Capitalism and the Future of Democracy
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Competition in a Social Market Economy
Competition in a Social Market economy Speech by Commissioner Monti at the Conference of the European Parliament and the European Commission on ‘Reform of European Competition law’ in Freiburg on 9/10 November 2000 Ladies and Gentlemen, Let me take my turn to welcome you to this conference that has been jointly organised by the European Parliament and the European Commission to discuss the Reform of EC competition policy. The Commission has launched a reform that aims at overhauling the whole of the competition law framework in order to ensure more efficient enforcement of the European competition rules and thereby reinforce their effect. A reform of this scope is an excellent opportunity to re-visit and to re-examine what is basic to our understanding. The venue here at Freiburg of course reminds us of the Freiburg School. The Freiburg School has made a major contribution to shaping the post-war economy as one of the sources of the concept of Soziale Marktwirtschaft – Social market economy. When we take a close look at what ‘Social Market Economy’ stands for, we find that we are in the presence of one of those basic concepts to which many policy choices can be traced back. We also realise that we are in the presence of strikingly modern ideas. Having said this, it is not my intention to discuss here the issue whether ‘Social Market economy’ is a model for Europe1 or whether the concept of Social Market Economy and the historic experience it encompasses is a major building block of what we sometimes call the ‘European Model’. -
What Is Social Democracy and What Is It Good For?
Bottom-Up Workshop: What is Social Democracy and what is it good for? Organizing Researchers: Francesco Colombo ([email protected]), Timo Seidl ([email protected]) Sponsoring Professor: Ellen Immergut Instructor: Konstantin Vössing Place and Date: 24.05.2019 (Friday), 27.05.2019 (Monday) Course Description In 1983, Ralf Dahrendorf declared the “end of the social-democratic century”. Social democracy, he argued, was a victim of its own success. Having transformed Western societies in its own image, it was simply no longer needed. The operation was successful, only the surgeon had died. Almost half a century later, the social democratic surgeon is indeed on its electoral deathbed, while the capitalist patient seems more alive than ever. In this workshop, we want to take a step back from this immediate crisis of social democracy, and ask ourselves: What is social democracy and what is it good for? In the first section, we will look at how key protagonists of social democratic thought have answered this question. These thinkers have, in their own ways and in their own time, addressed a tension that, we argue, lies at the heart of social democracy: between a reformist and pragmatic strand on the one hand; and a radical and idealistic strand on the other. In the second section, we will look at how contemporary social scientists have analysed the current predicament of social democracy, and which solutions they suggest. Has social democracy abandoned its political radicalism in favour of a more technocratic reformism? Or does it need to develop better (and more radical) reform ideas again? In a third section, we will apply these insights from the past and present of social democracy to the challenges that await social democrats in the future. -
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title La comunita' mutilata: Embodiment, Corporality, and the Reconstruction of the Italian Body Politic in the Works of F.T. Marinetti and Gabriele D'Annunzio Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/492903f9 Author Martire, Anthony John Publication Date 2012 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California La comunità mutilata: Embodiment, Corporality, and the Reconstruction of the Italian Body Politic in the Works of F.T. Marinetti and Gabriele D'Annunzio By Anthony John Martire A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Italian Studies in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Barbara Spackman, Chair Professor Mia Fuller Professor Harsha Ram Spring 2012 Abstract La comunità mutilata: Embodiment, Corporality, and the Reconstruction of the Italian Body Politic in the works of F.T. Marinetti and Gabriele D’Annunzio By Anthony John Martire Doctor of Philosophy in Italian Studies University of California, Berkeley Professor Barbara Spackman, Chair “La comunità mutilata: Embodiment, Corporality, and the Reconstruction of the Italian Body Politic in the works of F.T. Marinetti and Gabriele D’Annunzio”, is a study in how discourses of technological modernism, nationality, and woundedness operate on the longstanding metaphor of the body politic. It focuses on the writings of two of Italy’s most controversial, and influential, figures during and after the First World War. I show how mutilated and prosthetic bodies become powerful political metaphors for both Marinetti and D’Annunzio, which upend and transform the notion of the body politic in posthuman, postliberal and antidemocratic ways. -
