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Vol. 16 No. 4 Jun. 1995 Sect 3 Page
ThirdWorld Quarterly, Vol 16, No 4, 1995 Pushingpolyarchy: the US± Cuba case andthe Third World WILLIAMI ROBINSON Sincethe late 1980s US policy makers haveargued that the basis ofthe long-runningUS disputewith Cuba is thelack of `democracy’in the Caribbean islandnation. The Clinton Administration has madeit clear that its policy, includingany eventual normalisation of relations,will be basedon democratisa- tioninside Cuba. Yet, from the triumph of the Cuban revolution in 1959 to the late1980s, the US± Cuba con¯ ict was presentedin Washington as aproductof Cuba’s `securitythreat’ , emanatingfrom Cuba’ s foreignpolicy of active engage- mentin the international arena, including its support for Third World national liberationmovements and its alliance with the now defunct Soviet bloc. Therefore,the current assertion in Washingtonthat the dispute is overdemocracy representsa little-perceivedyet signi® cant change in US policy towards Cuba. Thisshift in policy,from an emphasis on external`security’ factors condition- ingUS± Cuban relations, to the emphasis on internal factorsÐ that is, on Cuba’s internalpolitical systemÐ is importanton two accounts. First, it is centralto an analysisof current US± Cuba relations and to prognostication on how these relationswill unfold in the coming years. Second, it re¯ ects anessential change inUS foreignpolicy that dates back to the 1970s, came tofruition in the 1980s, is nowbeing consolidated, and promises to play a majorrole in US foreign policyin the `new world order’ . Thischange has beendescribed by policy makers,scholars and journalists as ashifttowards `democracy promotion’ . The StateDepartment now de® nes `democracypromotion’ as oneof the three basic planksof USforeignpolicy, along with the promotion of `free markets’and the maintenanceof a USmilitary capacity around the world. -
Democracy and the Death of Knowledge Suzanna Sherry
Vanderbilt University Law School Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law Vanderbilt Law School Faculty Publications Faculty Scholarship 2007 Democracy and the Death of Knowledge Suzanna Sherry Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/faculty-publications Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Suzanna Sherry, Democracy and the Death of Knowledge, 75 University of Cincinnati Law Review. 1053 (2007) Available at: http://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/faculty-publications/307 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Vanderbilt Law School Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DEMOCRACY AND THE DEATH OF KNOWLEDGE Suzanna Sherry* Judges are under unprecedented attack in the United States. As former Justice Sandra Day O'Connor wrote in the Wall Street Journal last month, "while scorn for certain judges is not an altogether new phenomenon, the breadth and intensity of rage currently being leveled at the judiciary may be unmatched in American history."' Popular unhappiness with particular decisions-which began even before the Constitution and has occurred continuously since then-has turned into something deeper: a rejection of judicial review itself and a belief that judges should bow to the wishes of the popular majority. A few years ago, I diagnosed this phenomenon as the result of a misconception that all law is politics. I suggested that it was now conventional wisdom to believe that "constitutional adjudication is simply politics by another name.",2 And because politics is the province of the people and their representatives, judges should stay out of it. -
Volume 24 1997 Issue 73
Review of African Political Economy No.73:307-310 © ROAPE Publications Ltd., 1997 ISSN 0305-6244; RIX #7301 Commentary Ray Bush & Morris Szeftel This issue continues the critical evaluation of aspects of Africa's economic and political crisis offered in previous editions of the ROAPE Review of Books in the hope of an effective alternative to prevailing notions. In the present conjuncture, the dominant forces of global capitalism restrict the policy agenda with regard to arresting economic decline, ethnic conflict and state disintegration. Structural adjustment (imposing externally-regulated liberalisation) and liberal democratic political reform (largely confined to electoral competition among a small elite and the sponsorship of civil society) have been the only games in town. The evidence is everywhere that this narrow agenda is inadequate for the task. Its apologists defend it, not by pointing to their successes or their intellectual coherence and elegance, but by reiterating that there are no alternatives. Hence the need to encourage the widest range of critical contributions in that hope that, from them, alternatives will begin to emerge. The need for a new agenda is manifest. Economic restructuring, after 25 years of failure and despite the continuing brutality of its social impact, draws only muted criticism. Despite these failures, and notwithstanding occasional hand-wringing by the World Bank (as it accepts that mistakes have been made and launches a new slogan), Africa continues to be 'adjusted' to fit it for its station on the margins of world capitalist markets. The disappointments of democratisation are more recent and thus less fully explored. But the limitations of political pluralism as a means of promoting democratisation and overcoming the instability, ineffectiveness and corruption of post-colonial states, are already clear. -
