Book of Abstracts

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Book of Abstracts 1 Table of Contents Director’s Welcome 3 Conference Schedule 4 Day 1 - Keynote 1: John Keane, 9:00 - 10:00am 10 The New Populism and the Refusals of Civil Society..................................................10 Day 1 - Parallel Session 1: 10:30 - 12:00pm 11 Room 1: Democracy, Deliberation and Dialogue ������������������������������������������������������� 11 Room 2: Political Theory, Populism and the Far-Right ����������������������������������������������� 12 Room 3: Comparing Populisms ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 14 Day 1 - Keynote 2: Ruth Wodak, 1:00 - 2:00pm 16 'Austrian Ibiza' and 'Italian Moscow'...: A Politics of Shameless Normalization.........16 Day 1 - Parallel Session 2: 2:30 - 4:00pm 17 Room 1: Populism in South Asia I ������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 17 Room 2: Populism, Liberalism and Citizenship ���������������������������������������������������������� 19 Room 3: Refugees, Migration and Populist Rhetoric I ����������������������������������������������� 20 Day 1 - Parallel Session 3: 4:00 - 5:30pm 22 Room 1: Populism in South Asia II ����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 22 Room 2: The Left and Progressive Populisms ������������������������������������������������������������ 23 Room 3: Refugees, Migration and Populist Rhetoric II ���������������������������������������������� 25 Day 2 - Keynote 3: Catherine Wihtol de Wenden, 9:00 - 10:00am 26 The 'Migration Gap': Research, Policy-Making and Populism in Democracy..............26 Day 2 - Parallel Session 4: 10:30 - 12:00pm 27 Room 1: Authoritarianism and Populism in Islam ����������������������������������������������������� 27 Room 2: Measuring and Managing Populisms ���������������������������������������������������������� 29 Room 3: Populism and Politics in Latin America �������������������������������������������������������� 31 Day 2 - Plenary Panel 1: 1:00 - 2:00pm 32 Populism Beyond the Anglosphere ��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 32 Day 2 - Parallel Session 5: 2:30 - 4:00pm 34 Room 1: East and South East Asian Populisms ���������������������������������������������������������� 34 Room 2: New Media and Populism ��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 35 Day 2 - Parallel Session 6: 4:00 - 5:30pm 36 Room 1: Populism and Democracy Across Asia and Africa ����������������������������������������� 36 Room 2: Populism and Political Parties ���������������������������������������������������������������������� 37 Day 3 - Keynote 4: Tamir Bar-On, 9:00 - 10:00am 39 Fascism, Populism, or Democracy? Problems With the Literature on the Radical Right...............................................................................................................39 Day 3 - Parallel Session 7: 10:30 - 12:00pm 40 Room 1: Populist Demagoguery and Democracy ������������������������������������������������������� 40 Room 2: Democracy, Cosmopolitanism and Violence ������������������������������������������������ 41 Room 3: Science, Technology and Democracy ����������������������������������������������������������� 43 Day 3 - Parallel Session 8: 1:00 - 2:30pm 44 Room 1: Australian Politics and Populisms ����������������������������������������������������������������� 44 Room 2: Populism and Political Leadership ���������������������������������������������������������������� 45 Day 3 - Parallel Session 9: 2:30 - 4:00pm 47 Room 1: Australian Foreign Policy and Liberalism ������������������������������������������������������ 47 Room 2: Liberalism, Populism and Climate Change ��������������������������������������������������� 48 Day 3 - Plenary Panel 2: 