Human Rights and Market Fundamentalism
MWP – 2014 /02 Max Weber Programme Human Rights and Market Fundamentalism AuthorMary Nolan Author and Author Author European University Institute Max Weber Programme Human Rights and Market Fundamentalism Mary Nolan Max Weber Lecture No. 2014/02 This text may be downloaded for personal research purposes only. Any additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copy or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper or other series, the year, and the publisher. ISSN 1830-7736 © Mary Nolan, 2014 Printed in Italy European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy www.eui.eu cadmus.eui.eu Abstract In the 1970s human rights and market fundamentalism gained prominence in the United States, Europe and Latin America. These were simultaneously discourses, ideologies, national movements and transnational networks, and policies that states and NGOs sought to impose. Human rights and market fundamentalism both claimed universal applicability and dismissed previous ideologies; they adhered to methodological individualism, critiqued the state, and marginalized the social. But despite striking affinities, there is no single relationship between human rights and market fundamentalism from the 1970s through the 1990s. This talk explores three cases where human rights were defined and new human rights policies developed, and where neoliberal policies were debated and implemented: in Eastern Europe, in Latin America and in the case of women’s economic rights as human rights. Keywords Human rights, market fundamentalism, Eastern Europe, Latin America, women’s economic rights. -
Vol. 16 No. 4 Jun. 1995 Sect 3 Page
ThirdWorld Quarterly, Vol 16, No 4, 1995 Pushingpolyarchy: the US± Cuba case andthe Third World WILLIAMI ROBINSON Sincethe late 1980s US policy makers haveargued that the basis ofthe long-runningUS disputewith Cuba is thelack of `democracy’in the Caribbean islandnation. The Clinton Administration has madeit clear that its policy, includingany eventual normalisation of relations,will be basedon democratisa- tioninside Cuba. Yet, from the triumph of the Cuban revolution in 1959 to the late1980s, the US± Cuba con¯ ict was presentedin Washington as aproductof Cuba’s `securitythreat’ , emanatingfrom Cuba’ s foreignpolicy of active engage- mentin the international arena, including its support for Third World national liberationmovements and its alliance with the now defunct Soviet bloc. Therefore,the current assertion in Washingtonthat the dispute is overdemocracy representsa little-perceivedyet signi® cant change in US policy towards Cuba. Thisshift in policy,from an emphasis on external`security’ factors condition- ingUS± Cuban relations, to the emphasis on internal factorsÐ that is, on Cuba’s internalpolitical systemÐ is importanton two accounts. First, it is centralto an analysisof current US± Cuba relations and to prognostication on how these relationswill unfold in the coming years. Second, it re¯ ects anessential change inUS foreignpolicy that dates back to the 1970s, came tofruition in the 1980s, is nowbeing consolidated, and promises to play a majorrole in US foreign policyin the `new world order’ . Thischange has beendescribed by policy makers,scholars and journalists as ashifttowards `democracy promotion’ . The StateDepartment now de® nes `democracypromotion’ as oneof the three basic planksof USforeignpolicy, along with the promotion of `free markets’and the maintenanceof a USmilitary capacity around the world. -
THE FREE-MARKET WELFARE STATE: Preserving Dynamism in a Volatile World
Policy Essay THE FREE-MARKET WELFARE STATE: Preserving Dynamism in a Volatile World Samuel Hammond1 Poverty and Welfare Policy Analyst Niskanen Center May 2018 INTRODUCTION welfare state” directly depresses the vote for reac- tionary political parties.3 Conversely, I argue that he perennial gale of creative destruc- the contemporary rise of anti-market populism in tion…” wrote the economist Joseph America should be taken as an indictment of our in- 4 Schumpeter, “…is the essential fact of adequate social-insurance system, and a refutation “T of the prevailing “small government” view that reg- capitalism.” For new industries to rise and flourish, old industries must fail. Yet creative destruction is ulation and social spending are equally corrosive to a process that is rarely—if ever—politically neu- economic freedom. The universal welfare state, far tral; even one-off economic shocks can have lasting from being at odds with innovation and economic political-economic consequences. From his vantage freedom, may end up being their ultimate guaran- point in 1942, Schumpeter believed that capitalism tor. would become the ultimate victim of its own suc- The fallout from China’s entry to the World Trade cess, inspiring reactionary and populist movements Organization (WTO) in 2001 is a clear case in against its destructive side that would inadvertently point. Cheaper imports benefited millions of Amer- strangle any potential for future creativity.2 icans through lower consumer prices. At the same This paper argues that the countries that have time, Chinese import competition destroyed nearly eluded Schumpeter’s dreary prediction have done two million jobs in manufacturing and associated 5 so by combining free-markets with robust systems services—a classic case of creative destruction. -
