 6, 1611: Ma Tante. Estant en volonte de faire bastir et accommoder une maison à Paris pour me loger, et voulant en quelque chose me régler sur la forme et le modelle du pallais de Pitti, lequel j'ay tous jours estimé pour l'ordre de son architécture et grandes commodités qui y sont, je vous fais celle cy pour vous dire que j'auray a singulier plaisir que vous m'en fassiez faire le plan en son entier avec les eslévations et perspectives des bastimens, tant du costé de devant led. Palais qu'au
100 Louis Batiffol, "Marie de Médicis et le palais du Luxembourg," Revue de l'art ancien et moderne 27, (1905): 220. ( 46 derrière d'iceluy du costé des terrasses, VQUS priant de me les envoyer a la première occasion. Ensemble les 1 mesures et proportions des cours, terrasses, salles, chambres et autres stances de lad. maison pour m'en ayder et servir en la structure et décoration de la mienne. Et m'asseurant que vous recevrez cette pièce en très bonne part de moy, je ne la feray plus longue que pour prier Dieu. 10L Her request for plans and drawings of the elevatlons and perspectives of the palace, complete with appurtenances, included an added note in her own hand: Ma tante vous me fere7 bien plaisir de m'envoye le plan et les desseings du pallais de Pitti, dont je me veux souvenir pour l'ordre et l'ornement de ma maison. 102 Five days lateI, the Florentine envoy ln Parls, Matteo Botti, was drawn into the affair, with a similar demand sent to Belesario Vinta, Grand-duke Cosimo II'5 Secretary ot state. 103 These letters relate most specifically ta the palace, although by including a reference to the terraces,
an inference is made to the exterl0r landscape. In her impatience to effect the genesis of her new palace and garden, Marie dispatched the king's architect, LOU1S Métezeau,104 to Florence in arder ta execute these sald ------101 Quoted in Hustin, Le Luxembourg, 2:4.
102 Ibid.
103 Ibid., 2:5.
104 A question arises as to which Métezeau brother actually went to Florence. Coope and E.J. Cl prut specify Louis, 'architecte du rOl' from 1565-1615. Hautecoeur states that it was his brother, Jacques-Clement, who succeeded to the position in 1615. Rosalys Coope, S~l_omQD __çl_Et_aro::H~~ ___ ~nd the Development of the Classical Style in Frençl1 Architecture from 1565-163Q_ (London: A. Zwemmer Ltd., 1972), 110; E.J. Ciprut, "Oeuvres inconnues de Françols
47 ------
plans and drawings, on or about October 14, 1611. ( With Métezeau's return, drawings of the Palazzo Pitti
became avallable for use in France. These would establish a
knowledge of the Florentine edifice that was more accurate
and up-to-date than just the fond recollections of the
Queen-Regent. In Florence, Métezeau's counterpart was
Cosimo II's architect, Giulio Parigi. Presumably, Métezeau
would have seen and, perhaps, recorded hallmarks of the
Boboli Garden: Buontalenti's grotto, the amphitheatre and
Trlbolo's central axis plan. But in additlon, was he also
p~iviledged to learn of the Parigis' proposed changes for
the 'Isolotto'? The question arises because this feature is
uncannlly mirrored in both Gomboust's topographi=al view of
the ParlS garden (Fig. 2) and the 1789 plan of Boboli by
Vasceillni. (Fig. 1)
Four da ys after Métezeau's departure for Florence,
Marie, anxious to increase her land holdings, made overtures
to acquire the Hôtel Champrenard. (Fig.30) In view of
future construction, this was a crucial property because of
its location at the head of the main approach, Rue de
Tournon. Disagreements over the queen's inferior offer to
Mansart," Gazette des _Beaux-Arts 65 (Jan. 1965): 49; Louis Hautecoeur, Histoire de l'architecture classique en France, vol. l, L'archi~ect~re sous Henri IV et Louis XIII (Paris: Auguste Picarde, 1943), 505. ( 48 purchase created a two year delay in the transaction.l0~
1 When the f~nal contract for the Hôtel Luxembourg was
conc1uded on April 2, 1612,L06 Mar~e turned her attentlon to
the farmland belonging to the Order of Hôtel-Dleu on the
garden's south-east perimeter. Negotiat~ons were resolved
the following summer; they included an agreement by the
queen to supply workmen for the constructlon of a new
convent on Rue Saint Honoré, as she intended ta demolish the
present buildings without delay. L07
Once Marie took possess~on of her new res~dence, the
focus of her attentlcn turned to the garden's ~mmedlate need
for water and shade trees. She established a complement of
servants ta staff the 'hôtel', creating a refuge tor her
children away from the Louvre's tainted aIr. Eventually,
prompted by her passion for embroidelY, she installed an
'atelier' of Turks who worked on s~lks decorated ln the
floral fashion of the time. 109 Coincidentally these
patterns were close1y re1ated to the per~od's elegant and
exot~c floral 'parterre' designs.
10~ Negotiations began October 18, 1611, the conflrmed date of sale, Feb. 8, appears ~n the budget artIcles of 1613. ( 27,000 1~vres) Batiff01, "Mar~e de Méd~CIS et le pala~s du Luxembourg," 222.
106 It comprised additlonai small areas ln the west segment: the pav~llion of the 'ferme de la Bourg'. (90,000 livres + 3,700 livres for seigneurlal r1ghts) IbId., 220.
107 The Hôtel-DIeu purchase appears ln the 1613 budget ( 50,000 llvres). IbId., 222. - 108 Hustin, Le Luxembo~, 2: 19, 20. '," 49 On April 6, 1612, Nicolas Descamps became Marie's • "Jardl.nier ordlnaire des jardins et parterres de ma malson et hostel de Luxembourg, afin de faire tous les ouvrages concernant l'embellissement et décoration des jardinages
dudi t lieu. "1 0 9 He lost no time in searching the French countryside for the trees requl.red to embellish the park. By the end of October, requests went out to Doullens, Orleans and to M. Fleury, 'grand maitre des eaux et forêts de France' for two thousand elms and 'ypreaux' (a small elm, also known as white poplar, ideal for shade). The queen demanded both haste and perfect specimens, well-grown with beautiful leaves and good roots. In response, six hundred of those ordered were received in time to be planted Just
ahead of the approaching winter weather. 110 Descamps' mandate implies his responsibility for the work, but it is to Jacques Boyceau that Hazlehurst attributes the
supervision. lll Since it is unclear exactly where these elms were planted or Just how much of the garden's eventual layout was determined at this time, it must be assumed that
109 Batiffol, "Marie de Médicis et le palais du Luxembourg," 223.
110 Ibid., 224.
III Hazlehurst refers to Boyceau as 'intendant des )ardl.ns' at this time. However, according to Conan, the position was held by André Berard in 1613 and Boyceau did not receive the appointment until ca. 1620. Hazlehurst, 54. Michael Conan, Postface to André Mollet, Le Jardin_~e. Plaisl.r (Stockholme: Henry Kayler, 1651; reprint, Paris: Editions du Moniteur, n.d.), 108. { 50 , ~
these trees were ta provide the backbone of the garden's 1 plan. Their purpose would have been to obscure undesirable views which detracted from the overall perfectlon, ta Ilne the 'allées' and to form 'bosquets' (small wooded areas) or 'quinconce' (pl antings of staggered yet unl form rows). As relief elernents, thelr height wauld have counterbalanced that of the buildings. A later plan of the garden glves
sorne ~llustrat~on of these specifie uses, but cannat canclusively be said ta conform with Deseamps' early tree plantlng (Flg. 36) Marie's Florentine herItage had lnstliled ln her an awareness of the value of water not only as a prestlglous garden ornarnent, but as a means to convey an aSsoclatlon .. with the embadlments of good government. Her grandfather and uncle had been instrumental in bUlldIng aqueducts ln arder to augment the sparse supply of water avallable to Florence and, more specifically, to enhance thelr varlOUS grandiose fountain projects. ParlS also suffered from a
chronlC water shortage. Consequently, ln October of 1612, plans were approved for the 'aqueduc d'Arcueil' ta supply bath the garden and the damestlc needs of the quarter. The aqueduct's deslgn was remlniscent of a thlrd-century Roman
antecedent located ln the area of Rungis. 112 (FIg. 31)
112 The aqueduct had an arcaded sectIon three hundred and forty-slx meters long and a subterranean condult of eleven thousand, six hundred and slxty-four meters. M. Alphonse de Gisors, Le Palais du Luxembo~ (Parls: Typographie de plon frères, 1847), 12.
51 However, ~n terrns of effic~ency, it was woefully lacking
when compared to those of the Roman builders. 113
Although Salomon de Brosse's name is frequently
associated wlth the aqueduct's deslgn, there is no
conclusive evidence ta support this claim. 114 The project's
most lmportant author was a noted Florent1ne hydraulic
engineer, Tommaso Francini, who in 1612 occupied the
position of 'intendant général des jardins et fontalnes de
la Royne-mere' .11~ The follawing year, the Queen's son
presided at the ceremonies for laying the cornerstane;
thereby lnitlating an enterprise that, in roughly a decade,
would be functioning in accord with Harje's aspirations for
the garden. lU
One essential aquisitl0n was still outstanding, the
garden of Antolne Arnaud, but with its purchase ln the
summer of 1614,117 the garden's basic outline was
deterrnined, although sorne appropriations would continue into
III Roman aqueducts carried one thousand cubic meters per day, Marie's aqueduct carried three hundred cubic meters per day. Albert Mousset, Les FrancineL Créateurs _~es eau~ de Versal11es, intendants des eaux ~t fontaines de France de ~623 à 1784 (Paris: Editions Auguste Picarde, 1930), 45.
114 Hazlehurst, 53.
115 Gerold M. Weber, 72.
116 The stone was laid June 17, 1613. Water arrived at Rue d'Enfer reservoir, May 19, 1623, and entered the garden's distributl0n centre on May 18, 1624. On Oct. 3, 1625, repairs were made to 24 feet of the part assigned to the Luxembourg. Hustin, Le Luxembourg, 2:86.
