Richard Hooker: the Confident Church of England Reformer*

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Richard Hooker: the Confident Church of England Reformer* Richard Hooker: the Confident Church of England Reformer* David Neelands Trinity College, University of Toronto ABSTRACT: Richard Hooker is generally acknowledged as a critical sixteenth-century figure in the Church of England. He has been claimed by a variety of advocates for positions inside and outside the Church of England and for positions that developed later. An apparently eirenic attitude to Roman Catholics and occasional criticisms of central figures of the Protestant Reformation should not obscure the fact that he was a confident upholder of the Reformation of the Church of England, and that his careful defence of its institutions did not, in his mind, exceed a careful reformed position. His defence provides a platform convenient for ecumenical discussions. Attitude to ‘the Papists’ Hooker’s attitude to ‘the Papists’, was out of the ordinary polemical mode. 1 Walter Travers accused Hooker of preaching “sower leaven” in his sermons at the Temple. This phrase was a code phrase, based on a frequent New Testament allusion to the ambivalent power of yeast both to expand and to “puff up” flour though very small in size, to refer to corrupt pre-Reformation and contemporary Roman Catholic views, particularly on the Pelagian question and the doctrine of justification by faith. In Travers’ mind were, no doubt, the questions of assurance and of Hooker’s notorious view of the two wills in God; Travers and Hooker do not seem to have quarreled on sacramental theology; but principally involved must have been Travers’ conviction that Hooker’s generous view about the possibility of salvation of Roman Catholics compromised the principle of the gratuity of justification. * An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Sixteenth Century Studies Conference, Salt Lake City, Utah on October 27, 2006. The paper draws in conclusions about Hooker from several articles I have published. For detailed treatment of the argument, the reader is referred to them. Subsequently published in Reformation Worlds: Antecedents and Legacies in the Anglican Tradition, ed. Sean A. Otto and Thomas P. Power. Studies in Church History, vol. 13. New York: Peter Lang, 2016, 61-76. 1 This section “Attitude to ‘the Papists’” first appeared in David Neelands, The Theology of Grace of Richard Hooker (ThD Dissertation, Trinity College / University of Toronto, 1988), 57-63, and appears here in a revised form. PAGE 1 OF 16 Hooker certainly did consistently hold a particularly generous view of his contemporary papists. Roman Catholics were members of the visible church,2 since the visible church is made up of those who profess Jesus Christ as Lord, and only apostasy, the rejection of this profession, /62/ can separate the Christian from the church.3 Hooker mocked those who wanted to avoid papist errors by avoiding customs shared with the papists.4 Imitating the continental Reformed churches in something that made no sense in itself just to avoid sharing a traditional custom was also foolish: “we had rather followe the perfections of them whom we like not [the papists], then in defectes resemble them whome we love [other Reformed churches].”5 But, although even Whitgift did not agree completely with Hooker on the question, earlier English Reformers had expressed Hooker’s view. And Hooker made no secret of his rejection of Roman Catholic views: although the Church of England retained “parte of their ceremonies, and almost their whole government . wee are devided from the Church of Rome by the single wall of doctrine.”6 Although they do not reject the profession that Jesus Christ is Lord, and are therefore not apostates, “Heretiques they are.”7 The principal heresy of Roman Catholics is on the matter of justification. They attribute merit to human actions in sanctification, so that further grace is itself merited.8 Hooker also believes they wrongly attribute a causal efficacy to the elements of the eucharist,9 and press transubstantiation, as a core doctrine, a theory that cannot be established from Scripture.10 Furthermore, they erect “traditions” on a par with Scripture.11 But Hooker at least twice, in the Answer to Travers, refers to the Bishops at the Council of Trent as “the fathers of Trent,” far from an abusive term.12 2 Of the Lawes of Ecclesiastiall Politie V.68.9; 2:355.8-13; citations from Hooker’s works and other related texts are taken from The Folger Library Edition of the Works of Richard Hooker, general ed. W. Speed Hill, 7 vol., (Cambridge, Mass.; Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1977-1998). See also Lawes III.1.10; 1:201-02. 3 Lawes V.68.6; 2:352.5-8. 4 Lawes IV.7.6 ; 1:297.7-17. 