Taino Survival in the 21St Century Dominican Republic

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2002 Not Everyone Who Speaks Spanish is From Spain: Taino Survival in the 21st Century Dominican Republic

Pedro Ferbel-Azcarate Portland State University

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Citation Details Ferbel, P. J. (2002). "Not Everyone Who Speaks Spanish is from Spain: Taíno Survival in the 21st Century Dominican Republic". KACIKE: The Journal of Caribbean Amerindian History and Anthropology

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KACIKE: Journal of Caribbean Amerindian History and Anthropology ISSN 1562-5028 Special Issue edited by Lynne Guitar NEW DIRECTIONS IN TAINO RESEARCH http://www.kacike.org/Current.html

Not Everyone Who Speaks Spanish is from Spain: Taino Survival in the 21st Century Dominican Republic

Dr. P. J. Ferbel

Introduction that has persisted to this day. That heritage, together with the historical The national identity of the evidence for Taíno survival presented by Dominican Republic is based on an my colleagues Lynne Guitar and Jorge idealized story of three cultural roots-- Estevez, points me to the understanding Spanish, African, and Taíno--with a that the Taíno people were never extinct selective amnesia of the tragedies and but, rather, survived on the margins of struggles inherent to the processes of colonial society to the present. colonial domination and resistance. The story of Taíno extinction was Further, African, Taíno and mixed Afro- created as a colonial strategy to Mestizo culture have been marginalized disempower the Native people and as a in favor of nationalist ideologies of way to legitimate the importation of slaves progress and civilization found in the from Africa. Ironically, the Taíno culture embrace of Hispanidad and Catholicism. that survives may be considered the In such a way, Dominicans have been strongest and most deeply planted “roots” disconnected from their African, their of the contemporary Afro-Mestizo Criollo indigenous, and their mixed Afro-Mestizo Dominican identity. Anthropology teaches Criollo (Creole) ancestry and cultural us today that there is no such thing as a heritage, even though it is these “pure” race or a “pure” culture— with ancestries and heritages which mark every generation, the composition of a Dominicans with the significant emblems population changes. Therefore, even of their contemporary identity. though the physical appearance of In this paper, I assess the survival Dominicans may be mixed-- multi- of Taíno culture by building on the work of biological-- they all share a common uni- two important studies addressing Taíno cultural heritage simply by practicing heritage in the Dominican Republic— traditional Dominican cultural forms. Just Bernardo Vega's (1981) “La herencia because Dominicans look “African” or indígena en la cultura dominicana de hoy” “European” or “Mixed” does not mean and Garcia Arévalo's (1988) they cannot legitimately celebrate their “Indigenismo, arqueología, e identidad Taíno heritage. And just because nacional.” My conclusion is that there is Dominicans speak Spanish it does not significant cultural heritage of Taíno origin mean their strongest cultural root comes Dr. P. J. Ferbel - Taino Survival in the 21st Century -______2 from Spain. Finally, just because working in the Cibao region of the Dominicans want to celebrate their Taíno Dominican Republic, the land the Taíno roots does not necessarily mean they called Quisqueya. I first went to the want to negate their African or European Dominican Republic in 1992 to conduct or other heritages. research on the commemoration of the Today, as professors, researchers, Columbian Quincentennial. At that time, I and students we must accept the assumed what I read in textbooks and responsibility to critically re-examine the journals about the extinction of the Taíno stories of Taíno extinction from a position was true. I found many romanticized free from racial politics and nationalist representations of Taínos used as agendas. In such a way, we open the decoration on buildings, hawking door for all Dominicans to understand products like mascots, and generally their true history, identify with all their presented in ways that suggested they ancestors, celebrate their traditional were frozen in a time before Columbus culture, and use this knowledge to help (see Figure 1). There was little public them find their path beyond Columbus's discussion about history or cultural wake. identity, and the official channels that promoted heritage and identity were focused on celebrating the Hispanic past Taíno Cultural Heritage and a myth about a tripartite identity that led principally to the creation of merengue My knowledge of Taíno cultural music. The Taíno were extinct. Period. heritage comes from five years living and

Figure 1

Representing Taínos: Hatuey Soda Crackers

I was therefore surprised to find knowledge, whereby many Dominicans many strong cultural forms of Taíno origin practiced strong indigenous cultural forms practiced in daily Dominican life, but did not identify with them. In fact, especially in the campo (see Figure 2). I seen as socio-economically was also struck by the ironic and unprogressive, they were often ashamed contradictory expression of Taíno cultural by these cultural displays. At the same

© 2002, P. J. Ferbel KACIKE: The Journal of Caribbean Amerindian History and Anthropology http://w ww.kacike.org Dr. P. J. Ferbel - Taino Survival in the 21st Century -______3 time, the Taíno archaeological heritage how the traditional culture of Quisqueya was plundered and vandalized (see existed in opposition to the economic Figure 3), history and culture were topics realities of "modernization." In other of interest only for the upper class, and words, development towards a Western there were little resources available for economy meant movement away from communities to encourage traditional traditional Dominican culture and Taíno cultural activities. I soon began to realize heritage.