117 Dated June 23-July 18, 1614. Ibid., 203. ( 52 the 1620'5 and 1630's. An extenslon ta the south would have
1 perrnitted a traditional perpendlcular aX1S of greater
length; however, this posslbl11ty was blocked by the hlgh
wall surround~ng the nelghbourlng Carthuslan Monastery. The
brethren, no doubt, must have watched wlth growlng unease as
the royal domain encroached upon thelr borders. Slnce the
queen did not immediately enter lnto negotlatlons ta acqulre
their land, it may be concluded that she was, for the tlme
being, content with the terraln, WhlCh conformed ln area and
ln conflgurat~on with that of the elongated, wedge shaped
Boboli garden. The new palace, if located on the Hôtel
Charnprenard site, would dupllcate the relationshlp of the
Pltti Palace to its garden.
Born into an archite~tural family,l18 Salomon de Brosse
(1571-1626) was most llkely tralned by hlS uncle, Jacques Il
Androuet du Cerceau. 119 The du Cerceaux workshop had been a
domlnant buildlng force in the Verneull locale tor several
decades and was descended from such formatlve ancestors as
Sebastlano Serlio and Phl1lbert de l'Orme. Thelr edlflces,
as previously discussed, were designed with house and garden
118 His rnother was the daughter of Jacques l Androuet du Cerceau, the celebrated architect and engraver. H1S father, Jehan de Brosse, also an archltect, 15 thought ta have assisted Jacques l ln building Château Verneu11 (1568) for Phililpe de Boulainvilliers. Coope, 3.
119 In 1614, de Brosse succeeded his uncle on the royal ..,.... payroll. Hautec:oeur, 504 . 53 sharing a symmetrical unit y derived from Italian precedents.
( De Brosse, considered one of the pre-erninent French
architects of the time, did not receive an outright
cornmisslon for the Palals du Luxembourg. A competitlon
preceded the award and de Brosse submitted several plans. 120
In aIl probabllily, Métezeau, whose time in Florence could
weIl have influenced him to submit a design based closely on
the model requested by the queen, was also a participant. 121
De Brosse, too, would certainly have been acquainted with
the Florentlne edlfice from Métezeau's drawings. It is
generally recognized, however, that de Brosse, ln his
winning design for the Palais du Luxembourg, strayed very
little from traditional plans for French 'châteaux': ( buildings like Verneuil, or his plan for Coulornmiers-en Brie, served as preparatory models. De Brosse's own
preference for a building conceived as a three dimensional
composition in mass, is evident in the dramatic effect
created by the roof-line of the Luxembourg, where one block
stands balanced against the other. 122 (Fig. 33) Using the
classical orders in correct sequence on the façade, de
Brosse subjected them to an uncharacteristic rustication.
Despite precedents in France, this mode strongly reflects
Ammannati's skill in adapting the effects of Italian light
120 He received the commission in 1614, Coope, 4, Ill.
L2L Batiffol, Marie de Médicis and her Court, 235.
122 Coope, 114.
( 54 and shade recognised in his extensions to the Pitti Palace. 1 By transferring the sculptural qualities of the Italian model, de Brosse adhered, if only partlally, to the Queen- Regent's desires for similarities ln structure and decoration. When creating the theatrical locale of the 'cortile' in Florence, Ammannati retained the fortress-like rusticatlon of the original 'palazzo' (Fig. 34) and lncorporated Mannerist motifs deriving from the Venetian archltecture of
palladio's Palazzo Thiene and Sansovino's La Zec~a. 8y introducing a variety of SOlld rlngs and square blocks to the Tuscan, Ionic and Corinthian orders of the three levels, Ammannatl created an undulating effect whlch contradicts the stability inferred by the rusticatlon. Given the conslderatlon of northern llght, the deslgn for the Palais du Luxembourg appears more subdued. Exploiting Ammannati's sequence of rustlcated orders, de Brosse applies them to the entlre façade, achlevlng a marked horizontality that contrasts wlth the roof-Ilne's lack of unity. For this, he was severely censured by the eighteenth-century cri tic Blondel, who thought the Tuscan order was too fat, the Doric too short, and that de Brosse had used entlrely too much rustlcatlon and too many returns of entablature. 123
123 Jacques-François Blondel, Réimpression.de l'Architecture Francaise (Paris, 1752-56; reprint, ed. Emile Levy, Paris: Librairie Centrale des Beaux-Arts, 1904), 2:51.
55 The palace's elemental building plan surrounds a
:1 court yard . Fronting direct 1 y on Rue de Vauglrard wi th
almost no setback from the street, a single story screen
wall lS hlghlighted by a domed, circular entrance pavilllon.
Two-story wings, flanking the 'cours d'honneur' 1 withdraw to
the 'corps de logis' where substantial, three-level,
pavi Il ions mark the extenti ons of the H-shape. A central
chapel proJects on the south garden façade, balancing the
entry pavillon, while open areas on eithec side of the
'corps de logis' are terraced, one facing the garden and the
other the 'cours d' honneur'. (Fig. 32)
When contrasted wi th the Pal azzo Pi t ti, there is an
inversion of the pal ace and court yard 1 ocatlons. However 1 { in both lnstances the purpose was to impress a pri vi 1 edged few with the stature of the Medici patron dwelling within.
At Luxembourg 1 the ini tial iconographie emphasis is
Marie's role as royal monarch and mother. The sculptures
chosen to ornament the drum of the domed entry pavi Illon
confirm Marle's relatlonship to heroine Queens of
antiquity124 and can be seen in the same light as Grand-
duke Cosimo' s preference for fountain sculpture associating .------
124 According to Whitman, the variation of a circular ground pl an ln the entry pavi Ilion lntroduces a Christian religious element which alludes to her stature and is perhaps Marian ln reference. The sculptures, suggested by Peter Paul Rubens and Peiresc, depicted Livia, wife of Augustus; Olympia, mother of Alexander the Great; st. Helen; clothilde; and Blanch, mother of st. Louis. Whitman, "French Domed Entry," Journal Society of Archi tectural Historians 46 (Dec. 1987): 367.
56 him with ancient pagan gods. Once inside the court yard, the 1 space 1S less public, as though inside a fort1fled Medleval zone where the 'corps-de-logis' appears as a country , château' .
One year following the award of the commlssion, the ground was leveled and construction begun,125 ev en though
three propert 1 es fronting on Rue de Vaugi ra rd were s ti 11 under negotiation: Tourmeyne, Stornato and Marchant. As was his habit, Salomon de Brosse moved to lodgings close a t hand. His quarters, provlded by the Queen, were located in one of the Hôtel du Luxembourg bui ldings and trom here, de Brosse oversaw the work of masons, carpenters and roofers. For in additlon to being the architect of the t queen's dower house, he served as the 'entrepreneur' or contractor. In what by today' s standards ml ght be deemed unusual, he was also part owner, with his son and nephew, of a nearby quarry that supplied the building stone. 126 In France, at the tlme, gardens were tradltionally the domain of the architect. Glven thls and Salomon de Brosse's connection with royal building projects ot the era,127 lt is
125 In early April, the Queen-Regent laid the flrst stone. Two dates are proposed, April 11, 1615 by Hustln. "Le jardin du Luxembourg," 88 and April 2, by Batiffol, "Marie de Médicis et le palais du Luxembourg," 228.
12 6 Coope, 10.
127 From 1611-1614, he was responsible for Montceau en-Brie and in 1613 he began construction of Coulommlers-en Brie. Reginal d BI omfield, A Hlstory of French ~!_ch~_t_e~.ttU:·_~ from 1494-1661 (London: G. Bell & Sons, Ltd., 1911), 52. - 57 not unreasonable to propose his name as author of the
garden's design, as Alphonse de Gisors has done. He cites
1613 as the date for de Brosse's participation. 128 This
coincldes Nlth the commencement of the 'aqueduc d'Arcueil'
but predates, by one year, the actual commission for the
palace. Unfortunately, no concluslve evidence supports this
clalm as many of the original contracts between de Brosse
and Marie de' Medici were lost when fire destroyed the
archives of the 'Chambre des comptes et des bureaux du
service des batiments du la Malson du Roi' ln 1690. 129
It seems unlikely that de Brosse would have encouraged
the queen to adopt a garden plan that was so untraditionally
French or one that ~ould not do justice to his architecture
by virtue of its asymmetry. Furthermore, information
provided by the 'Procès Verbal' of 1623, which indicates the
progress of de Brosse, or rather, his lack of progress on
the palace, makes no mention of anything connected with the
garden, grotto or terrace. 130 The obvious inference is that
de Brosse may not have been involved, or that these
embellishments were, as yet, not begun. In 1623 the
archltect was in fa1ling health and in 1624 Marin de la
128 Gisors, 41.
129 Hustin, Le Luxembourg, 2:91.
130 The 'Procès Verbal' was an investigation, begun June 26, 1623. It dealt specifically with itemized expenses lncurred by de Brosse. Ms. fr. 5999 Bib. de l'Arsenal quoted ln Coope, 257.
58
ft Vallée replaced him as contractor. De Brosse maintained
1 sorne association with Luxembourg by acting in an advlsory
capacity, together with Alessandro FranCInI, as late as
June, 1626, the year of his death. L 3 1 In all llkellhood, as
the palace archltect, de Brosse wouid have made slgnlficant
suggestions for the garden's design but to attribute the
total plan ta him would appear to be presumptuous.
The star-shaped wood and B9-poli's La~~~ntQ
During the early stages of the garden's formatIon, the
queen took delight in spending part of her afternoons
inspecting the planting. She may weIl have made proposaIs
suggesting the location of 'allées' so as to emphaslze the
central and strong transverse axes, WhlCh reflect those ln
Florence. 132 In 1615, the year construction began on the
palace, GUIllaume Boutin was first llsted in the accounts as
'jardinier de l'hostel du Luxembourg'. The new gardener was
responsible for work completed near the old wlndmill of the
'ferme de l'Hôtel-Dieu' where he excavated a trench, set a
'palissade' or hedge and planted seventy-elght elm trees. 133
An area map by Françols Quesnel and Claude Vellefaux, WhlCh
131 Alessandro and de Brosse advised de la Vallée on a problem concerning the stalrs ln the 'corps-de-Iogls', June 1626. Coope, 134.