5 Lawes V.28.1; 2:121.26-28. 6 Lawes IV.3.1; 1:280.13-16. 7 Lawes IV.6.2; 1:289.26. Notice that heresy, schism and apostasy are dealt with in Jude 1 as well as Lawes III. Hooker noted that the Church of England has been accused of all. 8 Justification [5]-[9]; 5:110-118, esp. 5:111.1-6; 3:111.23-24. 9 David Neelands, “Christology and the Sacraments”, in A Companion to Richard Hooker, ed. Torrance Kirby (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 394-96. 10 Neither Scripture nor the witness of antiquity supports the view of transubstantiation. V.67.9-11; 2:336-40. See Neelands, “Christology and the Sacraments”, 398-400. 11 Lawes III.8.14; 1:231.15-18; V.65.2; 2:302.3-9. In fact, the word “tradition” often has a negative sense for Hooker, as distinct from “custom” and “experience,” which are generally positive in tone. For a discussion of “papist errors” on the sacrament, see Neelands, “Christology and the Sacraments”, 376, 384, 385, 394-6. 12 Answer 13; 3:239.31, 241.6. PAGE 2 OF 16 There is stronger language addressed to “the reprobates” alluded to in the Two Sermons upon S. Judes Epistle. On the supposition that these sermons were directed primarily against papists, some have found the tone to be quite different from that of the Temple sermons. The tone is quite different indeed, but it is clear that the reprobates mentioned include both papists13 and atheists14, and puritanizing “separatists”15. The severe phrase “son of perdition and Man of Sin” used of the pope,16 is shocking to modern ears, but the second part of the phrase, “Man of Sin” occurs twice in the undisputedly genuine Learned Discourse on Justification17 and, for that matter, in the Preface to the Authorized Version of the Bible of 1611. Hooker was eirenic, but he was a man of his time in many respects; his “sympathy” for Roman Catholics depended upon an objective and accurate account of the genuine doctrines shared with them by the Church of England, and an objective and accurate account of those very important matters wherein the Roman Catholic church held different views. Hooker also exposed the anxiety about the use of prelatical power by Roman Catholics to cruelly and with a high hand overrule legitimate civil power, but did so in a way that ironically emphasized the greater power of God’s mercy over human sinfulness, and the possibility that a Protestant’s sins might be as terrible as those of any papist prelate: /63/ The houre maye come when we shal thincke yt a blessed thinge to heare, that yf our synnes were as the synnes of Popes and Cardinalls, the bowels of the mercye of God are larger. I do not propose unto you a Pope with the neck of an Emperor under his foote, a Cardinall riding his horse to the bridell in the blood of sainctes: but a pope or a Cardinall, sorrowfull penitent disrobed, stript not onlie of usurped power, but also delivered and recalled from error; antichrist converted and lying prostrate at the feete of Christe:18 It is clear that Hooker maintained an accurate acquaintance with the writings of his Roman Catholic contemporaries on the eucharist,19 although he was little affected by them. His not least contribution to the accuracy of sixteenth century debates on the eucharist was his direct denial of the venerable canard of the supposed errors of the 13 1 Jude 7; 3:20.23-21.5. 14 1 Jude 9; 3:23.13-20. 15 1 Jude 11; 3:25.26-26.7. 16 1 Jude 15; 3:32.16-17. 17 Justification [5], [27]; 3:112.6, 147.19. Compare the equally disobliging formula, “Babylonian strumpet” in A Remedie Against Sorrow and Feare 3:375.28. There, in a funeral sermon, the Roman Catholic Church is criticized for leading to pride and security, instead of humility and watchfulness. Comparable accusations would be leveled at the Pharisaical Puritans in A Learned and Comfortable Sermon of the Certaintie and Perpetuitie of Faith in the Elect 1; 5:75.10-19. 18 Justification [35]; 162.27-163.1. 19 Dublin 18; 4:120.14-121.5. /74/ PAGE 3 OF 16 pseudo-Thomas and Catharinus, that Christ’s sacrifice was for original, the sacrifice of the Mass for actual, sin.20 In this regard, Hooker distanced himself from others involved in the polemical debates: for him, it was important to describe accurately what the Roman Catholic Church believed, and to indicate where the Church of England and the Roman Catholic Church were in agreement, in order to refute “their” charge “that when we cannot refute theire opinions we propose to our selves suche insted of theires as we can refute.”21 This reference to inaccuracies in Protestant anti-papist polemics, and Hooker’s consistent conviction that the defence of the Reformation meant accuracy of the description of Reformation and anti-Reformation views and the avoidance of hyperbole, seems to come from a traumatic experience his Church experienced at the beginning of his public career.