Figure 2

Traditional casabe making on a buren griddle at Guagui, La Vega

Figure 3

Vandalism of petroglyphs, Rio Chacuey, Dajabon. Photo credit: Jason McIntire

"Heritage" may be defined as the 1995; Garcia Arévalo 1988, 1990; Vega cultural and biological legacy that 1980; Weeks and Ferbel 1994). This contemporary people have carried on Taíno heritage has been passed on for from their ancestral past to become a part generations, originating with the of their communal identity in the present. Arawakan speaking people who migrated Taíno heritage can be found in the into the Caribbean from the Orinoco River Dominican Republic in many forms, Valley some 1500 years before Spanish including language, agriculture, food exploration. Archaeologists believe a ways, medicinal knowledge, craft distinct Taíno culture had developed in technologies, architecture, spiritual the Caribbean by the year 600 A.D. and beliefs, family life, festivals, popular thus flourished for 900 years before culture, and genetic bloodlines (Ferbel Columbus (Rouse 1992; Weeks and

Ferbel 1994). Given this time frame, it extinct in official documents—for the should come as no surprise that the purpose of legitimating colonial control Taíno rooted their culture with a profound and rationalizing the importation of understanding of the Caribbean African slaves—references to Indians landscape. continued to appear in wills and legal The impact of 15th century proceedings, demonstrating their survival European colonization on the Taíno was on the margins of colonial society. nothing short of devastating, and Over the years, a poor, but landed, completely re-structured the trajectory of peasantry developed from the original their native life ways. Confronted with group of Indians, Africans and deadly foreign diseases, unable to Europeans, who continued to share schedule their agricultural planting, forced bloodlines and culture, developing their into systems of social, economic, and own communities in the countryside. As political domination, losing rights to land, these communities were engaged in a free expression, and, in many cases, to struggle to live on the land, they used life itself, the Taíno had to find radical their repertoire of cultural knowledge to ways to survive. Resistance took many best survive. Naturally, they relied on forms. Many Taíno fought against the their Taíno heritage, which represented intruders, who had the distinct advantage many generations of knowledge, tradition, of coming from a place with a history of and oral history about the land. This is guns, swords, horses, dogs, and trickery. still true for present-day Dominicans, Many Taíno hid in isolated Maroon especially in the agrarian countryside. communities, along with runaway African slaves, far from the Spaniard towns and plantations. Others were forced into slave Taíno Heritage and serf positions and lived alongside Africans and Spaniards. Linguistic Features Dominican historian Frank Moya Pons (1992) shows that during the period The Dominican Republic often uses its of early Spanish colonization a process of indigenous name Quisqueya as a transculturation began whereby Taínos common referent. Dominicans like to call mixed within the Spanish population, themselves "Quisqueyanos"; the name together with African slaves, giving rise to even appears in the first words of the a new Creole culture. This is Dominican national anthem: substantiated historically by census "Quisqueyanos valientes..." records of 1514, which show forty per cent of Spanish men on the island had The Spanish language has several Indian wives or concubines (Moya Pons hundred words that come from the 1992:135). Interaction between Africans indigenous Arawakan language of the and Indians is documented in plantation Caribbean. These words go beyond records and in descriptions of runaway names of objects, place names, flora, and slave communities (Garcia Arévalo fauna that did not have a name in the 1990:275). Further, ethnohistorian Lynne Spanish language, like canoa, hurican, Guitar (1998) demonstrates the historical hamaca, caiman, barbacoa, tobaco, marginalization of the Taíno beginning in maraca, marimba, iguana, and manatee. the 16th century. While being declared There are also many words and