The Relationship Between Capitalism and Democracy
The Relationship Between Capitalism And Democracy Item Type text; Electronic Thesis Authors Petkovic, Aleksandra Evelyn Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 01/10/2021 12:57:19 Item License http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/ Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/625122 THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CAPITALISM AND DEMOCRACY By ALEKSANDRA EVELYN PETKOVIC ____________________ A Thesis Submitted to The Honors College In Partial Fulfillment of the Bachelors degree With Honors in Philosophy, Politics, Economics, and Law THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA M A Y 2 0 1 7 Approved by: ____________________________ Dr. Thomas Christiano Department of Philosophy Abstract This paper examines the very complex relationship between capitalism and democracy. While it appears that capitalism provides some necessary element for a democracy, a problem of political inequality and a possible violation of liberty can be observed in many democratic countries. I argue that this political inequality and threat to liberty are fueled by capitalism. I will analyze the ways in which capitalism works against democratic aims. This is done through first illustrating what my accepted conception of democracy is. I then continue to depict how the various problems with capitalism that I describe violate this conception of democracy. This leads me to my conclusion that while capitalism is necessary for a democracy to reach a certain needed level of independence from the state, capitalism simultaneously limits a democracy from reaching its full potential. -
Chapter 4 Freedom and Progress
Chapter 4 Freedom and Progress The best road to progress is freedom’s road. John F. Kennedy The only freedom which deserves the name, is that of pursuing our own good in our own way, so long as we do not attempt to deprive others of theirs, or impeded their efforts to obtain it. John Stuart Mill To cull the inestimable benefits assured by freedom of the press, it is necessary to put up with the inevitable evils springing therefrom. Alexis de Tocqueville Freedom is necessary to generate progress; people also value freedom as an important component of progress. This chapter will contend that both propositions are correct. Without liberty, there will be little or no progress; most people will consider an expansion in freedom as progress. Neither proposition would win universal acceptance. Some would argue that a totalitarian state can marshal the resources to generate economic growth. Many will contend that too much liberty induces libertine behavior and is destructive of society, peace, and the family. For better or worse, the record shows that freedom has increased throughout the world over the last few centuries and especially over the last few decades. There are of course many examples of non-free, totalitarian, ruthless government on the globe, but their number has decreased and now represents a smaller proportion of the world’s population. Perhaps this growth of freedom is partially responsible for the breakdown of the family and the rise in crime, described in the previous chapter. Dictators do tolerate less crime and are often very repressive of deviant sexual behavior, but, as the previous chapter reported, divorce and illegitimacy are more connected with improved income of women than with a permissive society. -
View That Government Should Interfere Minimally in the Economic Affairs of a Geographical Space and Leave the Decisions to Market Forces
Vol: 1 Social Work Bulletin June, 2020 A Social Democratic Liberal Perspective on the Development of Education Policy (Reflections from the West) Amira Wali1 Dr Shazia Manzoor2 * Abstract Every developmental activity has a context, a historical background, enabling factors and political will. No policy develops in vacuum. It is pertinent to understand the economic situation of times in order to trace and contextualize the development of policies that were formed and the intentions of the governments behind formulation of such policies. The economic system is in a crisis for sure when unemployment soars high. Educational policies, with their many positive externalities, have also been developed in response to certain climates that were of urgent nature. This paper discusses the shift