132 Batiffol, "Marie de Médicis et le palais du Luxembourg," 224.
133 L.A. Hustin, "La Creation du Jardin du Luxembourg par Marie de Médicis," Archives d_~.LArl_fJ~~'Ul~(jtl.~ 8 (1916): 88.
59 bears a 1615 date but is thought by Hustin to be earlier,13~
( suggests Boutin's placement of the elms and hedge by v1rtue
of the planting configuration in the southeast corner. 135
Between the buildings of the Hôtel-Dieu and the
wlndmill, eight paths radiate from a mid-point and are
1ntersected by two circular walks. (Fig. 35) This type of
plan lS ln the tradit10n of a gardener's planting guide:
tracings are made on the ground to indicate where planting
is to take place (usually marked by stakes}.136 Certa1nly,
the rather undefined character of this portion of the map
suggests that it was used as the basis for a locat1on
sketch. Later plans of the garden 1llustrate this grove
fully planted, but minus one circular walkway (Fig. 36) and
it appears clearly in Gomboust's map of Par1S. (Fig. 2)
Descr1ptions by John Evelyn and Richard Symonds, both
travellers to Paris in the 1640'5, refer specifically to the
elms planted here: John Evelyn wr1tes;
At the upper part (towards the palace) is a grove of tall Elmes cutt into a Starr, every ray being a Walke whose centre is a large fountaine. 137
134 The map, according to Hustin, could be as early as
September 31, 1611. Hustin, Le Luxembourg L 1:10.
135 Both Hazlehurst and Woodbridge suggest the formation appearing on the map is one and the same with Boutln's planting. Hazlehurst, ~5; Woodbridge, 134.
136 Antoine Joseph, Dezallier D'Argenville, The Theory and Practise of Gardening [Paris, 1109], trans. John James. (London, 1112; reprint, London: Gregg International Publishers Ltd., 1969), 131-138.
137 Evelyn, 130. { 60 1 Rlchard Symonds descrlbes; A grave in the high ... of ail. A small fountayne ln ye middle and all ye pathes (return) ta that ln a stralght line. Ye wood is generally elme ... Hornbeame ... set in rowes one may walke betweene. l38
Quesnel and Vellefaux's map, despite Its 1615 date, depicts the area before the demolltlon of the Hôtel-Dleu
buildings wh1ch. lf Bat1ffol lS correct. occurred shortly
after Marle's purchase in 1613. As weil. It Indlcates other
properti~s ln possesslon of the Queen prlor ta 1615. Speculatively, it seems unusual that the map would Include this small group of trees and neglect the two thousand already planted if lt was intended ta be an accurate
deplction of the area ln 1615. The most log1cal assumptlon 1S that the aIder map was used as a gUIde for the proposed
plantatIon and then perhaps re-dated 1615. One must remark on the slmllarlty between thls star-
sha~~d wood at Luxembourg and the Boboll labyrlnth located above the 'Viottolone' and visible ln Vascelllnl's
engraving. As noted, the labyr1nth was begun in 1613; thus It precedes Boutin's plantlng by a mere two years. Is thls, perhaps, an omen of things to come or 1S lt cOlncldence? Not long after constructIon began, Marip's tortunes suffered a reversai. Her close Itallan confldante, Léonora Galagai was tried and imprisoned. whlle her husband met a
138 Richard Symonds, "Description de VIlle de ParIS 1629 [for 1649]," Harieian MS 1278 [photocopyJ p. 91, British Library, London, England. 61 much harsher fate: ConClno Concini was murdered on Aprll
24, 1617. LOU1S XIII, supported by Cardlnal Rlchelieu,
attalned hlS rightful place on the throne and vlrtually
imprlsoned his mother at Blois. Even so, Marie continued to
recelve revenues and to plan new projects for her palace. 139
By 1620, wlth an uneasy peace achieved between Marle
and her son, the Queen cast her eyes to the southern
boundary blocked by the Carthusian's wall. One wonders
whether it was Salomon de Brosse or Jacques Boyceau de la
Barauderie who encouraged Marie to approach the reluctant
brethren in arder to purchase a relatively small area of six
and a half arpents. ThlS was sufficlent to extend the
central aX1S and thus accomodate a 'parterre' that would ( create a continuity between palace and garden and at the same time, by ltS basic outllne, location and surroundlng
terrace, would recall the horseshoe-shaped area behlnd the
Pltti Palace. Ultimately, six years passed before the
Carthuslans acquiesced to the Quep.n's demand, and then only
on conditl0n that no building other than a grotto, portlco
or decorative motif would be built within twelve meters of
the wall. 1 .. 0
139 Guillaume Berthelot received the commission for statues lntended to decorate the entrance pavillion and garden façade, August 31, 1618. Batitfol, "Marie de Médicis et le palais du 'Luxembourg," 230.
140 Hustln, Le_Luxembourg, 2:44.
62 1 The involvement of Jacques Boyceau wlth Marle's new
palace garden is establlshed by two sources: hlS own
de l~_ nature et de l'art (1638) and the letters of hlS
distinguished acqualntance, Nlcolas Claude Fabrl de Pelres~.
Boyceau's Ingenulty resulted ln the elegant and Intricate
deslgn of the 'grand parterre'. one of the garden's most
Impressive features, and a second, smaller 'parterre' ln
front of the PetIt Luxembourg. As weil, he may have been
instrumental ln other aspects of the garden's plan as hlS
intellectual approach governs the dlmensions of the
'allées', many of WhlCh repllcate those of Boboll.
As a gentleman wlth a taste for gardens ln the grand
manner befitting the nobility, Boyceau's career ln garden
deslgn was not secured as the result of a tam1ly tradltIon,
nor was he a gardener. Inltially a country squlre and
military man, he came to the attentlon ot Henry IV through
hlS friend, Charles de Blron (later beheaded) and received
the appo"ntment of 'gentilhomme ordlnaire de chambre du
roi' . By 1610, he was active ln hlS new profesSlon,
deslgning a garden for the Duke de la Force at Perlgord1A1
and by 1620, had became 'intendant des Jardins du rOl' .L42
L4L Hazlehurst, 2-5.
142 Conan, ln postface to Mollet, 108.
63 In may ways, Boyceau's Traité du Jardinage draws heavily on the principles set forth by his predecessors, OlIver de Serres and Claude Mollet Sr., particularly in the utilitarlan aspects and the importance of proportion as a governing element in design. Although knowledgeable in hortlcultural theory and practice, Boyceau's greatest concern was for the aesthetic beauty of the garden as a place of pleasure, WhlCh would delight the eye with the variety and dIversIty that he perceived in nature and, yet, was governed by rules of symmetry and proportion. Acquainted with the work of Claude Mollet during his resldency at the Tuileries, it is probably Mollet's son, Claude Jr., who is responsible for the numerous drawings of 'parterres' and 'bosquets' that illustrate Boyceau's
treatise. 143 The importance Boyceau places on the role of the 'parterre' is evident ln his brief chapter on the subject. He considers them to be; les embellissemens bas des Jardins, qui ont grande grace, specialement quand ils sont veus de lieu esl eué ,144 Hlstorically, parterres had been geometrically patterned units, often four-square, individually decorated ------
143 sten Karling, "The Importance of André Mollet and his Family for the Development of the French FormaI Garden," ln rh~L.~Lench FormaI Garq~n, ed. Elizabeth MacDougall and F. Hamilton Hazlehurst (Washlngton,D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University, 1974) 17.
144 Jacques Boyceau, Traité du jardinage (Paris: M. Vaulochrom, 1638; Paris: Microéditions Huchette, Phot. Bibl. Natlonale, 1979), 3;73-74.
64
• r
and div1ded by small pathways. In Italian gardens, their 1 prominent locatlon was easlly viewed from the palace wIndows and it is perhaps the Itallan gardener of Charles VIII, pacello de Mercogliano, who was responslble for their early si xteenth-cent ur y appea rance ln lt'rance. (see Chapt. 1)
Itallan 11terary work by Francesco Colonna, was translated
and publ i shed ln France under the t l t 1 e t._~ ~Qllg_e __cl~
POllphi1~ (1546). Illustrated with the earliest dlagrams of imaglnary garden beds, which recalled the elegant Venetlan lace of the author's northern Jtallan home, thls verSIon provlded a new model for 'parterres' and substltuted llsts
of f10wers amenable to French cllmate and s011 .14~ At the turn of the century, French gardenlng began ta change with the publlcatlon of OllVler de Serres' treatlse, Rel teratlng many garden prlnciples of the slxteenth century, de Serres specifles the partlcular plants to be used ln 'compartlments de broderie', stressing bath symmetry and perspectIve ln thelr design. The 'parterres' deslgned by Henry IV's gardener, Claude Mollet Sr., whom de Serres had met at the
Tuileries, were 50 adrnired by hlm that he utllized them, ln
part, ta illustrate his treatise. 146
145 Woodbridge, 107.
146 Claude Mollet became royal gardener in 1595. Henry IV and de Serres had a mutual interest in the cultlvatlon of mulberry trees for breeding silkworms. Woodbridge, 98, 100. t 65 Unlike Boyceau, Claude Mollet was essentially a
{ gardener who had learned his craft from his father and in
turn had passed it on to his three sons. His greatest
Influence can be recognized in his development of a
symmetrical 'compartiment de broderie'. Mollet does not
clalm the Idea as his own, but credits hlS collahorator at
Anet, Etienne du Perac, 'architecte du rOl', with whom he
worked in 1582. Until this time, Mollet had followed the
Itallan custom of 1ayin9 out 'parterres' ln squares of
dlfferent de~igns. Du Perac, who had travelled to Italy,
encouraged hlm to abandon this old fashioned 'parquet' style
and to create in its place one single unit divided by
diagonal or circular walks, each quarter repeatlng a { geometric design that made a harmonious unit of the whole. Characteristically, Mollet incorporated monograms or
armourial devlces as the central feature of hlS designs.
After a dlsastrous attempt to implement cypress, which could
not withstand the rigors of the French climate, he
implemented and popularized the use of clipped boxwood to
outllne motifs, while his innovatlve uoe of bedding plants
Introduced continuou5 bloom throughout the seasons.