© 2002, P. J. Ferbel KACIKE: The Journal of Caribbean Amerindian History and Anthropology http://w ww.kacike.org Dr. P. J. Ferbel - Taino Survival in the 21st Century -______5 expressions that are indigenous in origin Taíno surnames have survived to the that are used instead of their Spanish present. Still, Dominicans use historical names. Examples include: mabi, a natural Taíno names in the contemporary naming juice; macana, a policeman's club; and of children. Examples include the macuto, a hand sack. The Taíno phrase prominent politicians Caonabo Polanco "un chin" or "chin-chin" means a small and Hatuey Deschamps, and jazz great amount in Dominican Spanish, and is as Guarionex Aquino. common as the Spanish phrase "un Many Dominicans can distinguish poquito." The use of these words suggest a Taíno name by its sound, though not not simply the effect of one culture reliably. It may be that the Cibao rural borrowing or appropriating names for dialect's transformation of words ending things they did not know, but a more in the Spanish suffix "-ado" into the complex interplay between two cultures. Arawakan sounding "ao" is a vestige of Many, if not a majority of Taíno pronunciation (e.g., colorado Dominican cities, campos, rivers, and becomes colorao). Regardless of its true mountains have indigenous names, historicity, it is certain that there exists a including: Amina, Bani, Bao, Bonao, romanticized Indian association with Cotui, Cutupu, Dajabon, Damajagua, these campo pronunciations. Another Guajaca, Guayubin, Inoa, Jacagua, example is the use of the "I" with words Janico, Licey, Magua, Maguana, Mao, ending with an "R" (Qué calor! becomes Nagua, and Samana. The majority of Qué calo-i!). rivers have Taíno names, including It is interesting that several Taíno Haina, Maimon, Ozama, Sosua, Tireo, words that are used in other parts of the and Yaque. Most native trees and fruits Antilles, are not used in the Dominican have Taíno names, including Anacajuita, Republic. Examples include using the Caimito, Cajuil, Caña, Caoba, Ceiba, Spanish word lechosa instead of the Cuaba, Guacima, Guano, Guao, indigenous papaya, the Spanish word Guayaba, Guanabana and Guayacan. pina (pineapple) instead of the indigenous Beyond flora, indigenous insects, birds, yayama, and the Spanish cotorra (parrot) fish, and other animals with names of instead of the indigenous higuaca. Taíno origin may list into the hundreds. However, for all these words, many They include the Bibijagua (ant), people are aware of their indigenous Comejen (termite), Carey (sea turtle), names as well. There are several Hicotea (river turtle), manatee, and instances where both indigenous and Guaraguao (Dominican hawk). Spanish words are interchangeable, for Due to the process of mestizaje, example, the Spanish word tarantula and whereby the Spaniard male colonists took the Taíno word cacata are used equally Indian wives, it is not surprising that no (see Figure 4).

Figure 4

Tarantula, also known by the Taíno word cacata

Some indigenous words have practice may be a creolized changed their meanings over the years. Catholic/Taíno manner of understanding For example, a batey, which originally the spiritual division of the human world. described a Taíno ceremonial ball court, One final agricultural item from pre- today refers to the residence location of Columbian times is the use of the coa, Haitians on sugar plantations. Guacara, the indigenous word for a digging stick, originally referring to a cave or cavern, which is still employed for planting, now describes a place or thing of though today with a metal point. antiquity.

Agriculture Yucca and Casabe

Many Dominican agricultural terms The starchy vegetable tuber yucca have Taíno origins. The word conuco, is a central part of contemporary while its meaning is lost as a mixed-crop Dominican diet. Sweet yucca is a staple, method of agriculture similar to the boiled and served for breakfast and mainland indigenous milpa, has retained dinner, often with eggs or a small meat the concept as a plot of land used for accompaniment. Yucca is well matched farming. Unfortunately, Dominicans have to Dominican soil and life ways, whereby not retained the Taíno use of montones, it can grow in semi-arid climates and on or raised mound agriculture, and suffer hillsides, and can conserve for several from one of the worst records of topsoil months in the earth without rotting. It was depletion in the Caribbean (Ferguson the key to Taíno survival and it is no 1992). So too, unfortunately, Dominicans surprise that Yucahu was one of the have overused the Taíno technique of principal deities. So too is it identified as slash and burn (swidden) agriculture. the most Dominican of the staples. Many Dominican farmers use what The baking of casabe bread from they call the mysterios, or the spiritual bitter yucca flour is a Dominican tradition secrets of agriculture, including planting that has strong ties to the Taíno past. with the lunar cycle. This practice is While common at the household level documented for the Taíno as well. only generations ago, casabe production Agricultural knowledge is reported to be is today available principally from family passed on from generation to generation. bakeries and small factories, who truck It is interesting to note that in some the casabe to local stores throughout the regions, particular days of the week are country. The technology of casabe considered bad times to plant. This production has not changed much over