Recommended publications
  • Scottish Borderers Between 1587 and 1625
    The chasm between James VI and I’s vision of the orderly “Middle Shires” and the “wickit” Scottish Borderers between 1587 and 1625 Anna Groundwater Scottish History, University of Edinburgh L’élimination du crime le long des frontières anglaises, de pair avec un plus grand sérieux face à ce problème à partir de 1587, fait partie d’une monopolisation générale de l’utilisation de la violence et des procédés légaux par le gouvernement écossais. Au fur et à mesure que la succession de Jacques Stuart sur le trône anglais devenait vraisemblable, le contrôle des frontières s’est accéléré, et les chefs expéditionnaires des raids outre frontières y ont contribué. Aux environs de 1607, Jacques affirmait que les désordres frontaliers s’étaient transformés en une harmonie exemplaire au sein d’une nouvelle unité transfrontalière, les « Middle Shires ». Toutefois, ceci était davantage l’expression de la vision qu’avait Jacques de l’union politique de l’Écosse et de l’Angleterre, contredite par la séparation effective des organisations frontalières écossaise et anglaise, et qui a duré jusqu’en 1624. Cet article examine les transformations de la loi et du crime dans les régions frontalières, ainsi que la détérioration de la perception qu’avait le gouvernement de ces frontières. Those confining places which were the Borders of the two Kingdomes, where here- tofore much blood was shed, and many of your ancestours lost their lives; yea, that lay waste and desolate, and were habitations but for runnagates, are now become the Navell or Umbilick of both Kingdomes […] where there was nothing before […] but bloodshed, oppressions, complaints and outcries, they now live every man peaceably under his owne figgetree […] The Marches beyond and on this side Twede, are as fruitfull and as peaceable as most parts of England.1 o James declared in March 1607 to the English parliament as its members dis- Scussed the merits of union.
    [Show full text]
  • Adaptations of Hooker by Shakespeare and Voegelin
    The Pneumopathology of the Puritan: Adaptations of Hooker by Shakespeare and Voegelin Copyright 2003 Jeffrey Tessier In The New Science of Politics as well as in The History of Political Ideas, Voegelin comes to his analysis of Puritanism by way of Richard Hooker, focusing in part on Hooker's account of the psychological techniques through which Puritanism advanced its cause. While mindful of Hooker's shortcomings as a philosopher, Voegelin praises and relies on his diagnostic acumen. His analysis of "the psychological mechanism that is put into operation in the creation of mass movements"1 [1] is as useful now for understanding modern gnostic movements as it was then in analysing the radical response to the emergent Anglican ecclesiastical order. It was Hooker's insight into the psychological origins and political consequences of the Puritan movement that enabled him to present the mechanism by which the Puritans would implement on a mass scale the desire of the movement's egomaniacal members that their private will be established as the public will, a revolution which would destroy the reality of and hope for the common weal of the nation.2 [2] 1 [1] Eric Voegelin, The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin, vol. 23, History of Political Ideas, vol. 5: Religion and the Rise of Modernity, ed. James L. Wiser (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1998), 94-5. 2 [2] Ibid, 98. In his discussion of Hooker, Voegelin draws attention to an interesting problem. If the Puritans are as Hooker says they are, then the deformed condition of their souls makes them immune to the sort of persuasive speech that characterises his writing.