In retirement, Mollet compiled his own manuscript,
Théàtre des plans et jardinages. Though not published untll
after his death, it can be viewed as "the early bible of the
( 66 , 1
parterrist."147 His doctrines were perpetuated by h~s sons 1 and constitute the bas1s from which Jacques Boyceau expanded his own aesthet1c approach to the 'parterre' considered to be the decoratlve heart of the garden. Taking an Important step forward in monumental conception, Boyceau l.ntroduced a var1ety of; manieres differentes, de compartlmens, feùillages, passements, moresques, arabesques, grotesques, gu~lloch~s, rosettes, glo1res, targes, escuss~ons d'armes, chiffres, & deuises. l49 With these curvIllnear forms Boyceau gave new meaning to Mollet's term 'compart1ment de broderIe'. In essence, Boyceau's design tor the 'grand parterre du JardIn de la Royne mere' was created wIth de Brosse's plan
of the palace in mind. (FIg. 37) John Evelyn, ln hIS description of the garden, refers to it as;
one of the sweetest places ImagInable; The Parterr IS indeede of box: but 50 rarely deslgnd, and accurately kept cut; that the embrodery makes stupendous effect, ta the Lodgings which front it. l49 A strong advocate of a gardener's educatIon to Include more than a knowledge of plants and soil, Boyceau stressed the fundamentals of deslgn, geometry, archItecture and arithmetic. Such studles enabled the practltloner to carry
\ ,~ r 147 Derek Cl i fford, A HIstor_Y __ Q.L_g~~c!~JLJJ.es~grr. (London: ~ Faber & Faber, 1962), 68. t. 148 Boyceau, 3:73.
149 Evelyn, 129.
67 out and maintain his art. ISO One has only to view his
drawing for the 'grand parterre' to grasp the difficulty a
gardener lacking these Skllls would have faced. The task of
translat~ng the flowing, intricate forms lnto a sumptuous
'tapis de pied' l~l would have been formidable, for these
patterns of flowers, herbs and boxwood resembled those of
the Turklsh embroiderers reslding ln the Petlt Luxembourg.
ln Boyceau's plan, sinuous plant forms entwlne wlth the
initial of the Queen, appearing not once ln the centre as
Mollet would have advocated, but in eight separate sectlons,
each tlme crowned by a royal coronet. The total design 15
created wlth1n a square, equal in dimension to the palace
and extended on the south slde by a semiclrcle. An interlor
block corresponds to the width of the exedra and is marked
at the centre by a circular fountain. This square ln turn
15 divlded by fout smaller ones, each with curved lnner
angles to complement the fountaln. Boundlng these unlts,
are rectangles mitred at the corners and broken in the
centre by clrcles. The planting of the exedra mlrrors lt5
seml-clrcular shape. (Flg. 38)
The graphlc elegance of Boyceau's 'parterre de
broderle' is ln itself a French lnvention and bears little
resemblance to the grassy 'prato' in the curved depresslon
behlnd the Palazzo P~tt~. His plan, however, conceived as a
150 Boyceau, 1:3.
1 51 Ibid., 3:73.
( 68 central axis interrupted at mid-point by a fountain, 1 emulates Tribolo's Florentine scheme. The elghteen meter,
circular basin anticipated by Boyceau, greatly exceeds ln dimenSion the amphitheatre's colossal granite bowl but. 1n essence, each serves as an Impresslve focal pOInt. In rea11ty, the 'grand parterre' deSign conforms w1th Boyceau's own theories to avold the dullness of straight
lines by adding curved elements and oblique 11nes. L52 The area does not reflect, in function, that of the FlorentIne
garden, WhlCh lent Itself to festlvltles and entertalnments. lndeed, the 'parterre' Itself becomes the spectacle, thrown to the ground like an elegant orlental carpet and, ln Medlcl tradItIon, emphaslsing the patron. Yet, SPPcItlcally French as the deSIgn may be, Boyceau's total concept achleves an effect that establlshes a relatlonshlp wlth lts predecessor. For just as Arnmannatl's court yard and amphitheatre display a unlty of deSIgn, so thp palace and 'parterre' ot Luxembourg share thlS same accord. By enclosing the 'parterre de broderle' on three sides wlth embankments, a reference to the depresslon of Boboll'S 'green theatre' emerges more forcefully. These banks were later terraced with stone revêtments that heightened stlll further its affinity wlth the amphitheatre's stone seatlng. In practlcal terms, these ramparts solved the problem of a ten rneter declivity fram east ta west, creatlng a level
152 Ibid., 3:71. plane essential for planting. Although Boyceau does not l duplicate the continuous line of the U-shaped space at Boboli, the 'demi-lune' of the far end implies similarity and creates an optical illusion of elevation. One has the impression of gazing up a gentle incline. 113 This in no way equalled the backdrop of the Tuscan garden's steep slope, but by using a 'palissade' of elms planted immediately behind the 'parterre', Boyceau raised the horizon, camouflaged part of the Carthusian wall and closed the view with green relief; thus, he created a vista similar to that
which occurred naturally at Boboli. (Fig. 39) There are no reliable means to date the actual planting
of Boyceau's innovative 'parterre', though it ;~ unlikely to
have preceded 1615, when construction began. Logically, certain factors would have delayed completion until the mid- twenties: the period corresponding with Marie's most active
involvement with the palace and garden (ca. 1623-1631). By this time, Boyceau's appointment as 'intendant' had been verified. 154 Moreover, water from the completed 'aqueduc
d'Arcueil' was ready for distribution in 1624, which suggests a point of departure for planting dependent on this commodity. Furthermore, Jacques Boyceau, in correspondence with Fabri de Peiresc, mentions receiving a shipment of
113 Hazlehurst, 56.
114 Letter '19, dated 1623, Hazlehurst, 93. ,. 1 70
- orange trees and marble for the garden in Apr~l, 1625,155 1 thus conflrmlng Boyceau's active assoclation with the garden at this time. Indeed, the marble may signal the commencement of the archltectural enframement by Tommaso FrancInI, the
'intendant général des Jard~ns et fontalnes de la Royne
mere' .156
In a French-Italian collaboratIon, the Queen enlisted FranCIni, the FlorentIne hydraulic englneer responslble for the 'aqueduc d'Arcuell'. ln the creatIon ot stepped terraces te surreund three sldes of Boyceau's 'grand parterre'. An engravlng by Israel Sylvestre depicts the stone 'revètments'
of the west terrace. {F~g.40) Both decorative and functlonal, this terrace separated the 'parterre' from the
adjolning, wooded park and served as a retalnlng wail tor the embankments. On the elevated east side adJacent to Rue d'Enfer and the aqueduct, two terraces were necessary. A distrlbution channel eut into the upper level carried water to nurture the garden and was adorned ln the Itallan style
------
155 Boyceau and de Peiresc met ca. 1616. Bath men were interested in horticulture. At Pelresc's recommendatlon, Boyceau served on a committee to adjudicate works of art, including the Medicl Serles by Rubens. Hazlehurst, 6-7.
156 The award of this contract was adjudicated ln the early summer of 1625. Hustin, "Le jardin du Luxembourg", 108.
71 wlth marble basIns in the form of shells. 157
From the palace, the garden was approached across the
level of the 'grande allée' extending east-west along the
garden façade: a marked contrast wlth the present variat10n
ln level between the amphitheatre and p~tti Palace but as
mentloned, thlS was far less in the formative years of the
garden. On either side, elaborate concave-convex stairs
ascended to a vlewing terrace. These steps, vIslble in
Israel Sylvestre's engraving, (Fig. 41) are similar to
Bramante's in the apse at the Cortile deI Belvedere and are
ln close harmony wlth those of de Brosse ln Luxemoourg's
'cour d'honneur'. Near the palace, the terraces were
surmounted by an elegant, whIte marble balustrade. Here, one ( beheld the dazzling vista of the garden, a purpose akin to that of the terrace over Arnrnannatl's court yard grotto in
Florence.
Hlstorically, both the 'grand parterre' and Boboll'S
amphltheatre evolve from concepts of Bramante. In Florence,
the evolutlon 1S traced via Ammannati, who first used the
Cortlle deI Belvedere (FIg. 8) as a model for the nymphaeum
at VIlla dl Papa Glulla (F~g. 18) and later, wh en he
modified the garden side of the Palazzo Pitti. In France,
Brarnante's influence was felt through the architecture of
Serllo and Philibert de l'Orme. At Anet, the apsidal form
157 F. Boucher, "Les ja rdins des Tui 1 eri es et du Luxembourg," gazette 1 llustrée des Amateurs de Jardins (1940-47): 11. ( 72 that terminates the view was created by the Integration ot
1 terrace and medieval moat; thls pattern is repeated ln
Luxembourg's central 'parterre' and reinforced by Tommaso
Francini's terraced vlewlng area.
Ideally, the acknowledgement of the Boboll amphitheatre
as an inspiring model for the 'parterre' at Luxembourg
should be endorsed by establlshlng a firm relationshlp
between the terraces of Francinl and Parlgi's later
archItectural renovatlons ln Florence. However, the problem
of chronology arlses. It appears unllkely that the stepped
terraces ot FranCInI could reflect the early garden as Marle
knew i t. 15 ~t then conceivable that they bear a relatlon
to the modificatlon of six stone tIers for seatlng,
implemented by parigi? ThIS constructIon 1S contirmed ln
the writings of Alfonso Parlg1 Jr. as belng bUllt by his
father, but not to hlS design or taste. i5G First mentloned
in the Florentine archives of 1631 and completed ln lfi34,
the architectural treatment of the Boboli amphltheatre was
then begun a half-dozen years after Francinl's terraces and
c01ncides wlth the Queen's final eXlle in 1631.
Hypothetically, the only plausible explanatlon to
associate these two features Iles in a prior knowledge of
the Boboli project. Woulè these plans have been avallable
158 Caneva, 14. Strandberg suggests, based on a drawlng in the Uffizi Gallery, that Giacinto Marmi, the Medlcl landscape gardener, may have designed the amphltheatre. Runar Strandberg, "Jacques Boyceau, hlS Theory of Landscape Gardening," Konsthistorisk tidskrift_ 37 (1968): 30 & 46.
