48 2018 INDICE/ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ

STUDI SULLA TIPOGRAFIA VENEZIANA Omaggio alla stampa e alla plurisecolare editoria veneziana

Leo Citelli, L’ dei Deipnosophistai di Ateneo di Naucrati. 13-76 Renato D’Antiga, La pubblicazione della Filocalia dei Padri Neptici (1782)...... 77-96 Geri Della Rocca de Candal – Riccardo Olocco – Yannis Kokkonas, Experimenting with Greek typography: the undated Vicenza Chrysolaras [1477]...... 97-116 Serena Ferrando, Dal Ne quid nimis di Alberto III Pio da Carpi al Festina lente di Aldo Manuzio: I prodigi di una Weltanschauung d’arte ed armonia tra testo e immagine nel piccolo e nel grande mondo... 117-136 Mario Infelise, Athanasios Skiadas e la gazetta in lingua greca del 1737...... 137-144 Frederick Lauritzen, Il Tucidide di San Zanipolo (BNF SUPPL. GR. 255) e l ’editio princeps di Aldo Manuzio (1502)...... 145-160 Miroslav A. Lazicʹ, and editions of early serbian printed books.... 161-192 Margherita Losacco, «Riconquistare con la stampa l’eredità dei nostri avi»: Andrea Mustoxidi, Demetrio Schinas, e una raccolta di inediti greci (1816-1817)...... 193-230 Irene Papadaki, Παρὰ Ἀντωνίῳ τῷ Πινέλλῳ: La fondazione dell'azienda tipografica pinelliana nel primo seicento...... 231-320 Georgios Ploumidis, La stamperia Andreola. Le sue edizioni greche.... 321-340 Baykar Sivazliyan, La nascita della stampa armena e la diaspora..... 341-352 Irini Solomonidi, Boccaccio in the Gennadius Library: Two venetian editions, two greek collectors...... 353-374 Stefano Trovato, Tra imprenditoria e ideologia: Imperatori di Bisanzio nella ristampa padovana della «Encyclopédie Méthodique» di Panckoucke...... 375-400 8 Indice/Περιεχόμενα

ATTI DEL CONVEGNO SPAZI VENEZIANI E SPAZI MEDITERRANEI Legami tra Venezia e il mare in possibili itinerari di ricerca nell'Archivio di Stato di Venezia Giornate di Studio Venezia, Archivio di Stato, 12-13 novembre 2018

Introduzioni Giovanna Giubbini, Le giornate di studio in Archivio di Stato - novembre 2018...... 403-404 Georgios Ploumidis, L’avventura mediterranea di Venezia...... 405-409 Andrea Pelizza, Spazi veneziani. Spazi mediterranei: orizzonti di studio e di ricerca...... 410-411 Giovanni Caniato, Lungo le rotte dei Veneziani...... 412-413

Isabella Cecchini, A cosa serve una piazza mercantile? Il ruolo di Rialto...... 415-428 Stefania Coccato, Il mare nella vita quotidiana. Tracce nella Cultura Materiale trecentesca...... 429-436 Nikos Karapidakis, I testi che formano la «comunità»: sopravvivenze dell’ antichità nel dialogo politico e amministrativo tra repubblica di Venezia e comunità di Corfù (17-18 sec.)...... 437-444 Nikolaos Lianos, I progetti per la difesa dell’ Istmo di Corinto all’epoca della seconda dominazione veneziana...... 445-478 Emma Maglio, Un catasto della città di Candia nei documenti inediti dell’ Archivio di Stato di Venezia (XVI-XVII sec.)...... 479-494 Lucia Nadin, I trecenteschi statuti di Scutari, monumento dell’ Albania medievale...... 495-508 Ermanno Orlando, Migrare dai Balcani a Venezia: Il caso di Spalato nel XV secolo...... 509-520 Andrea Pelizza, «Andar per mare a buscarci il pane». Riconosci- menti pubblici e pratiche devozionali per i capitani veneti impegnati nella lotta con i corsari nel secolo XVII...... 521-534 Gaga Shurgaia, Simon I re di Kartli (1556-1569, 1578-1600) nell’Archivio di Stato di Venezia...... 535-556 Indice/Περιεχόμενα 9