    [Show full text]
  • How English Baptists Changed the Early Modern Toleration Debate
    RADICALLY [IN]TOLERANT: HOW ENGLISH BAPTISTS CHANGED THE EARLY MODERN TOLERATION DEBATE Caleb Morell Dr. Amy Leonard Dr. Jo Ann Moran Cruz This research was undertaken under the auspices of Georgetown University and was submitted in partial fulfillment for Honors in History at Georgetown University. MAY 2016 I give permission to Lauinger Library to make this thesis available to the public. ABSTRACT The argument of this thesis is that the contrasting visions of church, state, and religious toleration among the Presbyterians, Independents, and Baptists in seventeenth-century England, can best be explained only in terms of their differences over Covenant Theology. That is, their disagreements on the ecclesiological and political levels were rooted in more fundamental disagreements over the nature of and relationship between the biblical covenants. The Baptists developed a Covenant Theology that diverged from the dominant Reformed model of the time in order to justify their practice of believer’s baptism. This precluded the possibility of a national church by making baptism, upon profession of faith, the chief pre- requisite for inclusion in the covenant community of the church. Church membership would be conferred not upon birth but re-birth, thereby severing the links between infant baptism, church membership, and the nation. Furthermore, Baptist Covenant Theology undermined the dominating arguments for state-sponsored religious persecution, which relied upon Old Testament precedents and the laws given to kings of Israel. These practices, the Baptists argued, solely applied to Israel in the Old Testament in a unique way that was not applicable to any other nation. Rather in the New Testament age, Christ has willed for his kingdom to go forth not by the power of the sword but through the preaching of the Word.
    [Show full text]
  • WRAP THESIS Rickard 2002.Pdf
    University of Warwick institutional repository: http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap/2672 This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. James I and the Performance and Representation of Royalty by Jane Rickard L A thesis submitted for the degreeof Doctor of Philosophy in RenaissanceStudies University of Warwick, Centre for the Study of the Renaissance December 2002 For James(Mardock not Stuart) with thanks. Contents Introduction 1 Chapter 1: The Performance and Representation of Royalty of James VI 27 The Scottish Political Context 28 The Performance of Royalty in Scotland 37 James's Representation of Royalty: Poetry and Scriptural Exegeses 42 James's Representation of Royalty: Basilikon Doron and The Trew 55 Law of Free Monarchies Elizabeth I: A Contrasting Style of Representation 68 Conclusion: English Expectations 78 Chapter 2: James I's Performance of the Role of King: Magnificence and 81 Extravagance Civic Performance 82 Royal Magnificence in the Court 94 Royal Magnificence on the European Stage 98 Reinforcement or Threat? The Magnificence of those around the King 107 Magnificence as Extravagance 117 James's Verbal Re-Presentation of Royal Magnificence 131 Chapter 3: The Royal Author in England: James's Literary Strategies 139 The Word of God and The Word of the King: James's scriptural exegeses 140 and the King James Bible Royal Authorship: from James's Workesto his manuscript poetry 150 James'sanxieties about interpretation and representation 167 Chapter 4: The Problem of the Reader and the Risk of Royal Self- 176 Demystification James'stextual responsesto his anxieties about textual authority 179 James'stextual responsesto his anxieties about public exposureand 188 political authority .