Democratization Through the Looking-Glass Democratization Has Become a Central Political Theme in the Post- Cold War World
Burnell/28.5.jkt 30/7/03 12:20 pm Page 1 DEMOCRATIZATION I I I I ON PERSPECTIVES DEMOCRATIZATION I PERSPECTIVES ON I PERSPECTIVES ON DEMOCRATIZATION Democratization through the looking-glass Democratization has become a central political theme in the post- Cold War world. This series considers democratization as a concept, bringing together interest both in the processes of democratic institutional reform and in the under- lying theoretical issues defining I IPERSPECTIVES ON these processes—rights, citizenship, PERSPECTIVES ON DEMOCRATIZATION representation and participation. I DEMOCRATIZATIONI Democratization through the looking-glass argues that our perspectives on democratization reflect the intellectual origins of the inquiry. What we see and how we understand it are influenced by what we bring to the table. A range of disciplines from anthropology Democratization to economics, sociology and legal scholarship, as well as different area studies, offer a rich combination of analytical frameworks, distinctive insights and leading points of concern. through On one level the book provides for anyone interested in democratization a wide-ranging distillation of the main themes, issues, and topics, concisely written by leading experts in their field. the looking-glass On a second level the book advances the case for a broadly-based comparative study that includes Europe and North America alongside developing regions, while maintaining that multi- disciplinarity enhances our understanding of democratization far more than a narrow political science approach. I I The book is aimed at students of politics willing to explore the boundaries of their subject and all social scientists who need an BURNELL ed. introduction to this important contemporary phenomenon. -
Eurozone Crisis & EU Democratic Deficit
- Eurozone Crisis & EU Democratic Deficit: EU and Greece in Multilevel Perspective Alexandros Kyriakidis Dissertation submitted for Master of Philosophy (M.Phil.) degree in Politics 2016 First Supervisor: Prof. Simon Bulmer, FAcSS Second Supervisor: Dr. Owen Parker Department of Politics University of Sheffield Sheffield, UK Eurozone Crisis & EU Democratic Deficit – Alexandros Kyriakidis | i Table of Contents List of Tables ................................................................................................................ iv List of Graphs ............................................................................................................... iv List of Figures ............................................................................................................... iv Abstract .......................................................................................................................... v List of Abbreviations .................................................................................................... vi Chapter 1: Introduction .............................................................................................. 1 SECTION A: RESEARCH FOUNDATIONS, METHODS & LITERATURE ......... 11 Chapter 2: Review of Relevant Existing Literature ............................................ 11 2.1. Introduction ................................................................................................... 11 2.2. EMU & Democracy: Supranational Level ................................................... -
Local Democracy and Participation in Post-Authoritarian Chile1
European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 83, October 2007 | 3-18 Local Democracy and Participation in Post-Authoritarian Chile1 Herwig Cleuren During the past decade an intensive debate has emerged in Latin America about new forms of citizen’s participation in local political affairs. It has generally been argued that the neo-liberal reforms implemented in the 1980s and 1990s have led to the atomization of the citizenry, and hence disarticulated most forms of existing collective action. Many scholars involved in this debate have adopted a strong pro- participation attitude demanding the transformation of ‘delegative democracies’ into ‘deliberative democracies’ with an increased civic participation (O’Donnell 1994, Avritzer 2002). Since the early 1990s the idea of increasing citizens’ direct participation in the decision-making process has also emerged as a guiding principle of what was for- merly the radical Left and of social movements in Latin America. They consider it a reaction to top-down neo-liberal regimes that would have the momentum to deepen democracy and empower poor and excluded groups to overcome their lack of political clout (Castañeda 2006, Roberts 1998). In the same vein, the participa- tory budgeting scheme in the Brazilian city of Porto Alegre is referred to as an out- standing mechanism of grassroots participation, which enables deprived social groups to demand better public services (Abers 2000, Fung and Wright 2003). In recent years, hundreds of municipalities all over Latin America have adopted the basic principle of participatory budgeting – often with altered features and with different results – in order to permit citizens to have a say about public investments (Cabannes 2004). -
D'annunzio at Fiume, Quaderni, Vol