RICERCHE

Kalliope Dourou, Nikolaos Loukanes: An attempt at a biography..... 559-586 Σπύρος Χρ. Καρύδης, Ναοὶ καὶ μονὲς ἀπὸ τὴν κτητορεία στὴ «Sere- nissima Signoria». Μιὰ μελέτη περίπτωσης στὸν βενετοκρα- τούμενο κερκυραϊκὸ χῶρο...... 587-628 Γεώργιος Ν. Μοσχόπουλος, Ὁ κώδικας (σὲ ἀντίγραφο) τοῦ ναοῦ τῆς Ἁγίας Τριάδος τῶν Ἑλλήνων τοῦ Λιβόρνου (1768-1849) στὴ βιβλιοθήκη τοῦ ἑλληνικοῦ Ἰνστιτούτου Βενετίας. Ἐπισημάνσεις στοιχείων γιὰ τὴν ἐθνικὴ συνείδηση τῶν ἀποδήμων Ἑλλήνων καὶ τὸν φωτισμὸ τοῦ γένους...... 629-639 Παντελής Γ. Παπαγεωργίου, Της Πούλιας και Σικελίας εκείνα τα Ῥηγάτα: Ηγεμονία και άσκηση εξουσίας στο μεσαιωνικό βασίλειο της Σικελίας και νοτίου Ιταλίας υπό την οπτική ιστορικών πηγών της ύστερης βυζαντινής γραμματείας...... 641-662 Νάσα Παταπίου, Η κυπριακή οικογένεια των Ποδοκαθάρων. Επανε- ξέταση των πηγών υπό το φως νέων αρχειακών μαρτυριών.... 663-714 Ιωάννης Κ. Χασιώτης, Σπύρος Βρυώνης (1928-2019). Βιο-εργογραφία.. 715-736 Πεπραγμένα Ελληνικού Ινστιτούτου Βενετίας κατά το έτος 2018.... 737-746 Calliope Dourou

Nikolaos Loukanes: an attempt at a biography

Rarely can someone marveling at Raphael’ s , famously flanked by Dante Alighieri and Virgil in the “Parnassus” adorning the Stanza della Segnatura in the Vatican Palace, come to realize that one of the earliest admirers of this masterpiece of the Italian High Renaissance, which was designed and executed by the artist himself between 1508 and 1511, was – in all probability – a charismatic scholar from Greece to whom we owe the first printed rendition of the Iliad in a modern language. Born at the dawn of the eventful sixteenth century, the Cinquecento of star- tling transatlantic discoveries, ceaseless Italian Wars, the vociferous emergence of the Protestant Reformation, and the unrelenting Ottoman advance into European territory, Nikolaos Loukanes, like so many of his erudite compatriots residing in flourishing cities in the West (e.g. Ianos Laskares and Markos Moussouros), ap- pears to have ardently devoted himself to humanist intellectual endeavors aimed at instigating a revival of classical literature, while at the same time responding to an unremitting longing to keep alive in the hearts of his fellow Greeks the empowering legacy of their illustrious ancestors.. This was an exceptionally vibrant period both intellectually and editorially, remembered today for ushering in a growing appreciation of the aesthetic and expressive potential of, until that point, predominantly undervalued vernacular languages. It was also an era of profound ideological ferment that gradually cul- minated in the precocious conceptualization of national identity in Europe. The present chapter is an attempt to delineate Loukanes’ s fascinating per- sonal and scholarly trajectory, from his early, formative years as a student at the “Gymnasium Mediceum ad Caballinum Montem”1 in to the year of his-