4:30 - 5:30pm 50 The Future of Populism and Democracy? ������������������������������������������������������������������ 50 Director’s Welcome I am delighted to welcome you to ‘After Liberalism? Populism and the Future of Democracy’, the third in our new Annual International Conference series for the Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation. There is no doubt that we are currently witnessing new movements of contestations that question long held assumptions about democracy, world order and citizens’ involvement in domestic and global affairs. The level and intensity of some of these disruptions and contestations extend across sectors and geographies: from a rise in populist ideologies and Right-wing extremism, to the sudden outbreak of the so-called 'fourth wave' of democracy sweeping across the Middle East and North Africa, to new patterns of human mobility and forced migration, as well as a rising global consciousness around sustainable development and environmental concerns. This conference captures these dynamics and their inherent related tensions and reflects on some of the key challenges and opportunities facing democracies today. The Alfred Deakin Institute is dedicated to undertaking problem-oriented research into the political and social issues associated with globalising processes. This conference recognises the distinctly multi-disciplinary approach that this dedication must take, bringing together scholars and experts from a diverse range of research areas including politics, international relations, religion and diversity, migration studies, history and cultural studies. I would like to officially thank the organising committee, which included Benjamin Isakhan, Steven Slaughter, Amy Nethery, Peter Ferguson, and Maria Rae, who have worked tirelessly this year to put together this superb three-day program. I would also like to acknowledge our dedicated team of administrative and professional staff in ADI who supported the organising committee and all of you in ensuring the smooth running of the conference. I look forward to the various sessions, panels and lively discussions that this conference promises to deliver. Alfred Deakin Professor Fethi Mansouri Director, Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation Twitter: @FethiMansouri Youth Futures: Connection and Mobility in the Asia Pacific 15 – 16 November 2018 Deakin Downtown 3 Conference Schedule Wednesday 20 November 8:00 ­­ - 8:30am Registration 8:30 - 9:00am Welcome Boon Wurrung Elder Welcome to Country Fethi Mansouri Director, Alfred Deakin Institute Benjamin Isakhan Convenor, After Liberalism Conference 9:00 - 10:00am Keynote John Keane The New Populism and the Refusals of Civil Society 10:00 - 10:30am Morning Tea 10:30 - 12:00pm Parallel Session 1 Room 1: Mike Hardy Dialogue, Inequality and the Dying of Democracy: The Politics Democracy, of Exclusion Deliberation and Russell Varley The Content of Public Deliberation: Towards a Normative Dialogue Standards Approach Room 2: Political Matt Sharpe Heidegger After Liberalism? Philosophy and the Far Right in Theory, Populism the Age of Neofascism and the Far-Right Paul Geri Gray Populism, ‘the Mob’ and Arendt’s Dreyfus Analysis: Parallels for Today Ronald Beiner The Plague of Bannonism Room 3: Andrew Vandenberg, Conservative Parties’ Contrary Responses to the Far Right in Comparing Geoffrey Robinson & John Sweden and Australia, 2000-2020 Populisms Bourdouvalis Matthew Coote A Tale of Two National Elections: Estonia and Finland 12:00 - 1:00pm Lunch 1:00 - 2:00pm Keynote Ruth Wodak ‘Austrian Ibiza’ and ‘Italian Moscow’...: A Politics of Shameless Normalization 2:00 - 2:30pm Afternoon Tea 4 2:30 - 4:00pm Parallel Session 2 Room 1: Populism Benson Rajan Democracy and