Pamela Ballinger JOHN HOPKINS UNIVERSITY REWRITING THE TEXT OF THE NATION: D'ANNUNZIO A T FIUME P. BALL!NGER, D'Annunzio at Fiume, Quaderni, vol. Xl, 1997, p. 117- 155 119 Introduction: In the house of the nation Perched in the hills above the resort town ofGardone Riviera on the northern Jtalian Lago di Garda stands the ornate and idiosyncratic villa known as the Vittoria/e. Visitors invariably express astonishment upon first viewing the villa, which almost overflowswith statues, objets d'art, Persian carpets, religious icons, and war relics. Countless mottos and inscriptions decorate its walls and niches; garish reds and blues dazzle the eyes in this otherwise dusky building into which little sunlight penetrates. The villa stands as a self-created monument to the · lifework of its former owner, the poet and war hero Gabriele D'Annunzio, and to his vision of a revitalized Italian nation. Crossing the Vittoria/e 's threshold, the visitor enters the symbolic universe of this poet who, having fa i led to realize as political reality his vision of a new Italian identity fo unded upon a proto-fascist military ethos, subsequently dedicated himself to memorializing his efforts by transforming his residence into a literal museum and tempie. Pausing at the gateway portico fo rmed by two triumphal arches, the visitor's gaze first meets a fo untain whose inscription reveals D' Annunzio's aim: "Dentro da questa cerchia triplice di mura, ove tradotto e già in pietre vive quel libro religioso ch'io mi pensai preposto ai riti della Patria e dai vincitori latini chiamato Vittoria/e "(Mazza 1987: 22). -
Avant-Gardes in Yugoslavia
Filozofski vestnik | Letnik XXXVII | Številka 1 | 2016 | 201–219 Miško Šuvaković* Avant-Gardes in Yugoslavia In this study, I will approach the avant-gardes as interdisciplinary, internation- ally oriented artistic and cultural practices.1 I will present and advocate the the- sis that the Yugoslav avant-gardes were a special geopolitical and geo-aesthetic set of artistic and cultural phenomena defined by the internal dynamics and interrelations of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and by the external dynamics, cosmopolitan relations, and inter- nationalisations of local artistic excess and experimentation with international avant-garde practices. I will devote special attention to the local and interna- tional networking of cities as the political and cultural environments where the avant-gardes took place. Above all, the avant-gardes thereby acquired the char- acter of extremely urban artistic and cultural phenomena. Introductory Interpretation of the Concept of the Avant-garde Discussing the status, functions, and effects of any avant-garde does not boil down to asking what phenomenal or conceptual, i.e. formalist, qualities are characteristic of an avant-garde work of art, the behaviour of an avant-garde artist, or her private or public life. On the contrary, equally important are direc- tional questions regarding the instrumental potentialities or realisations of the avant-garde as an interventional material artistic practice in between or against dominant and marginal domains, practices, or paradigms within historical or 201 present cultures. Avant-garde artistic practices are historically viewed as trans- formations of artistic, cultural, and social resistances, limitations, and ruptures within dominant, homogeneous or hegemonic artistic, cultural, and social en- vironments. -
Peeping Under the Rijeka Patch-Problems of Inter-Ethnic
K. Sučević Međeral: Hungarian National Identity in Rijeka, Coll.Coll. Antropol. Antropol. 40 40 (2016) (2016) 4: 4: 231–246 231–246 Original scientifi c paper Peeping under the Rijeka Patch – Problems of Inter-ethnic Relations and the Establishment of Hungarian National Identity in Rijeka at the Beginning of the 20th century1 Krešimir Sučević Međeral Institute for Croatian Language and Linguistics, Zagreb, Croatia ABSTRACT Using the material collected from Rijeka’s periodicals in Hungarian, primarily from the period 1903–1906, the article displays the problems of establishing a unique national identity in a city whose history has been strongly marked by ethnic diversity. Since the observed material belongs to a discourse that is politically and ideologically dominant but demographically inferior on the fi eld, it is interesting to observe the methods used to reduce its unfavorable position, while at the same time trying to maintain credibility and to not turn into an open ideological propaganda – with varying success and the fi nal outcome. Key words: national identity, ethnic diversity, multilingualism, Austria-Hungary, Fiume, Rijeka Introduction and context Similar to many other European free ports, the ethnic the Risorgimento, when the idea of a national state has and linguistic environment of the city of Rijeka had during not yet become an ideal anywhere in Europe, speaking the greater part of the city’s history been in contrast with Italian did not automatically entail the sense of ‘feeling’ the one of its immediate surroundings. Although the fi rst Italian – that will occur in Rijeka only with irredentism inhabitants of the settlement at the mouth of the river at the end of the 19th century, and even then it will ini- Rječina, at the time known as Reka Svetog Vida, were, as tially be of limited scope in comparison to Rijeka’s au- well as in its surroundings, Čakavian Croats, after the tonomism. -
Why Party Democrats Need Popular Democracy and Popular Democrats Need Parties Ethan J