© 2002, P. J. Ferbel KACIKE: The Journal of Caribbean Amerindian History and Anthropology http://w ww.kacike.org Dr. P. J. Ferbel - Taino Survival in the 21st Century -______7 the years, and most of the terminology is conserve in its cooked form for several the same. The yucca is grated with months without spoilage, making it an guayos (today sharpened spoons peel important food product in the tropical the yucca and mechanical metal graters environment. Casabe is always served are used for grating), leeched of the during Christmas and Easter times, and poisonous starch (anaiboa or almidón) in its presence on the Dominican table is canoe shaped receptacles (canoa), expected. It is important to note that in strained, and dried into flour (catibia). recent years the availability of bread Then the flour is spread with the help of a made from wheat flour have led to a circular iron mold, and baked on the top diminished use of casabe in Dominican of an oven (buren) for about twenty diets. minutes until solid (Figure 5). Casabe can

Figure 5

Making casabe at a bakery at Cacique, Moncion

Alternative uses of yucca flour They include the guayaba, guanabana, have declined in their importance over the pina, lechosa, yautia, mani, and batata. years, however several food products are Other indigenous fruits and vegetables still made. Panesico are baked logs of that are eaten but are becoming less yucca flour and pork fat, and are common include the anon, mamon, considered a specialty of the Cibao caimito, jagua, jobo, and mamey. Ajies region. Dominican empanadas, deep- (peppers) are an essential part of daily fried dough pockets stuffed with meat, are bean preparation. The popular Dominican only made with yucca flour. Bolas de salcocho (stew) may be derived from the yuca are deep-fried balls of yucca flour. indigenous pepper pot or ajiejaco, and Jojadra are powdery ginger cookies made arepas (corn-fritters) may also be of of yucca starch. indigenous origin. Certainly both these dishes have native connotations surrounding them. So too is seasoning Foodways and Tobacco Use with bixa (annatto seed), although this spice's use has dwindled with the Besides yucca, many fruits and availability of packaged seasoning and vegetables of indigenous origin have canned tomato sauce. remained staples in the Dominican diet.

Cooking in earthenware pots, using indigenous products are numerous similar in style to Taíno ceramic ware, and include the use of calabaza leaves while becoming more and more rare, is for toothaches and swelling, ingesting known as a way of making beans more maguey juice for the flu, and eating flavourful. Vega (1987:100-101) guayaba for nausea. There are herbalists documents the use of another indigenous and curanderos in every campo, and it is root, guayiga in the making of a bread- often common to see greater reliance on mush called cholo, popular in the south. natural medicines further away from Another root, guayaro, appears wild industrialized city centers (Weeks et al. throughout the Cibao. The terms mabi 1994). However, due to the increased use and cacheo describe non-alcoholic drinks of pharmaceuticals, natural medicine has with indigenous origins that are still locally also declined in recent years. produced from fermented palm. Finally, the Taíno word bucán describes the technique of spit-roasting, an important Fishing Techniques element of a barbecue (Taíno word barbacoa). Fishing techniques of indigenous Tobacco (tabaco) has a long origin have been well documented by history of use in the Dominican Republic, Vega (1987:105-106). These include the especially in the campo. Tobacco is an use of fishing corrals, the temporary integral part of santería ceremonies, poisoning of small rivers or pools where cigar smoking is used in spirit (sometimes with the almidón leeched offerings and possession rituals. Besides from bitter yucca), the use of fiber fishing being big business for export, tobacco is nets (nasas), and techniques for ubiquitous as a smoking product localizing fish and shellfish in shallow throughout the Dominican Republic. waters. The following fish and marine People smoke locally made cigarettes, as animals all have Taíno names: carite, well as cigars and pipes. Many traditions menjua, cojinua, jurel, dajao, guabina, of tobacco use include rolling cigars macabi, tiburon, guatapana, lambi, (tubanos), or smoking a compacted burgao, carey, juey, hicotea, and jaiva. tobacco leaf plug called andullo in a pipe Fishing has become a less important food (cachimba) or rolled in cigarette paper procurement strategy in recent years, as (pachuche). dams, soil erosion, and pollution have dramatically lessened the quantity of fish in rivers. Medicinal Knowledge