Fake News: Locating Neo-Liberalism in in South Asia I Ancient India Ankur Yadav The Indian Liberal Script and the Rise of Right-Wing Populism John Vater The Cultural Anxieties of Indian Populism: Hindu Nationalism’s Many Faces Room 2: Populism, Steven Slaughter Populism, Patriotism and Republican Political Thought Liberalism and Brendan Laurie Liberal Internationalism’s Neo-Liberal Crescendo and the Citizenship Resurgence of Populist Nationalism Lucas Grainger-Brown Before Liberalism: How Populism Built the Liberal World Order Room 3: Refugees, Ashleigh Haw Australian Voters’ Responses to News Discourse Surrounding Migration and People Seeking Asylum Populist Rhetoric I Michal Krzyzanowski Right-Wing Populism and the Normalization of Racism: Discursive Shifts and the ‘Refugee Crisis’ 4:00 - 5:30pm Parallel Session 3 Room 1: Populism Vera Heuer Identity Battles: Substate Populist Frames and Political in South Asia II Mobilization in West Bengal Rajni Gamage Authoritarian Populism and Rural Development in Sri Lanka Pritam Dey Deliberative Democracy and the Common Law: Two Indian Supreme Court Judgments Room 2: The Left Patrick Keane Exploring Progressive Populism: The Power of the Vote and Progressive Gearoid Brinn Populist Panic and Fear of the People Populisms John Bourdouvalis Narratives of Resistance for Rehabilitating Social Democratic Practice Room 3: Refugees, Evan Joymas & Zim Evidence-Based Democracy: Why Democracy Works Better Migration and Nwokora with Evidence Populist Rhetoric II Emily Foley Immigration Policy-Making, One Nation and the Australian Labor Party 5:30 - 6:00pm Canapés 6:00 - 8:00pm Alfred Deakin Institute Public Policy Forum Multiculturalism, Peter Khalil, MP Member for Wills, Australian House of Representatives Inequality and the Director, Centre for Trust, Peace and Social Relations, Rise of Populism Mike Hardy Coventry University, UK Emerita Distinguished Professor of Discourse Studies, Ruth Wodak Lancaster University, UK 8:00pm Close Day 1 5 Thursday 21 November 8:30 ­­
Recommended publications
  • UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title La comunita' mutilata: Embodiment, Corporality, and the Reconstruction of the Italian Body Politic in the Works of F.T. Marinetti and Gabriele D'Annunzio Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/492903f9 Author Martire, Anthony John Publication Date 2012 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California La comunità mutilata: Embodiment, Corporality, and the Reconstruction of the Italian Body Politic in the Works of F.T. Marinetti and Gabriele D'Annunzio By Anthony John Martire A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Italian Studies in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Barbara Spackman, Chair Professor Mia Fuller Professor Harsha Ram Spring 2012 Abstract La comunità mutilata: Embodiment, Corporality, and the Reconstruction of the Italian Body Politic in the works of F.T. Marinetti and Gabriele D’Annunzio By Anthony John Martire Doctor of Philosophy in Italian Studies University of California, Berkeley Professor Barbara Spackman, Chair “La comunità mutilata: Embodiment, Corporality, and the Reconstruction of the Italian Body Politic in the works of F.T. Marinetti and Gabriele D’Annunzio”, is a study in how discourses of technological modernism, nationality, and woundedness operate on the longstanding metaphor of the body politic. It focuses on the writings of two of Italy’s most controversial, and influential, figures during and after the First World War. I show how mutilated and prosthetic bodies become powerful political metaphors for both Marinetti and D’Annunzio, which upend and transform the notion of the body politic in posthuman, postliberal and antidemocratic ways.