    [Show full text]
  • Scottish Nationalism
    James Madison University JMU Scholarly Commons Masters Theses The Graduate School Summer 2012 Scottish nationalism: The symbols of Scottish distinctiveness and the 700 Year continuum of the Scots' desire for self determination Brian Duncan James Madison University Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/master201019 Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Duncan, Brian, "Scottish nationalism: The symbols of Scottish distinctiveness and the 700 Year continuum of the Scots' desire for self determination" (2012). Masters Theses. 192. https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/master201019/192 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the The Graduate School at JMU Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of JMU Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Scottish Nationalism: The Symbols of Scottish Distinctiveness and the 700 Year Continuum of the Scots’ Desire for Self Determination Brian Duncan A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of JAMES MADISON UNIVERSITY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts History August 2012 Table of Contents Abstract…………………………………………………………………………….…….iii Chapter 1, Introduction……………………………………………………………………1 Chapter 2, Theoretical Discussion of Nationalism………………………………………11 Chapter 3, Early Examples of Scottish Nationalism……………………………………..22 Chapter 4, Post-Medieval Examples of Scottish Nationalism…………………………...44 Chapter 5, Scottish Nationalism Masked Under Economic Prosperity and British Nationalism…...………………………………………………….………….…………...68 Chapter 6, Conclusion……………………………………………………………………81 ii Abstract With the modern events concerning nationalism in Scotland, it is worth asking how Scottish nationalism was formed. Many proponents of the leading Modernist theory of nationalism would suggest that nationalism could not have existed before the late eighteenth century, or without the rise of modern phenomena like industrialization and globalization.
    [Show full text]
  • Anglican Principles for Liturgical Revision
    ATR/92:3 Expressing What Christians Believe: Anglican Principles for Liturgical Revision J. Barrington Bates* What principles have guided liturgical revision in the Anglican Communion? This essay attempts to address that question for each of four historical periods, as well as offer suggestions for fu- ture revision. The author asserts that we cannot simply forge ahead with more experimental texts and trial liturgies if we truly endeavor both to value the inherited tradition and to move where the Spirit is leading us. By working toward a shared understand- ing of principles for liturgical revision, the Episcopal Church and other entities in the Anglican Communion can potentially avoid fractious conflict, produce better quality liturgical texts, and foster confidence that we are following divine guidance. “Liturgy expresses what Christians believe. To change the liturgy therefore runs the risk of changing doctrine—or at least those doctrines which worshippers regularly hear and absorb and which become part of their Christian identity.”1 Since the formal establishment of a separate identity for the Church of England from that of Rome in the sixteenth century, the various church entities that now form the Anglican Communion have made numerous revisions to their liturgy. What principles have guided these efforts? This essay attempts to address that question for each of four historical periods: (1) the reforms of the sixteenth cen- tury, focusing on the claims made by Thomas Cranmer and Richard * J. Barrington Bates currently serves as rector of the Church of the Annunciation in Oradell, New Jersey (www.annunciationoradell.org). He holds a Ph.D. in liturgical studies from Drew University, as well as master’s degrees from the Church Divin- ity School of the Pacific, the Graduate Theological Union, the General Theological Seminary, and Drew.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Law Makes the King': Richard Hooker on Law Andprincely Rule
    18 ‘Law Makes the King’: Richard Hooker on Law and Princely Rule Thnailce Kirby Much of Richard hookers (1554—4600) career was spent in theological controversy concerning the constitutional provisions of the Elizabethan Settlement of 1559 (Kirby 2008: 1—26). In his capacity as Master of the Temple in the Inns of Court, Ih)oker preached a series of sermons in the mid- 1 580s on some of the central themes of Ref ormation theology, including A Lea,’ntd I)iscoiirse OJJJ/StlJIcatlon, an influential piece on the doctrine of faith and salvation first published in 1612 (Hooker 1977—90: 5:83ff.). Hooker’s orthodoxy was formally challenged by the disciplinarian Puritan divine Walter Travers in A Supplication made to the Privy Council: he sharply challenged Hooker’s strong appeal to the authority of reason and natural law in religious and ecclesiastical matters as inconsistent with the chief tenets of reformed doctrinal ortho doxy (Hooker 1977—90: 5: 261—9). Hookers formal Answer (Ilooker 1977—90: 5:227—57) to Travurs’s objections laid the groundwork of the philosophical and theo logical system, which he expounded, in considerably greater detail, in his treatise of 3, From the outset the question of the the 1590s, Of the Laws of Eccleiiastical Pout consistency of Hooker’s defence of the ‘Erastian’’ presuppositions of the Elizabethan religious settlement with his theological Premises — more specifically on the question of the unification of civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the Crown — lay at the very heart of these disputes. The Laui is a ‘very considerable undertaking, and consists of a lengthy preface and in three 2 The first four eight books, usually published separate volumes.