73 to Métézeau as early as 1611 or was Marie, by virtue of her
obvious lnterest in the Palazzo Pitti as a model, kept
abreast af alterations ta the garden by the Grand-dukes,
Cosimo II and Ferdinando II? Such links would establish
concluslvely a connection between the two areas. Instead, we
are left only wlth the evidence of a strong but superficlal,
physical resemblance to corroborate the hypothesis.
Mater in the Garden: ___ "the__ living spirit"
No garden would be deemed perfect without water decor,
fountains, grottos, still ponds or lively canals. In this
regard, the most acclaimed feature in the Queen-Regent's
garden was the 'Grotte du Luxembourg' or 'Fontalne de
Médicis', as it is known in its modified form. (Fig. 42) ( Israel Sylvestre's engraving reveals the grotto's earliest location at the eastern extremity of the 'grande allée'
passing in front of the south façade. (Fig. 41) The grotto
served as a terminal view, obscuring the neighbouring houses
of Rue d'Enfer. A fllght of concave ~onvex stairs, similar
ta thase of the terrace, marked the f':l.'ra::h along an
elevated walkway and, as Hazlehurst poiats out, this
location coincides closely with that of Buontalenti's
'Grotta Grande' in the Boboli garden.l~9
Confusion reigns with respect to the author of the
gratta's design; Salomon de Brosse, Jacques Lemercier, the
159 Hazlehurst, 51. ( 74 Francinl brothers and even Peter Paul Rubens have been
1 proposed. Although the name of Salomon de Brosse emerges
most frequently by virtue of his assocIation with the
palace,160 the previously mentioned 'Procès-Verbal' of 1623
makes no mention of masonry, foundations or the sculptural
decoration associated with the grotto, a façtor WhlCh leads
to the assumptIon that this date provldes the 'termInus post
quem' for Its constructlon, a perlod of dec11nlng health for
de Brosse. Four years after his death, accounts of 1630
reveal payments made to the sculptor Pl erre Blard for
"figures aux portiques qui sont au-dessus de la grotte, au
haut de l 'orangerie,"161. thus establlshlng a tlme reterence
for the grotto's completlon and perhaps castIng doubt on the
attributIon ta de Brosse for the grotto's deslgn.
The candidacy of Peter Paul Rubens, ln aIl probablilty,
relates to the artlst's vlsits ta Parls ln 1622, and agaln
Interesting though the posslbllity of hls authorshlp mlght
160 Attributions ta de Brosse, desplte lack of documents are found ln Blomfield, 55; Hautecoeur, 525; Gisors, 43; Ernest de Ganay, J.,_~§ . .J~r_ùiJJ§_ d~_ fJ"aIJç~. ~~ __ t~l!:ç: décor., (Paris: Libraine Larousse, 1949), 70; Coope, 132.
161 Archives nationale, KK 194, fol. 327 vo.- 374 va. ln Hustin, "La créatlon du jardl.n du Luxembourg," 92.
162 Rubens' connection is put forward by MaurIce Alhoy, Le Luxembol!!:..<1.. (1855), 86, quoted ln Hustln, "La créatlon du jardin du Luxembourg," 93, and by W.H. Ward, Tb~ Archi tecture of the Renaissance in FrancEL. ....J,.495 ___ -:-.~~~.9_ (London: B.T. Batsford Ltd., 1926), 221.
75
• ~edici and the architectural reference ta the palace in
~_edtçj.), 163 no correspondence authenticates such a proposai.
Conversely, the strIkIng slmIlarIty between the later
'Nymphée de WIdevIlle'(1630) and the 'Grotte du Luxembourg'
has prompted the aSSOCIatIon of Jacques LemerCler with both
designs. 164 Lemercier was contracted by Marie ta build
annexes on the Rue de VaugIrard slde of the palace ln 1630.
Slnce thls date coinc1des with the compietlon of Biard's
sculptures, It would appear that the grotto was already
verg1ng on completlon and, therefore, that Lemercler's
Involvement with Luxembourg ant1-dates the grotto.
Ultlmately, Tommaso Francini's brother, Alessandro, ( because of h1S expertIse in both hydraullcs and archltecture and his known association with the palace and de Brosse,165
becomes the most plausible candidate for the grotto's
contalns several deSIgns for gates and triumphal arches that
portray features slmilar to the façade of the gratta at
163 The idea that it is the Palais du Luxembourg in the palntlng lS attrlbutable to Prof. Thomas Glen ln unpublished lecture material at McGill University.
164 Discussed ln detail by Marguerite Charageat, "Le nymphée de Widevi Il e et 1 a grotte du Luxembourg," Bul L~j:.iI! de_ J Ê __ S.9~ 1 é bLg el' Art f ra n çà i s (1 93 4): 16 - 31 .
165 Coope, 134.
166 Woodbridge,137.
( 76 Luxembourg. 167 (Figs. 44-46) Tuscan columns replete with 1 rusticatlon, a cartouche combining both Médtci and French arms, triumphal arches, and lastly 'pots au teu' perched atop pedIments, are aIl elements vlslble ln these plates and in the engraving by Marot of the grotto's origInal appearance. (FIg. 43) Regardless of the desIgner, Luxembourg's gratta
exhlblts architectural references to the exterlor of Boboll'S 'Grotta Grande'. Both edIfices are Informed by ancient precedents that were revlved during the Renaissance. One Instance 1S recognlzable in the rust1c decoratlon that dates back to Classlcal 'nymphaea'. These sacred natural
grottos were moss-grown caves. dampened by hldden sprIngs
and encrusted with stalactltes. l68 Thelr debut at Vllia
Madama and Palazzo deI Té was of paramount influence on the
grottos of Bandlnelli and BuontalentI at Boboll, where transported geologlcal formations were used to contuse the nature of realIty and art. The rusticatlon appeatlng on the façade of the 'Grotte du Luxembourg' lS an early example ot
the French term 'congélatIons'. These slmulate tralllng moss or solldified secretlons and are suspended, like grapes on the VIne. above the curving midpolnts or ooze forth from
167 Al essandro Francini, lai vJ'e_~~~.rç_hiJ_~.Ç_LlJ.r_e, (ParI S, 1631; reprlnt, wlth added text of translation by Robert Pricke, London, 1669; reprint London: Gregg Press Ltd., 1966), Plates 1111, IV, XXXIV.
160 Clifford, 78.
77 between the horizontal bands. Despite an attempt to ( slmulate Buontalenti's naturaiistic handllng of the 'Grotta Grande' façade, the surface decoratlon of the 'Grotte du
Luxembourg' 15 sterIle and controlled. Order predomlnates. A second anClent precedent to play a formative role ln
both façades lS a reference to the Roman tr1umphal arches of antlqulty, WhlCh were commonly found near an aqueduct's termInus. The extant fountain of the Julian aqueduct, (FIg. 47) consldered an early prototype for both the 'Fontaine de
MédlCl' and the 'Grotta Grande' ,169 reveals the evolutlon
trom natural gratta to archItectural nymphaeum. Invoklng the glory allled ta this ancient precedent appears eminently sUlted at Luxembourg where the grotto and the end of the ( aqueduct are, as ln Roman times, closely related. In appearance, the 'Grotte du Luxembourg' forms an impenetrable vaulted gateway. Four engaged Tuscan columns on pedestal bases balance the large central arch and two smaller niches. By contrast, Vasari's ciassicai façade utilizes two Tuscan Doric columns in support of the entablature while a central arch leads to the world of metamorphosis created by Buontalenti: an aspect of the grotto not repeated at Luxembourg. Above the entablature of both grottos, sculptures imitate volutes, one on either side of an impressive
169 Naomi Miller, Heavenly Caves: Reflections on the Garden Grotto, (N.Y.: George Braziller. 1982), 18.
78 , ,
cartouche bearlng the Medlcl shleld, WhlCh ln Paris has an added 'fleurs de IlS'. Biard's crouchlng personlf1catlons
of the ri vers, EhQ[l~ and ~_eJ-p_~_ 110 concur Wl th de '1;'addl' 5 more tradltlonal reclinlng flgures representative of Peace
and JustlC~ on the Florentlne taçade. Perhaps the most unusual s1m11ar1ty results when one attempts to visuallze the flame-like leaves of pottpd Agave plants that, as noted, once adorned the pedlment ot the Boboli grotto. ThlS concept presents a strlklng parallpl ta the three 'pots au feu' rlslng above the 'Grotte du Luxembourg' ln Marot's engravlng. The anterior oval baSIn. Intended to recelve the overflow of water, lS rem101scent ot VasarI's original Idea at Soboli, where hls façade franted a small pond. Sadly, water fram the aqueduct was never to enhance the
Luxembourg grotta during Marlets lifetlme. 171 Her plan to reallze a garden feature ln the traditIon known ta her from her days at Boboli remained only a dry fount for nearly two centurIes, though, undenlably, its concept derlved trom the 'Gratta Grande'. Métezeau surely noted thlS hlghllght durlng hlS 1611 viSlt. As weIl, the FrancinIs' experlence wlth Florentine fountalneerlng lends credence to the
170 Hustin, "La création du Jardin," 137. Other identifications, the R~ln~ an~ ~~ne are proposed by Naoml Mi Il er, Heavenl.-Y_Q~_~_, 69. 171 The grotto was not supplied with water until the 19th century. Woodhridge, 137.