Dominican natural medicinal Crafts and Technologies knowledge makes use of many indigenous plant species and healing Locally made ceramics use basic techniques. Many remedies have a Taíno forms with transculturative origins. Most association to them, and it is probable popular in contemporary campo use that this association is not coincidental today are tinajas, large amphoras used but was handed down over the for water storage, and rounded cooking generations as seen in Cuba (Barreiro vessels called oyas. With the availability 1989). Examples of natural medicine of imported plastic and metal containers

© 2002, P. J. Ferbel KACIKE: The Journal of Caribbean Amerindian History and Anthropology http://w ww.kacike.org Dr. P. J. Ferbel - Taino Survival in the 21st Century -______9 and cooking pots, however, the use of receptacles. Many traditional makers of ceramics in Dominican culture is waning. bateas have had to use less durable trees While the Taíno had a strong in recent years, making their products of tradition of woodworking, Dominicans cheaper quality. Some have expanded seem to have been progressively losing their product line into the tourist market their woodworking skills. This may be, in by making decorative wooden spoons part, due to deforestation and the and forks. It is interesting to see that the unavailability of many of the fine woods word batea has been extended to the like caoba (mahogany). There is, ponchera, the Spanish word for a large however, in the contemporary Dominican plastic bowl. Republic, industrial production of fine Dominican boat craft are still made furniture. Rocking chairs are well known along the coast, but have lost much of the as Dominican cultural items and chairs technological features used in making are available for guests in even the Taíno canoas and cayucos. The method poorest of households. of making a canoa from a hollowed-out Bateas are flat wooden containers royal palm as a feeding and watering that are used to carry fruits. Their origin is trough for cows is still found in some Taíno, and often associated with their use campos (Figure 6). This technology is for washing gold in rivers. Indeed, bateas becoming increasingly rare due to the are still used for this purpose today, for limitations put on the cutting of larger example in the Rio Chacuey. Bateas, like trees, on the number of craftsmen who ceramics, are becoming less and less still know how to make a canoa, and on used, with the importation of cheap the increasing availability of used tractor alternative plastic containers and tires as watering troughs.

Figure 6

Canoa feed and water troughs in Los Pinos, Moncion

Calabashes, called higuero, made fiber are also still made, but are less of various sizes and shapes, are still used prevalent due to the availability of plastic by rural Dominicans as water receptacles, and paper bags. Baskets (canasta) made bowls, and food containers (Figure 7). of bejuco (vines), palm, caña, guano, and Macutos, handbags of guano or cana other native fibers are used for clothes

© 2002, P. J. Ferbel KACIKE: The Journal of Caribbean Amerindian History and Anthropology http://w ww.kacike.org Dr. P. J. Ferbel - Taino Survival in the 21st Century -______10 hampers and food containers, but are of Beds have wholly replaced the hammock relatively poor quality. Cabuya fibers are for sleeping. Finally, the use of large still used as cordage for ropes and whips, lambi (Strombus gigas) shells, called but synthetic fibers have become more fotutos, by butchers to advise people popular in recent years. The use of native what meat is being slaughtered by the cotton (algodón) has all but disappeared number of blasts on the trumpet has with the importation of woven fabrics. indigenous origins, but is also Hamaca (hammocks) are today made disappearing as a cultural form. with nylon cord mostly for sale to tourists.

Figure 7

Higueras at the Fiesta Campesinal, Moca

Architecture climate), and its breathabilty. Caña is also appreciated for its decorative beauty, and The word bohío describes a is often chosen for discotheques, country house, often with a caña roof and restaurants, and cock fighting rings yagua palm siding, and is identified for its (galleras). The only negative element of Taíno origins. It also describes the using caña is it is not good for rainwater prevalent ranchos, patio or field collection. Bejucos (vines) are sometimes structures with cana roofs used to shade still used to bind together ranchos, the sun. Bohíos are built like the circular although nails are much more common. indigenous caney, or in a rectangular Another style of house building that also manner. Caña is used for its availability, reflects Taíno heritage are those that use its ability to withstand water, its durability the royal palm yagua fronds for walls and (lasting up to twenty years in a tropical roofing (see Figure 8).