    [Show full text]
  • Vol. 16 No. 4 Jun. 1995 Sect 3 Page
    ThirdWorld Quarterly, Vol 16, No 4, 1995 Pushingpolyarchy: the US± Cuba case andthe Third World WILLIAMI ROBINSON Sincethe late 1980s US policy makers haveargued that the basis ofthe long-runningUS disputewith Cuba is thelack of `democracy’in the Caribbean islandnation. The Clinton Administration has madeit clear that its policy, includingany eventual normalisation of relations,will be basedon democratisa- tioninside Cuba. Yet, from the triumph of the Cuban revolution in 1959 to the late1980s, the US± Cuba con¯ ict was presentedin Washington as aproductof Cuba’s `securitythreat’ , emanatingfrom Cuba’ s foreignpolicy of active engage- mentin the international arena, including its support for Third World national liberationmovements and its alliance with the now defunct Soviet bloc. Therefore,the current assertion in Washingtonthat the dispute is overdemocracy representsa little-perceivedyet signi® cant change in US policy towards Cuba. Thisshift in policy,from an emphasis on external`security’ factors condition- ingUS± Cuban relations, to the emphasis on internal factorsÐ that is, on Cuba’s internalpolitical systemÐ is importanton two accounts. First, it is centralto an analysisof current US± Cuba relations and to prognostication on how these relationswill unfold in the coming years. Second, it re¯ ects anessential change inUS foreignpolicy that dates back to the 1970s, came tofruition in the 1980s, is nowbeing consolidated, and promises to play a majorrole in US foreign policyin the `new world order’ . Thischange has beendescribed by policy makers,scholars and journalists as ashifttowards `democracy promotion’ . The StateDepartment now de® nes `democracypromotion’ as oneof the three basic planksof USforeignpolicy, along with the promotion of `free markets’and the maintenanceof a USmilitary capacity around the world.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy and the Death of Knowledge Suzanna Sherry
    Vanderbilt University Law School Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law Vanderbilt Law School Faculty Publications Faculty Scholarship 2007 Democracy and the Death of Knowledge Suzanna Sherry Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/faculty-publications Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Suzanna Sherry, Democracy and the Death of Knowledge, 75 University of Cincinnati Law Review. 1053 (2007) Available at: http://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/faculty-publications/307 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Vanderbilt Law School Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DEMOCRACY AND THE DEATH OF KNOWLEDGE Suzanna Sherry* Judges are under unprecedented attack in the United States. As former Justice Sandra Day O'Connor wrote in the Wall Street Journal last month, "while scorn for certain judges is not an altogether new phenomenon, the breadth and intensity of rage currently being leveled at the judiciary may be unmatched in American history."' Popular unhappiness with particular decisions-which began even before the Constitution and has occurred continuously since then-has turned into something deeper: a rejection of judicial review itself and a belief that judges should bow to the wishes of the popular majority. A few years ago, I diagnosed this phenomenon as the result of a misconception that all law is politics. I suggested that it was now conventional wisdom to believe that "constitutional adjudication is simply politics by another name.",2 And because politics is the province of the people and their representatives, judges should stay out of it.
    [Show full text]
  • Volume 24 1997 Issue 73
    Review of African Political Economy No.73:307-310 © ROAPE Publications Ltd., 1997 ISSN 0305-6244; RIX #7301 Commentary Ray Bush & Morris Szeftel This issue continues the critical evaluation of aspects of Africa's economic and political crisis offered in previous editions of the ROAPE Review of Books in the hope of an effective alternative to prevailing notions. In the present conjuncture, the dominant forces of global capitalism restrict the policy agenda with regard to arresting economic decline, ethnic conflict and state disintegration. Structural adjustment (imposing externally-regulated liberalisation) and liberal democratic political reform (largely confined to electoral competition among a small elite and the sponsorship of civil society) have been the only games in town. The evidence is everywhere that this narrow agenda is inadequate for the task. Its apologists defend it, not by pointing to their successes or their intellectual coherence and elegance, but by reiterating that there are no alternatives. Hence the need to encourage the widest range of critical contributions in that hope that, from them, alternatives will begin to emerge. The need for a new agenda is manifest. Economic restructuring, after 25 years of failure and despite the continuing brutality of its social impact, draws only muted criticism. Despite these failures, and notwithstanding occasional hand-wringing by the World Bank (as it accepts that mistakes have been made and launches a new slogan), Africa continues to be 'adjusted' to fit it for its station on the margins of world capitalist markets. The disappointments of democratisation are more recent and thus less fully explored. But the limitations of political pluralism as a means of promoting democratisation and overcoming the instability, ineffectiveness and corruption of post-colonial states, are already clear.