79 assumptlon that the Mannerlst style of the 'Grotta Grande' was transformed by the French Baroque's classlslzlng ldl0m,
• lnto the motlfs vislble ln the 'Grotte du Lux~mbourg'. Inltlally, flVe fountalns were contemplated ln the early plan of Luxembourg's garden. (Flg. 36) Doubtless, the flrst, enhanced the star-shaped grave of elms mentloned by Symonds, whlle the fountaln destlned to adorn the 'grand parterre' was typlcally French: a 'Jet d'eau', shootlng a lofty stream hlgh ln the alr and falllng back lnto a wlde recelvlng baSIn. The Jet's vertlcallty provlded rellef from the formal level terrain. For Boyceau water, aSlde from ltS practlcal necesslty, was by its vlvacity and movement the lIving spirit of the garden. Although hls hlghest pralse was reserved for swiftly flowlng water ln natural canals, he aiso saw water as an embeillshment that was Slmllar ln manner to Boboll's
prlnclpal fountains, where emphasis was Flaced on the great marble and bronze statues by noted Florentiue sculptors. Boycea u wn tes; Neantmolns on faIt grand cas des Fontaines laillssantes, lesquelles on peut embellir de grands enrlchissemens d'archltecture polie ou rustique, de figures de marbre ou bronze, par diverses inventlons & ordonnances, qUl tIendront grand lleu en l'embellissement des jardins, quand elles sortiront de l'inventlon & dessein d'un bon Architecte & Sculpteur, desquels il se faut servir pour cette partlcularlté d'ornement. 172 In 1635, the commission ta instaii both the whlte
172 Boyceau, 3:77.
80
, marble rim around the elghteen-meter central basIn and ·1 Guillaume Berthelot's bronze sculptures was given to Tommaso Francini. 173 For the most part, It has been thought that only written observatIons surVIve to describe these fIgures; ln the Centre a noble Basln of Marble neere 30 toot dlameter (as l remember) ln WhlCh a Triton of brasse holds a Dolphin that casts a girandola of water neere 30 foote high WhlCh plays perpetually. L74
A Sllghtly different verSIon, found ln the travel dlary of the exiled Engllsh Royallst, RIchard Symonds, states:
In ye mlddle of ye square fIat garden wch lS nothing but box sown ln thlS manner (lnserts small dlagram ot plantlng) IS a very large fountayne 12 or 6 square. ln ye mlddle a Satyr of ye sea ln Brasse the length of a great weIl growne man holdIng a Dolphln. out of ye Dolphlns throat spouts a streame of water 20 toot hlgh and falls ln hiS face. The Satyr endeavours ln stop ye Dolphlns throat. The stone wch composses ye fountayne is white polished marble. 17S
Symonds' diary 15 Invaluable, as he accompanles hlS narrative wlth a small sketch of the figures showlng, ln humorous fashIon, the column of water splashing back lnto the face of the satyr as he grlps the doiphin. ThIS VIgnette seems to be the on1y known visuai record of Berthelot's mlsslng sculpture and, as such, has apparently been overlooked ln the major hlstorlcal research publlshed
on the Luxembourg garden. (Fig. 48) The motIf of dolphln and ------
173 Marie had dismissed Francini in 1634 due to a partial collapse of an underground portion ot the aqueduct, but he retained favour wi th LOUIS XIII. Hustln, "La créatIon du jardin du Luxembourg," 104.
174 Evelyn, 129.
175 Symonds, 90 verso.
81 triton on a natural rock foundation was to be augmented by
( four additlonal bronze figures disposed around the basin. l ?6 Neither Evelyn nor Symonds accurately record the
dImensions of the basln and some confusion arises over the
Identlflcation of the figure as a triton or satyr. The
lconography 1S speculatIve at best. As a form of sea god,
the dolphin's traditional association in France wlth the
helr to the throne may have some consequence, but tritons,
generally attendant upon greater sea gods, and satyrs,
signifY1ng a free woodland spirit,1?7 were conventional
fountaln sub)ects. It is hlghly unlikely that Berthelot's
sculptures have any affillation wlth those at Boboll, but
cOlnCldentally, this same alliance of triton and dolphin
does occur in Giulio Parigi's Harpy Fountalns (1618) ( bordering the 'Isolotto'. (Fig. 29)
Franclnl made two addltlonal proposaIs for ornamental
fountall1S Cl ted as the De~Q~H?_r99~ and 'grand masque' ;
Item, pour achever la fontaine de demogorgon qui est à la teste de la grande allée, falre la figure de vergelé, laquelle aura quatre toises de haulteur Sl elle estoit debout ... Pour falre l'escalier et grand masque qui est à la teste du grand JardIn qui sert d'escaliers de fontaine suivant le modelle et desselng qui en a esté arresté par lad. dame Royne, lequel grand masque sera de
176 Berthelot received 5000 livres for these sculptures that have vanished 1 eaving no records. Hustin, " La création du jardin du Luxembourg," 100.
177 Gertrude Jobes, Q~ctionary of Mythology-Folk19re ang_~.Q.olJt (New York: The Scarecrow Press Ine. 1 1962) 459 , 1599, 1403. ,( 82 ,
marbre blanc et les marches seront de pierre de Liée. 178
His recommendatlons have sparked a minor controversJ among historians. Hustin, the garden's definltlve
chronlcler, equates the Dem9~~qQn~~ locatlon wlth a second basin, just above the 'demi-Iune'-- where the axes of the 'grande allée' from the western 'rond d'eau', and the 'grand parterre' meet. He concludes that the 'masque' was Intended to complete the Vlew of the southern transversal at the Carthusian wall. l19 An architectural structure, vlslble ln the pre-1627 plan of Luxp.mbourg, (FIg. 36) abuts the Carthusian wall at the end of the central aXIS. ThIS may have become obsolete wlth the brethren's stlpulatlon that no building be closer to thelr wall than twelve feet, thus necessitatIng a new embeillshment. Hazlehurst, using Hustln as hls source, agrees on the
slte of the Q~m_QgQ~on but he transposes the 'masque' to the
western SIte of the 'rond d'eau' .180 At the rlsk nt turthet cornplicatlng these theorles, if one assumes trom Franclnl's proposaI that 'la teste du grand Jardin' means the central sectlon, Boyceau's 'parterre', and that 'la teste de la grande allée' means the beglnnlng of the prlncIpal walkway
179 ArchIves du ministère des Affaires étrangéres, fonds France, no 1590, fol. 184; in Hustin, "La Créatlon du Jardin du Luxembout g," 104.
179 Ibid., 101.
190 Hazlehurst, 63. Woodbridge refutes this point and agrees with Hustin. Woodbridge, Nos. 28, 29; 296.
83 at Portes des Carmes, the 'rond d'eau', it then seems
reasonable to conc1ude that Francini lntended the 'masque'
(as Hustin suggests) to dlsguise the Carthuslan boundary
wa 11 : 'mascarons' were common seventeenth-century French
garden dev~ces ~ntended for just such a ~urpose.181
Hypothetlcally, the pemogorgo~ could then be seen as the
culminatlng feature of the western perspective, elther
behind or centering the 'rond d'eau'.
Of Greek origln, this fIgure, representing the genius
of the earth, was portrayed by a moss covered old man. l82
Clearly, Francini's Tuscan herltage emerges ln thlS form,
WhlCh calis to mInd Giambologna' s colossal bpJ~IlnlJ}O_ for
Pratollno, or Ammannatl's flgure at Vl1la Castello. At the
'rond d'eau', the D~rnog~rgon would have teen vlewed ln ( con)unction with water, analogous to its Itallan precedents.
The length and breadth of the commanding walk leading
to thlS area lmpressed Richard Symonds who wrote;
a long walke ... ye whole length of halfe a mile in stralght line very broad betweene 2 lofty very straight ... hedges of hornbeame18 )
Boyceau's princIple that the longest walk should be the
widest 1S reflected in this description, but his preference
would have been for shady chestnut trees, elms or limes and
181 'A mascaron de fontaine' _, par J. Le Pautre - XVII SIècle', illustrates this trend in Henri Stein, Les jardins ~~~_~_~~QÇ~ (Paris: O.-A. Lonquet, 1913), Plat~ 92.
182 Jobes, 431.
183 Symonds 1 91.
( 84 not the hornbeam mentioned by Symonds. 184 Gomboust's map
1 clearly dellneates this transverse walk, Whlch ln essence 1S the counterpart ta BoboH 's 'Vlottolone'. Hazlehurst otters
the observation, however, that the feellng ot escape and
confinement achleved by the numerous blsectlng paths at
Luxembourg is contrary to the experience at Boboll. l O!> But,
if one considers the contrasts of light and shade create-d by
the vaulted and open paths that Intersected and paralleled
the 'Viottolone', doubtless, a simllar sensatlon occurred
and once more, as in 50 many areas, the gardens sha J~ed a
mutual accord.
In the followl.ng decade, John Evelyn descnbes the
culminatlng feature of the 'grande aIl ée' as unflnlshed and
home to a nurnber of tortoi ses kept by the Duke d'Or l eans.
The unhappy fate of the 'rond d'eau' belles what was surely
intended to rIval the grand theatncal effect of the Vlew as
one approached Boboll'S 'Isolotto' along the 'Vlottolone':
Towards the farther end 1S an excavatlon l ntended tor a Vast PiscIna, but never flnlsh'd: & neere lt 15 an enc l osure for a Garden of simpl es, rarel y entertalnd, & here the Duke keepes Tortolses in greate number who use the pole [SlC] of water ... 186
18 4 Boyceau 1 3: 72.
185 Hazl ehurst, 62.
186 Evelyn, 130.
85 CONCLUSIOK Travellers sojourning in the 'giardino di Boboli' and subsequently touring the 'jardin du Luxembourg' would never experience thp. strange sensation of 'déjà vu'. In image, the gardens are wor1d's apart; one s10ped, the other 1evel; one a medley of walks designed to confuse, the other sedate and easily viewed. On1y through scrutiny of their respective annals are simi1arities revealed. For just as Solomon dp Brosse circurnvented Marie de' Medici's desire to recreate the Palazzo Pitti, Boyceau and his compatriots devised her magnificent garden, not through strict emulation of their Italian model, but through its subjugation: thus in spirit and aim their plan was wholly French. Although in format, both gardens bear a singular resemblance to one another, no absolute replicas of Boboli hallmarks adorn the garden at Luxembourg. Nonetheless, they were often pervasive and formative influences, transformed into French reality by restraint and classicisrn and thus remote from the emotional appeal generated by Boboli. However, in conveying the Florentine garden's traits of grandeur and magnificence, Marie de' Medici triumphed. Glory and pride in her Italian heritage inspired a legacy that was to signal the dawn of a new majestic era in the annals of French garden history. ( 86 1
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Caneva, CaterIna. ~b~,~O!:>_QJI .91iX(h~I1~. Translated by Andrew Mc Cormlck. Florence: "(,0 studiolo", 1982. Charageat, Marguerite. "Le Nymphée de W1.devIlle et la Grotte du Luxembourg." ~j!l~tln __ 9.~___ L~Lê.Q.ç,i_é_te de l~h~.ê.t_~jJ.~_Q~L_L'Ê.J:.:L.f.!'_an,Ça+_~ (1934): 16-34. Chatelet-Lange, LilIan. "The Grotto of the UnIcorn and the Garden of the Villa di Castello." Translated by Renate Franciscond. Art BulletIn 50 (1968) 51-8.