Figure 8

Yagua house in Jamao, Moca

Folklore and Religion

Folklore and religion have many Art, Poetry, and Literature associations with indigenous heritage. Taíno Indian spirits are commonly In the field of the arts, poetry, and reported to dwell in rivers and caves literature, Dominicans have made great throughout the country. Many sites of use of indigenous themes. Work by Cibao natural beauty or geological rarity have artists such as Luis Munoz, Bottin become associated as Indian places or Castellanos, and Gina Rodriguez use sacred sites. Pools in rivers are often Taíno imagery and technology in their named "charco de los Indios" as are artistic expression. Indigenous themes caves "cueva de los Indios", even if there also appear in works of poetry and is little artifactual evidence of indigenous literature, theater and modern dance. use or occupation. Folklore often Merenguero Juan Luis Guerra uses many surrounds these places as spiritually indigenous themes in his music; a recent dangerous or as sites where healing may album of his was titled areito. Many occur, and are used accordingly. Dominican folksongs, as well, make Folk syncretic belief systems reference to Indians of Quisqueya, combine Indian imagery and spirit including the caciques Enriquillo and blessings into their ritual and belief Anacaona. structures. Herbal shops, or botanicas, often sell Indian statues and candles which are thought to bring good luck and Popular Identity fortune to a person using them. Indigenous herbs and flowers like copey Perhaps the greatest association are burned in spiritual contexts. Small with the indigenous past comes with the bracelets are worn by new-borns for biological feature known as the "Indio" protection. Indigenous axe-heads or skin color. While some official identity "piedras de rayo" are sometimes put into cards use the term "trigueño" to describe tinajas to protect a house from lightning. the majority of Dominicans, "Indio" is the Many stories about supernatural commonly held concept for the color of beings have indigenous origins, including Dominican skin, and the "race" of the the Ciguapa, a woman-beast with long Dominican people. The term, popularized hair and inverted feet. by Trujillo to distance Dominicans from

© 2002, P. J. Ferbel KACIKE: The Journal of Caribbean Amerindian History and Anthropology http://w ww.kacike.org Dr. P. J. Ferbel - Taino Survival in the 21st Century -______12 darker skinned Haitians, skirts the issue to the whole population. The amount of of Native American inheritance, which is historical and contemporary referred to by the word indígena, and miscegenation between individuals of simply defines the physical manifestation different African, Indian, and European of being of mixed race. blood has been very high, and has Dobal (1989:25) writes about produced a multitude of biological mixes. indigenous physical qualities, There is a tremendous range of so-called temperaments, and sexuality of Taíno "racial" features, for example, in hair origin, and suggests that the long, texture, skin color, and facial shape. straight-hair, large brown eyes, and soft Basically, the way Dominicans recognize skin of campesinas is Taíno in origin. and talk about biology, some Dominicans While such observational criteria appear look more "Black", some more "White", straight forward, subjective traits have and some more "Indian". In this sense, proven to be unreliable in making larger Dominicans appear as a multi-biological cultural generalizations. So too, is it people. On top of this, however, many problematic to use early Spanish Dominicans have combinations of "racial" descriptions of physical beauty to features that make it difficult to pinpoint generalize what the Taíno looked like in their exact biological ancestry. the 15th century. However, it is Dominicans have invented names for acknowledged that biological "racial" over 20 different physical mixes including features are recognized by members of a trigueño, indio, indio claro, trigueño cultural community and often form the oscuro, canelo, pinto, etcetera. Thus, the basis of assessing cultural difference. Dominican Republic appears a "melting- Dominicans, certainly, would agree with pot" as well as a place of many separate Dobal's description of Indios. biologies. Dobal further suggests that the Ultimately, though, when simple Dominican has inherited the indigenous biology—the way people look—is put love for liberty, the appreciation for the aside in favor of discussions about esthetics as opposed to the functionality culture—what people do—the Dominican of objects, the lack of ambition or Republic displays a common greediness, and the love for their denominator, uni-cultural identity that has homeland and place of birth (Dobal little correlation with the physical 1989:26). Indian strength and bravery is appearance of its people. Indeed, there is often a quality assumed by many no such thing as a distinct Black Dominicans, and many campos which are Dominican culture, White Dominican known for the courage of their people are culture, or Indian Dominican culture. cited as places where there is a lot of Regional difference do exist but for the Indian blood. Matrifocality is a cultural most part, cultural differences appear trait described in ethnohistoric documents between rich Dominicans and poor about the Taíno, and can be tied to some Dominicans, and between "city" degree to the present. Perhaps, it is a Dominicans and "campo" Dominicans, matrifocal love for homeland, that Dobal and even these differences dissolve in comments on, a love to be in the place discussions of a unifying national identity. where you were born and raised. While it is true that Dominicans In the Dominican Republic, it is with more European ancestry and culture difficult to attach a clean ethnic category represent the group which historically