Fordham Law School FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History Faculty Scholarship 2012 Why Party Democrats Need Popular Democracy and Popular Democrats Need Parties Ethan J. Leib Fordham University School of Law, [email protected] Christopher S. Elmendorf University of California, Davis Follow this and additional works at: http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Politics Commons Recommended Citation Ethan J. Leib and Christopher S. Elmendorf, Why Party Democrats Need Popular Democracy and Popular Democrats Need Parties , 100 Cal. L. Rev. 69 (2012) Available at: http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/faculty_scholarship/92 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Why Party Democrats Need Popular Democracy and Popular Democrats Need Parties Ethan J. Leib & Christopher S. Elmendorf* Too often, popularpolitical power-whether it is in the form of direct democracy or other more innovativeforays in participatoryor deliberative democracy-presents itself principally as a counter- weight to the politicalpower parties wield. Yet setting up "popular democracy" and '"party democracy" in opposition to one another in the American political landscape is not only unnecessary but also pathological:this oppositionalposture risks the ossification of party democracy and keeps popular democrats insulated from the substantial improvements the power of parties could bring to the polity. This Article, accordingly, seeks to enrich both party democracy and popular democracy by showing how each might draw strengthsfrom the other, and how each needs the other to function more effectively. -
Sariamente Della Città Di Fiume Dove Egli È Nato E Che È Stata Teatro Della Sua Attività Politica E Di Gran Parte Della Sua Vita
R. Gottardi, Ruggero Gottardi (Fiume, 1882 - Diano Marina, 1954), Quademi, vol. XVI, 2004, p. 395-477 395 RUGGERO GOTTARDI (Fiume, 1882 - Diano Marina, 1954) RUGGERO GOITARDI CDU 929Gottardi( 497.5Fiume) Genova Saggio scientifico originale RIASSUNTO: Ruggero Gottardi nacque a Fiume quando la città, fiera della sua autonomia, apparteneva al regno d'Ungheria. Fu un buon suddito dell'Impero asburgico, di cui portò la divisa da ufficiale. Alla finedella Grande Guerra, Ruggero capì immediatamente che il crollo del vasto ed antico impero avrebbe messo l'amata città di Fiume in una situazione pericolosis sima: privata del suo entroterra naturale, soggettaalla concorrenza di portivicini, nonché teatro di scontri etnici resi violenti dalla guerra appena conclusa. Cercò con pazienza e con grave rischio personale di dare a Fiume una tregua, in modo da consentire all'onda di violenze post-belliche di calmarsi. La sua azione fu indirizzata alla convivenza fra le varie etnie che componevano Fiume, etnie che cercavano di negarsi a vicenda. Ritenne gli Stati Uniti di Wilson l'unica fo rza in grado di garantire l'autonomia di Fiume, ma la posizione iso/azionista americana, che prevalse sulle sp inte umanitariedi Wilson, non permiseal progetto di andare a buon fine. In troduzione Questo scritto tratterà della vita di Ruggero Gottardi1 e quindi neces: sariamente della città di Fiume dove egli è nato e che è stata teatro della sua attività politica e di gran parte della sua vita. Ruggero Gottardi nacque in questa città da una famiglia fiumana il 9 settembre 1882, nel pieno della "Belle Epoque". Finirà la sua avventura umana il 23 gennaio 1954 a Diano Marina, dove è sepolto. -
Conflicts, Borders and Nationalism: the Fiume Archive-Museum in Rome Ilaria Porciani (University of Bologna)
National Museums and the Negotiation of Difficult Pasts Conference Proceedings from EuNaMus, Identity Politics, the Uses of the Past and the European Citizen, Brussels 26-27 January 2012. Dominique Poulot, José María Lanzarote Guiral & Felicity Bodenstein (eds) EuNaMus Report No. 8. Published by Linköping University Electronic Press: http://www.ep.liu.se/ecp_home/index.en.aspx?issue=082 © The Author. Conflicts, Borders and Nationalism: The Fiume Archive-Museum in Rome Ilaria Porciani (University of Bologna) Abstract The Fiume Museum in Rome offers at first sight nothing spectacular and certainly does not qualify as ‘national’. However, it can help focusing from a new perspective on the construction of an (imagined) community and the role of museums to build cohesion and identity; the process of constructing material heritage in order to materialize the nation and crystallize a center for the community; the construction of an historical narrative on traumas, identities, national belonging and contested heritages. Moreover, following the story of this museum helps consider the politics of memory as often overlapping with a clear public use of history. Two examples are perfect cases in point. D’Annunzio’s occupation of Fiume 1920– technically speaking a putsch against the will of the Italian government and international diplomacy – was a powerful rhetoric tool in Mussolini’s hands. It created a myth while the battle was taking place: the so called ‘bloody Christmas, the heroic sacrifice of Fiume’s defenders - in short the myth of the ‘mutilated victory’. Even more than Istria, Fiume is a synecdoche for Italian nationalism. After World War II the birth of the Fiume museum and the activity of the Istrian and Dalmatian community was deeply connected with the violent memory war on the foibe – the natural pits in the carsick area where about 3000 victims of political violence were thrown (dead or still alive) from 1943 to 1945).