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88 Coope, RosaI ys. ~~JJJ-'!l9tL Q~_ ~I_OS~Ëi.!l.fL.Jhe_De'L~lQ:Q.lJlent_~ .!:l1e. gl.~ssic~l __ê1.YL~ in French. Archi tect4re from 1~65-_ ;1..6.39. London: A Zwemmer Ltd., 1972.
Cowell, F. R. Q...(u.g_enn~_ Fin~~J;:~J;:.9m_.wt!gui ty~M(.d Crowe, Sylvla. 9ard~~_De~iqrr. London: packard Publishing Ltd., 1981. Dana, LUlgi. T~~JJali-'~n_G~.rdeI]... Translated by St::opoli. N,Y.: Brentano's lnc., 1929. Dézallier D'Argenville. Antolne-Josep~. ~~e_ Theory and Practlce of Gargeninq. [Parls, 1709) Translated by John James. London, 1712; reprint, L0ndon: Gregg International Publlshers Ltd., 1969. Du Cerceau, J.Androuet. Les Plu~ Ex~~llents_~~êljmen~~ de ~~a~. Paris: Gilles Beys, Librairie Luré, 1589; reprint, Paris: A. Lévy, Libraire-Editeur, 1770. Dutton, Ralph. T~Çhateaux of France. London: Batsford Ltd.,1957. Evel yn, John. The~j,~!,'y of_ John Evelxn.. Edi ted by E. S. deBeer. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1955. Francini, Al esst=lndro. Li vL~ ___g~j~.rcl!Jj::_eçtu~~. Paris, 1631; with added text of translation by Robert Pricke, London, 1669; reprint, London: Gregg Press Ltd., 1966. Ganay, Ernst, de. t"es .Jardlns de France et 1 eur deçor. Paris: Librairie Larousse, 1949. Gebelin, François. The Châteaux of France. London: Ernest Benn Ltd., 1964. Gisors, M. Al phonse, de. k.~ Pal ais du __LuxembouI.9.. Paris: Typographie de plon frères, 1847. Goldwaithe, Richard. '1'.h~ __~llqdiJl9.....Q.f Reflalssanc~_~loren~ ~!L_~ç..Qn.omi..Q_~.ll(LsoCl al history.. Bal timore and London: Hopkins University Press, 1980. Golson, Luclle M. "Serlio, Primaticcio and the Architectural Grotto." Gazette des Beaux Arts 77 (February 1971): 95-108-:------. Got hein, Mari e Luise. ~.JJJ._~.!:or...Y..Qi_..9_ë,\.rq.~rLI\!:.t_. Trans 1 ated by Mrs Archer-Hind. 2 Vols. London and Toronto: J.M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1928. 89 Gromort, George. ~~_~~t__ qes_jAX~~~~. Paris: EdItions Vincent ,1 Fréal and Cie., 1953. Hautecoeur, Louis. R(ê...toi._~~_çt~ __ J...'_~rç.trü~_~tur_~. __ ~t!3-_~.ts.:lq\!..~ __ en Franc~. Vo l. l, L' archi..tectu.t~.ous_ HeIlJ:"l __ lY...~LJ.!.QUlS ~11-~. Paris: Editions Auguste PIcard, 1943. Raz 1 ehurs t, F. 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"La Creat~on du JardIn du Luxembourg par Marle de MédiCIS." ~L~llj,JU~~L.!t~_L_~~.J:'"t Françals 8 (1916): 86- 109. _____. "Le jardin du Luxembourg du commencement du XVI le si èc l e à 1812." Memoi rs _c!~_-1~_o_çJ,_~té_ .rt..~_ t' Q..~_~t..9r.J.._e .d~ Par i s ~.A§!_l.~i..ÊL~._g ~_ ..l"%..Jl_I1.Ç ~ 4 6 (1 92 7 ): 5 7 - 67 . ______. Le Luxembourg son hLl:?101~~. 2 Vols. ParlS: Imprimerie du Luxembourg, 1910. Hyams, Edward. Jiistory of Gard_~Il$_ and_ .. _G_~.rg.~nln.g_. London: J.M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1971. Jobes, Gertrude. Qj.ctionary .9f M.YthQ.l9..9.Y--=-.XolJ~lg.f..~_ .~.I}.ç. ê.Y!TIbol s .. N. Y.: The Scarecrow Press Inc., 1962. ·V 90 Kar Il ng, sten. "The Importance of André Mo Il et and hi s Family for the Development of the French FormaI Garden." In TJ'!~ __ f1:..~_l}çl~_ FOJ;m~J___ ga~g~D, ed. Elizdbeth MacDougal1 and F. Hamilton Hazlehursl, 3-25. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard Universlty, 1974, Laz za ro, Cl audi a. 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J..Le__ MutazIone _dl Proteo..!..~lardln1 !':1_~_(t:i.-_Ç..el_(1~L .GiMuecenS_Q_. Florence: Sansoni, 1981. Matthews, W.H. Mazes and LabyrInths, their Histor~ and ~~y~~o~~ent. N.Y.: Dover Publications, Inc., 1970. Millar, Ollver. "An Exile in ParIS: The Notebooks of RIchard Symonds. n In .Qtu Mi 11 er, Naoml. "Domaine of III usi on: The Grot to in France." l n F..Q11~ __S.~..lU-~nt_l_a_~_: ___ B.!W_ai2.Êa!t~~garden_"yo.Jl..!tt~Jn.ê_, ed. Elizabeth MacDougall, 177-206. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University, 1978. ___ . "French Renaissance Fountains." Ph. D. diss., N. Y . University, 1966. Ann Arbor, Michigan: Unlversity MIcrofilms, 1968. 91 ____. __._. Heay~.nJy .. g~y~_s__.!. _~~j:J_~.çt l Qn_s_ 9n . th~. Ç;a.rden G!'ot ta. 1 N.Y.: George Braziller, 1982. Moii et, André. ~~ . .Jarçt~.JL çi~ J~l a~.sp:·. StoC'kho l me : Henry Kayler, l651; reprInt, postface by MIchel Conan, ParIS: EdItlons du MonIteur, n.d .. Morandlnl, F.. ed. t1Qs.t_t:.~_QoçUl'f\en ta rIa e lCQnQgr.Ki t l ca dl pal azzo ~I t t),.~._<1~.?Lq:!-.!"Lq __çi.~ ___ i?Ql?_Qj..!. Florence: TIpografia Gluntlna, 1960. Mousset, Al bert . l,._e? .f~anc],.n.~.t ..Cr.É'9. ~eur $. çie~ eaux .de Y..§!rs Murray, Peter. Rena~s~XtçL8..t..Q.hl.t.~ctJdX.~. New York: Hat" t y N. Abrams, 1971. Nag 1 er, A. M. Jh~_~ t.f:.e. F~e~t.i Y.ê!J $ .oJ j:J~~ _ M~çl.;!,.ç;i.. New Haven and London: Yale UnlVerSJty Press, 1964. pardoe, JUIl a. 'J'hl?_ L:!J e pt .M_aJ" 1 e. q~_. Méd,l Cl St Quee11 ot Eran~~. 3 Vols. London: Samuel Bagster and Sons Ltd., N.Y.: James Pott and Co., 1902. Perelle, GabrIel, Nicolas and Adam Perelle and Jean Marot. Y.~.~.l:?g~2. __b~ll~.§...m~~?.QD~_.9.e.J~~.n.$. ParJs: 1650 1685. phIlllPPS, E. Match and Arthur T. Bolton. The Gardens ct lSê,.1.y.. London: Country Life Ltd., ]919. Pope-Hennessy. John. l. t~l1..?lLJi1.9..i}. R~n~~~~a,!lÇ.~ __ êHlA }3a,J;o.qUf,! §.ç!-!lp.·tu...r~. 2d. ed. London and New York: PhaHlon. 1970. Popp, Anny E. "Deslgn tor a Fountaln - CollectIon of Mr. Henry Oppenheimer, F.S.A." In 9)::LMa~J::e~ .Dr:a_'.Il!1.gs. Vol. 2 (June 1927-March 1928): 23, Plate 27. Robin'··on, W. Th~ .~é!J:.ks--,--.Xr9rnl?n_a..de_s and .Ga_rdens of Par.l s. London; John Murray, 1869. Rosenfeld. Myra NRn. Seb.ast1al}0 Serl~o _9.n Domestl.c l\..rSJ:l:lt..~_ct1J..~~.. New York: Archl tectural Hlstory Foundation; Cambr1dge, Massachusetts and London, England: The MIT Press, 1978. Roussy, André. x.._fl._~g 1.~1..~ . çt\l_.1_'-!~~TIlP.9!.tL9. Pa r1 s: Li braI. r l e Hachette, 1962. Ruskln, John. '!'J:H~.-.ê~'y_eJ!. J~a)'T\P.ê ...OJ .h.rcJ:n ~.~çt_u_r.e. London: J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1910. 92 1 satkowski, Leon. "The Palazzo PIttl; PlannIng and Use in the Gr and -Duca l E ra." ~.9~Xl)5'!t o_f_..tJlE?__ .ê.o CI eU_9...t .8.~çh!-J~_c.tyr~l. t11s_t9.r_~~I)..§.. 40 (Dec. 1983): 336-349. Selvaggl, Jacques, Jean-Noel Burte, and Domlnlque Bouchacourt. "Le jardln du Luxembourg." CaJ.,ss~ I)aJ;_~oll Ser 110, Sebas tlano. T.!!.t..t_~.l~.QE...~_L~. __Q.' ~J;_cJ:n_t_~t..t_ur~~t.. P:r;OSP.e.t·lyO .gl._;>~_:P~.~t1~9_ Se.LtLo_J~9}O.9D.e.?_(;'· Venlce: Aparesso GIacomo de' Franceschl, 1619; repLInt, England: Gregg InternatIonal Publlshers lQ68. Shearman, John. ~. Smith, Webster. "Pr-atollno." ..;rQ'Ar_nal_._9.t .. J:;_O_Cl~.t.y'_Q_t f\r~h;tJ_~gtllr;ÊJ _.Hl.?l:... 