© 2002, P. J. Ferbel KACIKE: The Journal of Caribbean Amerindian History and Anthropology http://w ww.kacike.org Dr. P. J. Ferbel - Taino Survival in the 21st Century -______13 have had more access to money and While nationalist Hispanic imagery power, they represent a small fraction of has had a constraining effect on how the demographic whole. While their Dominicans view the Taíno past, there influence in controlling the production of are also unofficial alternate expressions national identity has been strong, I will be that resist the dominant discourses. For focusing on the cultural realities for the example, many Dominicans claim that it majority of Dominicans, who are poor and is bad luck (fuku) to say the name without access to power. Christopher Columbus aloud and that La Isabella, one of the first Spanish settlements on the north coast of the Popular Culture island, is haunted by Spanish ghosts. These may be considered signs of Finally, Taíno imagery is often struggle against dominant history and found in a romanticized form in various rejections of official ways of speaking elements of Dominican capitalist and about the legitimated glory of the Spanish nationalist culture. Strong Taíno past. During the Columbian caciques, who appear portrayed as quincentennial a large multi-million dollar national heroes, appear on stamps and lighthouse monument was built in the coins. Indians are found as sculpture and Dominican capital of Santo Domingo. bas-relief on buildings, often in positions Surrounding it is a tall stone wall that of subservience or in chains. Indians are blocks poor barrio residents from crossing often denigrated to the level of mascots the Faro's grounds. This wall, built to hide hawking the following products: Enriquillo the realities of Dominican poverty from soda water, Guarina saltines and cookies, the visiting dignitary or tourist, is known Siboney rum, and Hatuey soda crackers. by everyone as the Muro de la The name "Taíno" adorns businesses Verguenza, or the Wall of Shame. It is an from pizza parlors to delivery services. A apt metaphor for the official national popular beer is called Quisqueya. For vision of Dominican identity represented many Dominicans these product names by the Faro: available only to those who are their most familiar association with have the power and wealth to access it the Taíno past. (see Figure 9).

Figure 9

The Columbus Lighthouse from the other side of the Wall of Shame, Santo Domingo

© 2002, P. J. Ferbel KACIKE: The Journal of Caribbean Amerindian History and Anthropology http://w ww.kacike.org With the murder of human rights Literature distributed at the march read lawyer Rafael Ortiz during a "... vamos a conmemorar la resistencia quincentennial protest march, attention indígena, negra y popular en el día de la was called to the repressive, manipulative llegada de Colón..." On this pilgrimage way the government was controlling the from Santiago to Santo Cerro (La Vega), celebration of its national history. Ortiz's various banners were unfurled with anti- assassination proved to be a successful governmental imagery. One banner governmental tactic to quell further satirized the typical San Miguel image, resistance to official quincentennial dramatizing an Indian as San Miguel, activities. Posters and simple graffiti slaying Columbus as the devil, his wings reading "No al Quinto Centenario!" the flags of Spain and the United States became the only visible form of organized (see Figure 10). It is no coincidence that resistance. Several critical articles in San Miguel is also the “Captain of the national newspapers did appear but had 21st Indigenous Division” in syncretic very little influence on the national religious belief. That is, Saint Michael has quincentennial programs. been transformed in folk belief systems to The quincentennial inspired represent the Indian spirit who struggles Pilgrimage for Human Dignity was held against oppression (of all negative forms on 5 December 1992 as a protest against represented by the devil). the official Columbian celebrations.

Figure 10

San Miguel protest banner

The active work of individuals like they produced was well researched, the organizers of the Columbian informative, and edifying. quincentennial protests opened many eyes to the realities of the Dominican past and present, which were exposed as Conclusion intricately connected. So too did many educators, teachers and parents engage In a sense, the stories of Spanish in their students and children a critical colonization were successful: the Taíno response to the national celebrations. A were declared extinct and nationalist librarian from a private Santiago school Hispanic ideology has dominated the encouraged students to work on projects country's discussions of cultural identity. concerning the indigenous past. The work However, a closer examination of the persistence of Taíno-derived cultural Dr. P. J. Ferbel - Taino Survival in the 21st Century -______15 forms reveals their underlying strength. of advancing Western culture of The roots of traditional Dominican culture development and globalization, and on are truly Taíno. the work of motivated individuals to It is no accident that from the critically examine the composition of their excluded nature of Taíno heritage some identity. From my personal of the most creative cultural, artistic, and understanding, identifying with traditional political expression is born. Most heritage arises from the active vision of Dominicans who reflect on the “extinct” elders, the true teaching of parents to Taíno past they were taught in school and their children, the selfless commitment of popular culture, realize it is only a partial individuals to their community, and the story of their identity. Dominican educator heartfelt love and respect for the spirit of Antonio de Moya (1993) writes that "the the land people live on and call their [Indian] genocide is the big lie of our home. This may not be the easiest task history... the Dominican Taínos continue for colonized Dominicans living in an to live, 500 years after European contact" underdeveloped nation under a global (1993:10). order. As we say in the Cibao, “No es The direction that Taíno identity fácil, compai!” But for Quisqueyanos will take in the Dominican Republic “valientes” with great spirits and centuries seems to depend on both the survival of of resistance, it seems as natural to say indigenous cultural elements in the face “No hay ma’ na’! Hay que echar p’alante!”