1. For more information regarding the Gymnasium, see V. Fanelli, «Il ginnasio Greco di Leone X a Roma», Studi romani 9 (1961), 379-393; S. Pagliaroli, «Giano Lascari e il ginnasio Greco», Studi medievali e umanistici 2 (2004), 215-293. 560 CALLIOPe DOUROU publication of the Iliad (1526) in Venice, subsequent to which the author’ s name sinks into obscurity. Reconstructing the life of a lesser-known author on the basis of extant archival records is an arduous, yet thoroughly rewarding process. Dur- ing a short, two-month stint in 2014 at the Istituto Ellenico di Studi Bizantini e Postbizantini di Venezia, generously funded by a Charles P. Chegal Student Research and Travel Fellowship, I was glad to discover a manuscript note on a flyleaf of Vat. Barb. gr. 239 which adds clarity to Loukanes’ s biography, evi- dence on which is otherwise scarce. Beyond offering a brief glimpse into Loukanes’ s life, this article will shed considerable light on the better documented political and cultural outlook of the post-Byzantine dotti who played so vital a role in the author’ s intellectual growth from the very outset of his educational experience. Deeply steeped in the classical Greek tradition and gravely concerned about the alarming and seemingly unre- strainable expansion of the Ottoman Empire in the West during the first quarter of the sixteenth century, scholars such as Ianos Laskares and Markos Moussouros wholeheartedly devoted their lives to the cause of Greek liberation, as their numerous fervent appeals for a crusade against the inveterate enemies of Chris- tianity, the Ottomans, amply testify. Analogous was the patriotic zeal of distin- guished printers of Greek texts, like Zacharias Kallierges, Loukanes’ s teacher at the “Gymnasium Caballini montis” who pioneered the establishment of printing presses exclusively dedicated to the printing of Greek books. It is only by giving due consideration to their visions and worries, as well as those of Loukanes’ s fellow-students at the Gymnasium, like Nikolaos Sophianos, that we can develop a more nuanced understanding of the author’ s cosmos: a world of looming uncer- tainty and political unrest, but also a world redolent with the enchanting scent of the artistic achievements of the Renaissance. As mentioned above, information about Loukanes’ s life and activities is scant. Thanks to a very important discovery made by Manoussos Manousakas in 1963,2

2. M. Μanoussakas, «Ἡ παρουσίαση ἀπὸ τὸν Ἰανὸ Λάσκαρη τῶν πρώτων μαθητῶν τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Γυμνασίου τῆς Ῥώμης στὸν Πάπα Λέοντα Ιʹ (15 Φεβρουαρίου 1514)», Ὁ Ἐρανιστής 1.5 (1963), 161-163. This is a manuscript notation from the island of Zakynthos referring to the year 1514. It is included in ff. 110v-111r of the manuscript Marc. gr. II 99 (1261) in the Biblioteca Marciana in Venice. The manuscript once belonged to the library of the monastery of St. George Kremnon. The notation was written by one of the oldest notaries in the island of Zakynthos, Theodoros Raptopoulos. It is believed to preserve information from a letter that Ianos Laskares had sent from Rome to the parents of the students of the Gymnasium, or the authorities of the island and the inhabitants of Zakynthos collectively. Laskares’ s letter was written on February 15, 1514, the day when the newly admitted students were formally introduced to the Pope. Nikolaos Loukanes: an attempt at a biography 561 we are in a position to know that Nikolaos Loukanes was born on most probably in Zakynthos,3 sometime between 1502 and 15044 and that he belonged to the first cluster of students of the “Gymnasium Mediceum ad Caballinum Mon- tem”.5 Unlike the Pontifical Greek College of St. Athanasius, founded by Pope