    [Show full text]
  • Democratization Through the Looking-Glass Democratization Has Become a Central Political Theme in the Post- Cold War World
    Burnell/28.5.jkt 30/7/03 12:20 pm Page 1 DEMOCRATIZATION I I I I ON PERSPECTIVES DEMOCRATIZATION I PERSPECTIVES ON I PERSPECTIVES ON DEMOCRATIZATION Democratization through the looking-glass Democratization has become a central political theme in the post- Cold War world. This series considers democratization as a concept, bringing together interest both in the processes of democratic institutional reform and in the under- lying theoretical issues defining I IPERSPECTIVES ON these processes—rights, citizenship, PERSPECTIVES ON DEMOCRATIZATION representation and participation. I DEMOCRATIZATIONI Democratization through the looking-glass argues that our perspectives on democratization reflect the intellectual origins of the inquiry. What we see and how we understand it are influenced by what we bring to the table. A range of disciplines from anthropology Democratization to economics, sociology and legal scholarship, as well as different area studies, offer a rich combination of analytical frameworks, distinctive insights and leading points of concern. through On one level the book provides for anyone interested in democratization a wide-ranging distillation of the main themes, issues, and topics, concisely written by leading experts in their field. the looking-glass On a second level the book advances the case for a broadly-based comparative study that includes Europe and North America alongside developing regions, while maintaining that multi- disciplinarity enhances our understanding of democratization far more than a narrow political science approach. I I The book is aimed at students of politics willing to explore the boundaries of their subject and all social scientists who need an BURNELL ed. introduction to this important contemporary phenomenon.
    [Show full text]
  • Eurozone Crisis & EU Democratic Deficit
    - Eurozone Crisis & EU Democratic Deficit: EU and Greece in Multilevel Perspective Alexandros Kyriakidis Dissertation submitted for Master of Philosophy (M.Phil.) degree in Politics 2016 First Supervisor: Prof. Simon Bulmer, FAcSS Second Supervisor: Dr. Owen Parker Department of Politics University of Sheffield Sheffield, UK Eurozone Crisis & EU Democratic Deficit – Alexandros Kyriakidis | i Table of Contents List of Tables ................................................................................................................ iv List of Graphs ............................................................................................................... iv List of Figures ............................................................................................................... iv Abstract .......................................................................................................................... v List of Abbreviations .................................................................................................... vi Chapter 1: Introduction .............................................................................................. 1 SECTION A: RESEARCH FOUNDATIONS, METHODS & LITERATURE ......... 11 Chapter 2: Review of Relevant Existing Literature ............................................ 11 2.1. Introduction ................................................................................................... 11 2.2. EMU & Democracy: Supranational Level ...................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Local Democracy and Participation in Post-Authoritarian Chile1
    European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 83, October 2007 | 3-18 Local Democracy and Participation in Post-Authoritarian Chile1 Herwig Cleuren During the past decade an intensive debate has emerged in Latin America about new forms of citizen’s participation in local political affairs. It has generally been argued that the neo-liberal reforms implemented in the 1980s and 1990s have led to the atomization of the citizenry, and hence disarticulated most forms of existing collective action. Many scholars involved in this debate have adopted a strong pro- participation attitude demanding the transformation of ‘delegative democracies’ into ‘deliberative democracies’ with an increased civic participation (O’Donnell 1994, Avritzer 2002). Since the early 1990s the idea of increasing citizens’ direct participation in the decision-making process has also emerged as a guiding principle of what was for- merly the radical Left and of social movements in Latin America. They consider it a reaction to top-down neo-liberal regimes that would have the momentum to deepen democracy and empower poor and excluded groups to overcome their lack of political clout (Castañeda 2006, Roberts 1998). In the same vein, the participa- tory budgeting scheme in the Brazilian city of Porto Alegre is referred to as an out- standing mechanism of grassroots participation, which enables deprived social groups to demand better public services (Abers 2000, Fung and Wright 2003). In recent years, hundreds of municipalities all over Latin America have adopted the basic principle of participatory budgeting – often with altered features and with different results – in order to permit citizens to have a say about public investments (Cabannes 2004).