9J::.!-anp. 20 (1961): 155-168. _. __ . ______.... "Studles on Buontalentl's VIllas." Ph.D. dlSS., Ann Arbor, MIchIgan: UnIverslty MIcrofilms, 1959. Sol dl ni , Francesco Man a. l_LRea 1 ~~ Glardlno di_ Bobo 1 i. Florence, 1789; reprInt Rome: Multlgrafica EdItrIce, 1976. steIn, Henn J..... ~_';; _];:1.Lçi:i,n?Q~~ ... t'Lanç_~. ParIS: D.-A.Lonquet, ( 1913. st randberg, Runar. "Jacques Boyceau, hl S 'l'heory of Landscape GardenIng and sorne of hlS Creations." !5.onsthlstorls~. t_1._9?k.sJJ.t 37 (1968): 43-59. st rong, Ro y. TD.e._ ReI!.~j. ss... anc::...lê __Gji rçle... D- .... j,..r:LI;:... 1l9 1"?I}Q.. London: Tham~s and Hudson, 1979. _. ______. Sp 1 endour a t Court 1 Renaissance Spectacl e an4...... the T~~~tLe _qf .p~~~~. Boston: Weldenfeld and Nicolson, 1973. Symoncls, RIchard. "Descnption de vIlle de Paris 1629 (for 1649)." Harlelan Manuscript 1278, [photocopy] BrItish Llbrary, London, England. Taplé, Victor L. Tk:t~~LQ..L.9..rap.dell....r~._JJ~.r...9.sL1.!..tL.At..t and ~_LçhiJ~~_tY.L~. Translated by A. Ross Wlillamson. N.Y., WashIngton: Frederlck A. Praegar, 1960. Thacker., Chr istopher. 'l'h~_H:tgtoK'y ... _Q.t. _Q.~Kçlen.ê. London: Croonhelm, 1979. ( 93 _____... _ .. "steps in the Great Garden." O~Jd~l_os 9 (Sept. 1 1983): 53-62. Triggs, Inigo. T.Îl_~_I\rt .QC Ga_rdel) .peslgn _~n. It{!ly. London, N.Y., Bombay: Longmans, Green and Co., 1906. ___ . __.. __._.' Garcl~ _~r{!ft_1n. _EJlr..QQ.e. London: B. T. Batstord. N.Y.: Charles Scrlbner and Sons, 1913. Vasari, Giorgio. Li..Y.e..s _Qf.JJ1~_~~.:lJ)J~r!? / .~Ç\.Llpt,or~ ..~nd ~!:..ç_h.h.t.ec.t.è. [1568] Edlted by Ernest Rys. Translated by A.B. Hlnds. London: J.M. Dent, 1900 . .... _ ... _____ . Qn ..T~çb,!1.1_q!!e_. [lS50] Edlted by Prat. G. Bald"'ln Brown. Translated by LOUlsa Maclehose. New York: Dover Publlcations, 1960. Ward, W. H. 'J'l't~ _~r:.ct}l.te_ct ure... .9t_t.h.e .t ___._. ___ .. ' ed. FreDch __ Chât~.a'L~ .éHlq .. q~r.d.~ns in the XVI th Century,. London: B.T. Batsford, 1909. Weber, M. Gerold. "Un livre d'esquisses lnédlt attrIbuÉ' rt Tommaso de FranClnl 0571-1651)." §)lJJe.t!'Il Q._e . .1a $02.1_~!:..é .. cie_.1.~J!). .Ê.t_oi.r~ _g.~ __ ~~_é!.I:t (1980): 71··80. Wharton, Edi th. JJ;.allan_.yil)~~L an.4.j.. h~_~.r Garg~!l? N, Y .: A ln Capo Paperback, 1976. Whl tman 1 Na than P. "French Domed Ent ry." .,L9_urn~1_.Q.f .. t.h~ ?_Q.ç.;L~t.Y.--.9tJ\rchj.t_~çiYL~1_J-I.:hs.t9~~.a.p_s 46 (Dec. 1')87): 356-373. WIl es, Ber t ha. T.h.~ _r'PJ,lJ1.t a1J)_~ _9_L.F1.9 r_~n t.l tL~ __ .S c. U Ip t 0 r san cl thel r fa 1) O}l~Lli_trOIJL.llQn.a t~l..LQ.. t.o_. 6.~.rJl.1, Dl. Cambn dge, Massachusetts: Harvard Unlvers~ty Press, 1933. Wl t tkower 1 Rudol f. aJ.t.~.Il~}\r,ÇJll.t~.CJ, 4x.e ll:L.1. ta !Y.. lJIQ.9 -1.7 50. Harmondsworth, Mlddlesex, England: Penguln Books Ltd., 1985. Woodbridge, Kenneth. The Prl-.!1g.~l'y_ç;~rQ~l:ls. N.Y.: RlzZOl:1., 1986. WrIght, D.R. Edward. "The Iconography of the Medl.Cl Garden at Castello." .Journal of tl1!LPOCl.~Q.Q.t.Arsj}.l.~~~1;.J:l~;Ü H~~~or~~n~ 34 (Decernber 1975): 314. 94 1. Plan of Boboli Garden, engraving by G. Vascellini (1789. 2. Plan of Luxembourg Garden, detail from Gomboust's Map of Paris (1652). 3. Chiteau and garden at Amboise, engraving br Jacques Androuet du Cerceau (1576). 4. Chiteau and garden at Blois, engraving br Jacques Androuet du Cerceau (1576). 5. ChAteau and garden at Fontainebleau, en9ravin9 br 3acques Androuet du Cerceau 6. Grotte des Pins, Pontainebleau (1541-43). 7. Grotto at Palazzo deI Té, Mantua (1532). 8. Cortile deI Belvedere, engraving by Hendrick van Schoel (1579). 9. Chateau and garden at Ancy-le-Franc, engraving by Jacques Androuet du CeI'ceau (1576). 10. chateau and garden at Anet, engra'J lng by Jacques Androuet du Cerceau (1576). Il. Chàteau and garden at st. Germaine-en-Laye, engraving by Francini (1614). 12. Bird's-eye view of Boboli Garden by Stefan~ Buonsignori ~ ~ À ~ " .li Jo (ca. 1594). - ~ or- .... ~::-."" 13. Giusto utens Lunette of the Boboli Gardens, Mu.eo di Firenze oom'era (oa. 1599). 14. Amphitheatre, detail from uten. Lunette. 15. Exterior of the 'Grotticina' Baccio Bandinelli (1553). 16. Interior of the 'Grottici4a' Giovanni Pancelli (1554) . .. . 17. Plan of the Pitti Palace and Boboli Garden, after additions of Parigi. 18. Plan of Villa Giulia. 19. Fountain of Neptune, stoldo Lorenzi (ca. 1565-68). 20. Fountain of Neptune 1 detail utens Lunette. •,- • \ :-lC... ' • . , , ~ .....', 1 1 r·': l- , 22. Fountain of Oceanus, Giambologna (1567-76). 23. Design for a Fountain, Giambologna. Collection of Kr Henry Oppenheimer F.S.A., London: Pen and ink; 205 1 330mm. 24. 'ount of Juno, Ammannati, (1556) detail Utens Lunette. 25. Mock-up of 'ountain of Juno. 26. Exterior of 'Grotta Grande' br Giorgio Vasari (1556-60) and Buontalenti (1583-89). 27. Interior of 'Grotta Grande' with frescos br Poccetti, figures br Piero Mati (1583-93) . 28. View of the 'Viottolone' and the 'Isolotto.' 29. Barp1 Pountain, Giulio ~ari9i (1618-20) . 30. Nap, vicinity of Luxembourg prior to Marie de' Medici's purchase. 31. Aqueduct Arcueil at Rungis (1613-24). r~~_r-~=-~,~.--. --+:~-.-.-, .... J+; .III·_-W-_ilL~. -dr-.ur--tb-~ ~: ~ rt: • • "â" • • l'• • -"""".!:.1.I.. .. _... _'- ••• • 1 • • • 32. Plan of Luxembourg Palace, 1 • • • by AlfGnae Gisors. 1 • • 1 1 • • 1 1 • • • 33. Garden façade f~ ... _ • ..,~._ ... ~. Luxembourg Palace, engraving (1649) rr' œ • œ lit/!.. •• ,-,"1 architecture by ...... Marot, figure. by stefano della Bella .. - ~ - --- J-":' -.. ~ ~ -- ... t ...... 3 a .... - 34. Court yard façade of Pi t ti Palace and view of amphitheatre. 35. Map by François Quesnel and Claude Vellefaux (1615). 36. Plan of Luxembourg, Anon. (before 1627). 37. View of Luxembourg Palace and Garden, engraving by Gabriel Perelle .11· 38. Luxembourg, 'parterre de broderie ' Jacques Boyceau, Traité du jardinan (1638) . 39. Luxembourg, view of central 'parterre ' engraving by Gabriel perelle (1649). 40. Luxembourg, view of west terrace and central parterre, engraving by Israël Sylvestre (1649). 41. Luxembourg, view of concave-convex stairs leading to terrace and Grotte du Luxembourg in original location, engraving by Israël Sylvestre, figures by Stefano della Bella (1649)...... CMVn DV'_WAN ~v aovfUVfiI OIWI ~ .aUdfIIOI""f f 43. Grotte du Luxembourg, engraving by Jean Marot. 44. Plate VI. Livre d'architecture Ale•• andro Prancini (1631). 45. Plate XXXIV. Livre d'architecture Alessandro Prancini (1631) 47. Fountain of Acqua Giulia, drawin9 by Paul Brill, Oabinetto Bazionale dell eStampe. (late 16th c.) 48. Pountain for 'grand parterre • sculpture by Ouillaume Berthelot. Sketch in notebook of Richard 8~oDds (1649).