3. Most scholars agree that Nikolaos Loukanes hailed from Zakynthos. This is surmised on the basis of an argumentum ex silentio. While Raptopoulos’ s note mentioned that some students of the Gymnasium came from Corfu, Megali Mani, and , it failed to make any reference to the provenance of the other students. Since Raptopoulos was a native of the island of Zakynthos, it might have been natural for him to leave out redundant information about the origin of his compatriots. See Manoussakas «Ἡ παρουσίαση ἀπὸ τὸν Ἰανὸ Λάσκαρη», 170. Of course, the evidence is not conclusive. Konstantinos Sathas, who wrote the introduction for the 1870 incomplete edition of Loukanes’ s Iliad (N. Loukanes, Ὁμήρου Ἰλιὰς μεταβληθεῖσα πάλαι εἰς κοινὴν γλῶσσαν, edited by É. Legrand, Athens 1870, pp. ζ-η), argued at the time of publication that there is no reliable evidence regarding Loukanes’ s birthplace, only to affirm in 1879, without any proof, that the author came from Corfu (K. Sathas, «Le Roman d’ Achille, texte inédit en grec vulgaire», Annuaire de l ’ Association pour l ’ encouragement des études grecques en France, 13 (1879), 138, n. 2). What is even more perplexing is that two years before the publication of the 1526 Iliad, Sathas was claiming – again without proof – that Loukanes was a native of Zakynthos (Idem, Νεοελληνικὴ Φιλολογία: βιογραφίαι τῶν ἐν τοῖς γράμμασι διαλαμψάντων Ἑλλήνων, ἀπὸ τῆς καταλύσεως τῆς Βυζαντινῆς Αὐτοκρατορίας μέχρι τῆς Ἑλληνικῆς Ἐθνεγερσίας, 1453-1821, Athens 1868, p. 135). In 1880, the archbishop of Zakynthos, Nikolaos Katrames, forcefully contended that Loukanes came from Zakynthos, supporting his assertion with linguistic evidence. According to him, some of the words that Loukanes had incorporated in the index prefacing his rendition of the Iliad offered incon- trovertible proof that Loukanes was a native of Zakynthos. Additionally, Katrames alluded to legal documents held by the island archives that attested to the presence of a homonymous family in Zakynthos, although he admitted that analogous certificates could also be found in the records of Corfu. Katrames also laboriously enumerated the names of all those who had at times maintained that Loukanes was Zakynthian. Finally, he briefly mentioned that Aimilios Typaldos considered him a native of Corfu (N. Katramis, Φιλολογικά Ἀνάλεκτα Ζακύνθου, Zakynthos 1880, pp. 248-250). 4. The date of his birth is also a matter of conjecture. A tentative date was given as c. 1502-1504 by Francis R. Walton, who based his estimate on the fact that Loukanes was the eighth student to formally greet the Pope at the ceremony of the presentation of the students to the latter, so artfully orchestrated by Ianos Laskares (N. Loukanes, Ὁμήρου Ἰλιάς (1526), facsim. ed. with an introduction by Francis R. Walton, Athens 1979, p. 3). Since the first boy was seven years old and the second and third eight, it is not unreasonable to assume that Loukanes, who was deemed capable of declaiming a much more elaborate salutation, was ap- proximately ten to twelve years old at the time. It is noteworthy that 1504 was a year marked by a “serious shortage of food in Greece and Turkey” (Κ. Μ. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, vol. 3, Philadelphia 1984, p. 17). 5. Fanelli notes that the new school was known by various different names. Aldo called it Accademia, Moussouros Accademia del Lascaris, Peter Devares Scuola greca, Gregorovius 562 CALLIOPe DOUROU

Gregory XIII in 1577 with a stridently proselytizing mission, the Gymnasium founded in Rome in 1514 by the humanist had the sole purpose of fostering Greek studies in Italy.6 A letter of August 6, 1513 dispatched on the Pope’ s behalf to Markos Moussouros7 by the papal secretary Pietro Bembo, elo- quently describes the philosophy of the school: Marco Musuro Cretensi. Cum magnopere cupiam Graecorum sermo- nem et graecas disciplinas jam prope abolitas atque deperditas restituere, et quantum in me positum est consulere bonis artibus, exploratumque habeam et praestanti te doctrina et judicio esse praeditum singulari, man- do tibi ut suscipias diligentem curam adducendi ad nos e Graecia decem aut duodecim, aut sane quot voles ipse, liberalis ingenii bonaeque indo- lis pueros, unde latinis hominibus linguae illius verus germanusque usus, rectaque cognition, et tanquam seminarium quoddam bonorum studiorum commode confici et comparari possit. Qua de re Joannes Lascaris, vir propter suas virtutes et multam iis in litteris doctrinam mihi valde carus, scribet ad te pluribus verbis. Te vero, pro tua vetere in me observantia, quae opus esse ad eorum studiorum rationem et hanc rem, quam paro, cognoveris, sane confide summa diligentia curaturum. 8 The renowned Cretan Hellenist is asked “to bring from Greece ten or twelve, or indeed as many as he wishes, young fellows of plentiful intellectual abilities and of a morally good disposition”,9 as it was believed that through their instruction the Latins could gain a more advanced and comprehensive grasp of

Gymnasium Caballini montis, while often it was referred to as Collegio Greco (Fanelli, «Il ginnasio Greco», 384. 6. Manoussakas, «Ἡ παρουσίαση ἀπὸ τὸν Ἰανὸ Λάσκαρη», 167; Aikaterini Koumaria­ nou – G. Tolias, «Ο Αναγεννησιακός Νικόλαος Σοφιανός», Βυζάντιο - Βενετία - Νεώτερoς Ελ­ληνισμός. Μια περιπλάνηση στον κόσμο της Επιστημονικής Σκέψης, edited by G. N. Vlachakis – T. Nikolaidis, Athens 2004, p. 148. See also Pagliaroli, «Giano Lascari», 220. Pagliaroli reveals that Leo’ s father, Lorenzo the Magnificent, also had a similar plan, wishing to establish a school in where students from Greece could study under the instruction of knowledgeable Greek tutors. Laskares was entrusted with the mission of finding and bringing from Greece “pueros dociles et graecos viros eruditos”. 7. Moussouros was at the time teaching in Padova (Fanelli, «Il ginnasio Greco», 380). 8. P. Bembo, Epistolarum Leonis decimi, pontifices maximi, nomine scriptarum libri XVI, Venice 1535, pp. 4, 8. It should be noted that the school did not have Greek students exclusively; E. Layton, The sixteenth century Greek book in Italy: Printers and publishers for the Greek world, Venice 1994, p. 323; Fanelli, «Il ginnasio Greco», 389); Pagliaroli, «Giano Lascari», 262. 9. Translation my own. Nikolaos Loukanes: an attempt at a biography 563