References

Antonio de Moya, E. (l993). Animación sociocultural y polisíntesis en la transformación del sistema educativo Dominicano. La Revista de Educación 1(2): 6-10.

Barreiro, Jose (1989). Indians in Cuba. Cultural Survival Quarterly 13(3):56-60.

Dobal, Carlos (1989). El retrato de Espaillat y otros estudios históricos. Publicaciones ONAP, Santo Domingo.

Ferbel, Peter J. (1995). “The Politics of Taíno Indian Heritage in the Post- Quincentennial Dominican Republic: When a Canoe Means More than a Water Trough.” Ph.D. Diss., University of Minnesota, Minneapolis.

Ferguson, James (1992). The Dominican Republic Beyond the Lighthouse. Latin American Bureau, Washington D.C.

García Arévalo, Manuel (1988). Indigenismo, arqueología, e identidad nacional. Museo del Hombre Dominicaño y Fundación García-Arévalo, Santo Domingo.

Guitar, Lynne (1998). “Mything in Action”. Native Peoples. Vol. 12(1): 75-76.

Moya Pons, Frank (1992). The Politics of Forced Indian Labour in La Espanola 1493- 1520. Antiquity 66:130-139.

Rouse, Irving (1992). The Taínos: Rise and Decline of the People who Greeted Columbus. Yale University Press, New Haven.

Thomas, D.H., Ed. (1990). "Transculturation in Contact Period and Contemporary Hispaniola". In Columbian Consequences, Volume 2: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives on the Spanish Borderlands' Past, pp 269-280. Smithsonian Institution Press. Washington D.C.

Vega, Bernardo (1981). La Herencia Indígena en la Cultura Dominicana de Hoy. In Ensayos Sobre Cultura Dominicana, pp. 9-53. Museo del Hombre Dominicano, Santo Domingo.

(1987). Santos, shamanes y zemíes. Fundación Cultural Dominicana, Santo Domingo.

Weeks, John M., P. J. Ferbel, K. Liss, F. Rosario, V. Ramirez (1994). Chacuey Archaeological Project: Report of the 1993 Investigations. Manuscript on file at the Museo del Hombre Dominicano, Santo Domingo.

Dr. Pedro J. Ferbel Azcarate, from the U.S., is an Please cite this article as follows: anthropologist and archaeologist, with a Ph.D. from . the University of Minnesota, in the United States. Ferbel, P. J. (2002). Not Everyone Who From 1993 until 1999 he worked in the Dominican Speaks Spanish is from Spain: Taíno Survival Republic as the principal researcher, instructor, and in the 21st Century Dominican Republic. curator of the Historical Archives of Santiago, and KACIKE: The Journal of Caribbean as director of many archaeological and ecological projects, such as the Archaeological Project of Amerindian History and Anthropology [On-line Chacüey, Caballo Loco Tours, and the Route of Journal], Special Issue, Lynne Guitar, Ed. Columbus. At present, he is a professor at the Available at: University of Portland, co-editor of the Caribbean http://www.kacike.org/FerbelEnglish.pdf [Date Amerindian Centrelink website, and co-editor of of access: Day, Month, Year]. their electronic journal Kacike. He is a lecturer and writer about the Taíno heritage and is very active in his community on Latino culture and social affairs.

Adjunct Assistant Professor Black Studies Portland State University P.O. Box 751, Portland, OR 97207-0751 United States of America Telephone: (503) 234-9525 (503) 725-4003 Archivo Histórico de Santiago Encargado, Dpto. Antropología y Arqueología #124 C, Restauración, Santiago, República Dominicana E-Mail: [email protected]