of thought related to employment situation from classical liberalism to social democratic liberalism, paving a way for the intervention of state authorities by assuming the role of welfare state and the consequent repercussions on the Education policy. The paper deliberates that such shifts and the proactiveness of government intervention is relevant in the present times of globalization, as well. 1. Introduction In order to understand the evolution of the economic thought, it is important to start from the start. The Classical liberalism thought had the basic assumptions of liberalism. These were essentially the free market, laisse faire, and the minimal interference of state for maximization of self interests. The basis of classical liberalism was the classical economic theory (Name invented by Marx). This theory was pioneered by Ricardo, Mills, Marshal, Edgeworth and Pigou. One would question the name- Why classical? The answer is that this theory comprised of an established body of doctrine which forms the core of analytical material presented in the principles of economics text books prior to 1947. -
Economic Freedom” and Economic Growth: Questioning the Claim That Freer Markets Make Societies More Prosperous
Munich Personal RePEc Archive “Economic freedom” and economic growth: questioning the claim that freer markets make societies more prosperous Cohen, Joseph N City University of New York, Queens College 27 September 2011 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/33758/ MPRA Paper No. 33758, posted 27 Sep 2011 18:38 UTC “Economic Freedom” and Economic Growth: Questioning the Claim that Freer Markets Make Societies More Prosperous Joseph Nathan Cohen Department of Sociology City University of New York, Queens College 65-30 Kissena Blvd. Flushing, New York 11367 [email protected] Abstract A conventional reading of economic history implies that free market reforms rescued the world’s economies from stagnancy during the 1970s and 1980s. I reexamine a well-established econometric literature linking economic freedom to growth, and argue that their positive findings hinge on two problems: conceptual conflation and ahistoricity. When these criticisms are taken seriously, a very different view of the historical record emerges. There does not appear to be enduring relationship between economic liberalism and growth. Much of the observed relationship between these two variables involves a one-shot transition to freer markets around the Cold War’s end. Several concurrent changes took place in this historical context, and it is hasty to conclude that it was market liberalization alone that produced the economic turnaround of the 1990s and early-2000s. I also question market fundamentalists’ view that all forms of liberalization are helpful, arguing that the data show little to no benefit from reforms that did not attract foreign investment. Word Count: 6,698 (excl. -
Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism. -
The Restless Liberalism of Alexis De Tocqueville
FILOZOFIA ___________________________________________________________________________Roč. 72, 2017, č. 9 THE RESTLESS LIBERALISM OF ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE JAKUB TLOLKA, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK TLOLKA, J.: The Restless Liberalism of Alexis de Tocqueville FILOZOFIA, 72, No. 9, 2017, pp. 736-747 This essay attempts to contextualise the purported novelty of Alexis de Tocqueville’s particular brand of liberalism. It regards the author not as an heir or precursor to any given political tradition, but rather as a compelled syncretist whose primary philosophical concern was the moral significance of the democratic age. It suggests that Tocqueville devised his ‘new political science’ with a keen view to the existential implications of modernity. In order to support that suggestion, the essay explores the genealogy of Tocqueville’s moral and political thought and draws a relation between his analysis of democracy and his personal experience of modernity. Keywords: A. de Tocqueville – Modernity – Liberalism – Inquiétude – Religion Introduction. Relatively few authors in the history of political thought have produced an intellectual legacy of such overarching resonance as Alexis de Tocqueville. Even fewer, perhaps, have so persistently eluded ordinary analytical and exegetical frameworks, presenting to each astute observer a face so nuanced as to preclude serious interpretive consensus. As writes Lakoff (Lakoff 1998), ‘disagreement over textual interpretation in the study of political thought is not uncommon’. However, ‘it usually arises around those who left writings of a patently divergent character’ (p. 437). When we thus consider the ‘extraordinarily coherent and consistent nature’ of Alexis de Tocqueville’s political philosophy, it appears somewhat odd that the academic consensus surrounding that author relates almost exclusively to the grandeur of his intellectual achievement (Lukacs 1959, 6).