Greek. The students could thus contribute to the long-awaited revival of Greek studies in Italy. But if for the Pope the school had an unmistakably humanist scope, the person who was entrusted with the task of recruiting its first students, Markos Moussouros, along with his mentor Ianos Laskares, who had in the first place envisioned the foundation of such a school,10 equally foregrounded its capac- ity to galvanize the young pupils’ patriotism.11 According to the dedicatory epistle to Ianos Laskares with which Moussouros prefaces his 1516 edition of Pausanias,12 the neophyte scholars, who are described as noble-born, diligent, and intellectually outstanding,13 were expected in due course to requite their benefactor with works in prose and verse proclaiming the glory of Laskares’ s genos and exalting the virtue of his ancestors, the most honorable emper- ors of Greece. Charis Meletiadis has astutely observed that though carefully couched in encomiastic terms and specifically referring to Laskares’ s noble lineage, this can also be taken as an implicit reference to the genos of the Greeks in general, whose illustrious heritage they shared and were called to promulgate.14 One should not forget that in 1514, the year when the school started its op- eration, hopes for a crusade against the Ottomans were running high and Greek scholars in Italy, such as Laskares and Moussouros, who were privileged to enjoy the personal acquaintance and friendship of the Pope, felt an overwhelming urge to exhort the already eager Pontifex to unite the Christian powers in an expedi- tion against the common enemies of Christianity. It is against this backdrop of relative optimism concerning Eastern affairs that the formal salutations addressed to Pope Leo X by the newly arrived students should be read. The revealing man- uscript notation from the island of Zakynthos referring to the year 1514, which was published by Manoussakas, is believed to preserve information from a letter that Ianos Laskares had sent from Rome to the parents of the students of the Gymnasium, or the authorities of the island and the inhabitants of Zakynthos collectively.15 Laskares’ s letter was written on February 15, 1514, the day when