    [Show full text]
  • Why Party Democrats Need Popular Democracy and Popular Democrats Need Parties Ethan J
    Fordham Law School FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History Faculty Scholarship 2012 Why Party Democrats Need Popular Democracy and Popular Democrats Need Parties Ethan J. Leib Fordham University School of Law, [email protected] Christopher S. Elmendorf University of California, Davis Follow this and additional works at: http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Politics Commons Recommended Citation Ethan J. Leib and Christopher S. Elmendorf, Why Party Democrats Need Popular Democracy and Popular Democrats Need Parties , 100 Cal. L. Rev. 69 (2012) Available at: http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/faculty_scholarship/92 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Why Party Democrats Need Popular Democracy and Popular Democrats Need Parties Ethan J. Leib & Christopher S. Elmendorf* Too often, popularpolitical power-whether it is in the form of direct democracy or other more innovativeforays in participatoryor deliberative democracy-presents itself principally as a counter- weight to the politicalpower parties wield. Yet setting up "popular democracy" and '"party democracy" in opposition to one another in the American political landscape is not only unnecessary but also pathological:this oppositionalposture risks the ossification of party democracy and keeps popular democrats insulated from the substantial improvements the power of parties could bring to the polity. This Article, accordingly, seeks to enrich both party democracy and popular democracy by showing how each might draw strengthsfrom the other, and how each needs the other to function more effectively.
    [Show full text]
  • Popular Democracy and the European Union Polity
    EUROPEAN GOVERNANCE PAPERS No. C-05-03 Peter Mair PopularAndreas Democracy Follesdal and and the Simon European Hix Union Polity EUROGOV is funded by the EU´s 6th Framework Programme, Priority 7 European Governance Papers EUROGOV ISSN 1813-6826 http://www.connex-network.org/eurogov/ The European Governance Papers are a joint enterprise by Date of publication: May 18, 2005 Popular Democracy and the European Union Polity © 2005 Peter Mair Peter Mair – Department of Political Science, Leiden University [email protected] Citing this EUROGOV paper: Mair, Peter. 2005. Popular Democracy and the European Union Polity. European Governance Papers (EUROGOV) No. C-05-03, http://www.connex- network.org/eurogov/pdf/egp-connex-C-05-03.pdf. © Each EUROGOV Paper and its format and content (texts, images, data etc.) are protected by legislation on Intellectual Property, and may not be used, reproduced, distributed, modified, publicly disclosed, conveyed or transformed in any other way without the explicit permission of the Author(s). The common scientific citation is exempted from these property rights. - 2 - Peter Mair: Popular Democracy and the European Union Polity Abstract Although we still celebrate the late twentieth-century ‘victory of democ- racy’, our understanding of what democracy entails in both theory and practice is increasingly subject to a variety of qualifying definitions, many of which now seem to devalue the role of elections and electoral account- ability. This is also obviously seen in the politics of the European Union, where the efforts to displace conflict dimensions into arenas where democ- ratic authority is lacking, as well as the efforts to depoliticize issues that relate to European integration, have led to the development of a distinct political system in which the exercise of popular control and electoral ac- countability proves very difficult.