    [Show full text]
  • Michaelmas Term 2018 Chapel Services and Music MAGDALEN
    Michaelmas Term 2018 Chapel Services and Music MAGDALEN COLLEGE OXFORD COVER IMAGE: DETAIL FROM MAGDALEN COLLEGE MS LAT 223, GOSPEL LECTIONARY COMMISSIONED BY CARDINAL WOLSEY (1529, LONDON) We welcome you to our worshipping community at Magdalen. Prayer and praise have been offered to God in this place since the fifteenth century, when the College was founded by William of Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester. The statutes of 1480 make provision for a Choir comprising sixteen boy Choristers and a number of adult Clerks, ‘that the worship of God, from whom all good things come, might be increased more widely and better sustained’. That tradition continues unchanged today. The Choirmaster at Magdalen retains the ancient Latin title Informator Choristarum, and among those who have held the post over the centuries are John Sheppard, Daniel Purcell, Sir John Stainer, Sir William McKie, and, in more recent years, Dr Bernard Rose. It is the aim of the Dean of Divinity and the Informator Choristarum that all our services here should be dedicated to the glory of God. Our music is not an end in itself but part of a larger whole. We hope that in the singing and in the silence, in the spoken word and in the beauty of this house of God, you will feel that greater presence, and be blessed by the peace that passes all understanding. MARK WILLIAMS JONATHAN ARNOLD Informator Choristarum Dean of Divinity MICHAELMAS TERM Choral Services Services are normally sung by Magdalen College Choir (men and boys). Evensong on Saturdays is normally sung by Magdalen Consort of Voices (men and women).
    [Show full text]
  • The Accession of James VI and I and English Sentiment, 1603 – 1612
    The Accession of James VI and I and English Sentiment, 1603 – 1612 Eric William Franklin A Thesis Submitted to Saint Mary’s University, Halifax, Nova Scotia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in History April 2018, Halifax, Nova Scotia © Eric William Franklin, 2018 Examining Committee: Approved: Dr. Cynthia Neville External Examiner Approved: Dr. Tim Stretton Thesis Advisor Approved: Dr. Michael Vance Reader April 13, 2018 i The Accession of James VI and I and English Sentiment, 1603 – 1612 Eric William Franklin Abstract This thesis explores the effect of King James VI and I on the English sense of national self from 1603 through 1612. It suggests that the debate regarding union between Scotland and England heightened the English sense of nationhood. Parliament’s rejection of an Anglo-Scottish union constituted a response to both James’ Scottish nationality and his vision of England and Scotland as equal partners within a British union, notions that ran counter to parliamentary expectations of English hegemony within the British Isles. In effect, James threatened the notion that the English held of themselves as an elect people. Ultimately, this study argues that James’ reign was a fulcrum that pushed the English to re-evaluate their place within the British Isles. Although political elites re-affirmed the primacy of English cultural and political dominance in the region, many English rejected a more expansive alternate identity in the guise of Britishness. April 13, 2018 ii Table of Contents Abstract
    [Show full text]
  • Anglicans and the Interpretation of Scripture
    Southwark Cathedral Lecture July 3rd 2008 ANGLICANS AND THE INTERPRETATION OF SCRIPTURE INTRODUCTION – BIBLE, BELIEF AND WORSHIP Original title: “The Anglican Understanding and Use of Scripture” I queried the use of “the” and the singular (in “understanding and use”). I was always taught that Anglicans have no separate doctrine and belief – this is rather a commonly repeated tenet of Anglicans. Archbishop Geoffrey Fisher: “We have no doctrine of our own – we only possess the Catholic doctrine of the Catholic Church enshrined in the Catholic creeds and those creeds we hold without addition or diminution.”1 Bishop Stephen Neil: “There are no special Anglican doctrines, there is no particular Anglican theology.”2 This view was challenged by Bishop Stephen Sykes in an essay originally written for the Lambeth Conference of 1988 and reprinted his Unashamed Anglicanism, in which he argues at least for an Anglican understanding of the church, if not doctrine, which also includes a commitment to the public reading of scripture.3 I would be interested to know how Canon Jane Steen’s lecture handled this topic of Anglican Belief last week! (not yet on the website). But at the very least, even granting Bishop Sykes’ point about an Anglican understanding of the church, there is no one, single Anglican doctrine for the understanding and use of scripture. Furthermore, the use of the singular “scripture” itself is somewhat problematic. After all, ta biblia in Greek, the word which gives us our singular word ‘Bible’, is actually plural, and means ‘the books’ so the phrase, “the scriptures” is a much better translation of ta biblia – and recognizes the essential plurality of the scriptures, namely that the Bible is a library containing some 66 books, written in several different languages, in a variety of literary genres and types (narrative, poetry, drama, prophetic oracles, biographies, letters and so forth) over a period 1 G.F.