    [Show full text]
  • 2019 CPD/A Federal Platform
    2019 CPD/A Federal Platform The Center for Popular Democracy and the Center for Popular Democracy Action (CPD/A) build power ​ ​ ​ through community organizing and movement building to create a society in which we all have the freedom to thrive together. Our network of 53 community organizations in 131 cities, 34 states, D.C., and Puerto Rico is led by and for Black and Brown people, working families, women, and immigrants, and develops multi-issue, multi-racial campaigns to address structural inequality. We believe in and fight for popular democracy - imaginative, empowered, sustained participation by all of us in ​ ​ the economy, in our government, in our communities, and in the exercise of our fundamental human rights. Achieving this vision requires fundamental, systemic change, including dismantling the structures of white supremacy and racial, class, and gender domination that undermine popular, full democratic participation by all people and communities, especially Black, Brown, and Indigenous people. ​ Federal policy and the federal budget reflect our national priorities and have huge implications for state and local actions and funding. The CPD/A federal policy platform proposes visionary policies and principles that are designed to redistribute wealth and revitalize our democracy, redress historic policy decisions that were developed to maintain and reinforce structural inequality, and guarantee that both fundamental human rights and social goods - including health care, housing, and public education - are not commodities but,
    [Show full text]
  • Political Islam in the Middle East
    Political Islam in the Middle East Are Knudsen R 2003: 3 Political Islam in the Middle East Are Knudsen R 2003: 3 Chr. Michelsen Institute Development Studies and Human Rights CMI Reports This series can be ordered from: Chr. Michelsen Institute P.O. Box 6033 Postterminalen, N-5892 Bergen, Norway Tel: + 47 55 57 40 00 Fax: + 47 55 57 41 66 E-mail: [email protected] www.cmi.no Price: NOK 50 ISSN 0805-505X ISBN 82-8062-043-5 This report is also available at: www.cmi.no/public/public.htm Indexing terms Islam Democracy Politics Middle East © Chr. Michelsen Institute 2003 Contents Foreword ii Executive summary iii 1. Introduction 1 Political Islam 2 Jihad 5 2. Democracy 7 3. Political violence 12 4. Theories 17 5. Conclusion: “Old Islamism” or “New Islamism”? 23 Appendix I: Persons met 26 Appendix II: Islamist performance in parliamentary elections 1965-1995 27 References 28 i Foreword This report provides an overview of the phenomenon known as “political Islam” in the Middle East. The term “Middle East” is used here in a restricted sense with a special emphasis on the Levant (Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine and Syria). The report may be read in conjunction with the CMI reports on political Islam in South Asia (Knudsen 2002a) and the annotated bibliography on Palestinian Islamist movements (Bangstad 2002). The report is principally a desk-study, but I have also benefited from informal discussions and interviews with scholars working on the subject (Appendix I). They should not be held responsible for the views expressed here which, along with any mistakes, are solely my own.
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom to Thrive: Reimagining Safety & Security in Our Communities CONTENTS
    FREEDOM TO THRIVE REIMAGINING SAFETY & SECURITY IN OUR COMMUNITIES ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS About the Authors The Center for Popular Democracy (CPD) is a national network of 48 grassroots organizations in 32 states, Washington, D.C., and Puerto Rico. CPD works to create equity, opportunity, and a dynamic democracy in partnership with high-impact base-building organizations, organizing alliances, and progressive unions. CPD strengthens our collective capacity to envision and win an innovative pro-worker, pro-immigrant, racial and economic justice agenda. CPD’s Racial Justice Campaign works in collaboration and solidarity with our partners and allies across the country for an end to discriminatory and oppressive policies which marginalize Black people and other communities of color. Law for Black Lives is a network of over 3,000 radical lawyers, law students, and legal workers committed to helping build the power of Black communities and organizers. Formed out of the uprisings in Ferguson and Baltimore, Law for Black Lives works with individuals and organizations across the country to embolden, defend and protect the ongoing movement for Black liberation. Black Youth Project 100 (BYP100) is an activist member- based organization of Black 18–35 year old abolitionist freedom fighters moving toward liberation using a Black Queer Feminist lens. BYP100 is building a network focused on transformative leadership development; grassroots, direct action, and digital organizing; policy advocacy; and political education. BYP100 envisions a world where all Black people have economic, social, political, and educational freedom. This report was written by Kate Hamaji and Kumar Rao of the Center for Popular Democracy, Marbre Stahly-Butts of Law for Black Lives, and Janaé Bonsu, Charlene Carruthers, Roselyn Berry, and Denzel McCampbell of BYP100, in collaboration with 27 local organizations around the country.
    [Show full text]