    [Show full text]
  • Great Britain/British” from a Brand Perspective - 1603 to 1625
    An analysis of the performance of the term “Great Britain/British” from a brand perspective - 1603 to 1625 By Eric Paterson Hall Submitted to the University of Hertfordshire in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, July 2013 1 Acknowledgements I am grateful to Hertfordshire Business School and the Department of Humanities of the University of Hertfordshire for the support they have provided throughout this project. So many colleagues have been supportive in so many ways that it would be invidious to name individuals. However, I must acknowledge two individuals whose input has been outstanding; my supervisors, Dr Ruth Herman of the Business School and Dr Alan Thomson of the Department of Humanities, whose knowledge, wisdom and encouragement have been invaluable. 2 Abstract The dissertation takes the modern business technique/concept of brands and branding, applies them to a historic case study, the creation by James VI and I of Great Britain from 1603 to 1625, and by doing so throws new light on both. It compares two distinct approaches to branding, unidirectional and social interactionist, postulating that the latter would prove better at explaining the success of the brand Great Britain/British. The case study reveals that neither approach is supported by the evidence. Content analysis shows that there was a lack of awareness of the brand Great Britain/British and an inconsistency in its use, hence neither approach can be sustained. However, the same analysis does show that an alternative brand, England/English, existed in the same time and that this brand provides some limited support for the social interactionist view of brands and branding.
    [Show full text]
  • The Origins of Historical Jurisprudence: Coke, Selden, Hale
    Articles The Origins of Historical Jurisprudence: Coke, Selden, Hale Harold J. Berman CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ............................................. 1652 I. T HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF ENGLISH LEGAL PHILOSOPHY, TWELFTH TO SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES ......................... 1656 A. Scholastic Jurisprudenceand Its Sixteenth-Century Rivals ......... 1656 B. Richard Hooker's "Comprehensive" Legal Philosophy ........... 1664 C. The Legal Theory of Absolute Monarchy: James I and Bodin ...... 1667 II. SIR EDWARD COKE: HIS MAJESTY'S LOYAL OPPONENT .............. 1673 A. Coke's Acceptance of James' Premises and the Sources of His Opposition to James' Conclusions ...................... 1673 B. Coke's Philosophy of English Law ......................... 1678 C. Coke's Historicism .................................... 1687 D. Coke's Concept of the English Common Law as Artificial Reason .... 1689 III. JOHN SELDEN'S LEGAL PHILOSOPHY .......................... 1694 t Robert NV.Woodruff Professor of Law, Emory Law School; James Barr Ames Professor of Law, Emeritus, Harvard Law School. The valuable collaboration of Charles J. Reid, Jr., Research Associate in Law and History, Emory Law School, is gratefully acknowledged. 1651 1652 The Yale Law Journal [Vol. 103: 1651 A. Coke to Selden to Hale ................................. 1694 B. Selden ' Historicity Versus Coke's Historicism ................. 1695 C. The Consensual Characterof Moral Obligations ............... 1698 D. The Origins of Positive Law in Customary Law ................ 1699 E. Magna Cartaand
    [Show full text]