10. Manoussakas, «Ἡ παρουσίαση ἀπὸ τὸν Ἰανὸ Λάσκαρη», 166. 11. Koumarianou – Tolias, «Ο Αναγεννησιακός Νικόλαος Σοφιανός», p. 147. 12. Legrand, Bibliographie hellénique, ou Description raisonnée, p. 148). 13. Excerpts from the text may be found in Pagliaroli, «Giano Lascari», 243-244, 259- 260. A translation of the excerpts into Italian is also provided. What is somewhat confusing is that when Moussouros refers to the provenance of the students of the Gymnasium, he only mentions Crete, Corfu, and the coastal areas of the . 14. Ch. N. Meletiadis, Αναγεννησιακές τάσεις στη Νεοελληνική Λογιοσύνη: Νικόλαος Σοφιανός, Thessaloniki 2006, p. 89. 15. Manoussakas observes that the recipient of the letter might have been Theodoros Rap- topoulos himself or one of his acquaintances, but he goes on to add that in all likelihood the letter 564 CALLIOPe DOUROU the newly admitted students were formally introduced to the Pope in a welcome ceremony that was meticulously orchestrated by Laskares. The students, who had arrived in Rome eight days earlier, that is on February 7, 1514,16 must have spent the first days after their arrival memorizing the ornate salutations that were assigned to them by Laskares while acclimatizing themselves to the new exciting environment of their boarding school up on the Quirinal Hill.17 Manoussakas argues convincingly that the elaborate salutations in ancient Greek, which were certainly intended to appeal to the Pope’ s erudite literary taste, were composed by Laskares himself.18 The younger students, aged seven and eight years old, had understandably less of a challenge us since their sentences were rather straightforward and short, but their older classmates could have been gravely chal- lenged by the progressively more recondite grammatical structure of the salutations. As Manoussakas perceptively observes, these salutations centered on Leo’ s role as a leading promoter and supporter of classical learning, as well as his potential capac- ity to wrest Greece free from the Ottoman shackles, which were critically imper- iling its cultural heritage. No hint is discernible in these salutations of any kind of prospective subjection of the Eastern Orthodox Church to its Roman Catholic counterpart.19 Pervaded by this spirit, Loukanes’ s salutation, the eighth to have been addressed to the Pope on that day, allows us to listen if only for a fleeting moment to the possibly faltering voice of a young boy who was about to pay his respects to the Pope for the first time: «Λέοντα, Θεοῦ εἰκόν’ , ἑῆς ἐλευθερίης πρόμον, ἐκ θεσφάτων Ἑλλὰς πέμπει με προσειπεῖν».20 Τhis salutation may be was addressed to the parents of the students, or the authorities of the island and the inhabitants of Zakynthos collectively (Manoussakas, «Ἡ παρουσίαση ἀπὸ τὸν Ἰανὸ Λάσκαρη», 163). 16. Ibid., 169. 17. Two years later, in his dedicatory epistle to Laskares prefacing the 1516 edition of Pausanias, Moussouros would describe the blissful condition of the students at the school: «οἳ νῦν ἐν Ῥώμῃ μήτε στέγης μήθ’ ἱματισμοῦ, μήτε τροφῆς ἀποροῦντες, μήτε σοφιστῶν ἐστερημέ- νοι τῶν διδάσκειν καὶ βουλομένων καὶ εἰδότων, θαυμαστὸν ὅσον περὶ ἄμφω προκόπτουσι τῷ λόγῳ, τοῦ πάντ’ ἀρίστου καὶ μεγίστου Ῥώμης ἀρχιερέως Λέοντος δεκάτου χορηγοῦντος». (Legrand, Bibliographie hellénique, ou Description raisonnée, p. 148). Accommodation was provided in the house of on the Quirinal (Pagliaroli, «Giano Lascari», 250). Fanelli claims that the house might have been the villa Colocci near the church of S. Salvatoris de Corneliis that is mentioned in Colocci’ s 1527 will. The church was close to the Dioscuri of Monte Cavallo; it was rebuilt and dedicated to S. Girolamo. In 1603 the second church was demolished to make way for the palace of Cardinal Scipione Borghese (Fanelli, «Il ginnasio Greco», 385, n. 18). The first floor of the Palazzo Borghese is currently the seat of the Embassy of Spain in Italy. 18. Manoussakas, «Ἡ παρουσίαση ἀπὸ τὸν Ἰανὸ Λάσκαρη», 167. 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid., p. 165. Nikolaos Loukanes: an attempt at a biography 565 translated as follows: “Leo, image of God, Greece, as decreed by God, sends me to address you, as the foremost guardian of her freedom”. The idea that the Pope could wield the immense influence of his spiritual authority to unite all the Christian powers in an expedition against the Ottomans was hardly new. Greek scholars residing in the West during the second half of the fifteenth century were quick to perceive the manifold potential advantages of such a promising enterprise for the Greek cause and soon became the most fervent proponents of a crusade.21 Probably the most notable among them was , who even joined Pope Pius II in Ancona when the latter was ready to set sail for Greece to accompany the meager forces that he had been able to muster for such a purpose. As is well known, however, the Pope’ s plans never materialized: death caught up with him in Ancona in 1464. During the following years the only ones embroiled in bitter war with the Ottomans were the Venetians22 and not even the fall of Negroponte in 1470 and the harrowing details of the ensuing massacre of its Christian population were able to impel the other Christian powers to mobi- lize for war.23 Some twenty years later hopes for the liberation of Greece were raised once again by the ambitious drive and unflinching determination shown by the young French king Charles VIII, who even went one step further to procure the succession rights to the Byzantine throne. The highly coveted entitlement to the throne of was solemnly ceded to him by Andreas Palaiologos, the son of the former despot of Morea Thomas, but his grandiose Crusade plans foundered quickly when in 1495 he was ousted from Naples, a city which he had envisioned as his “point de départ for the Levant”.24

21. For a comprehensive overview of the numerous Crusade appeals made by Greek scho- lars see M. Manoussakas, Ἐκκλήσεις (1453-1535) τῶν Ἑλλήνων λογίων τῆς Ἀναγεννήσεως πρὸς τοὺς ἡγεμόνες τῆς Εὐρώπης γιὰ τὴν ἀπελευθέρωση τῆς Ἑλλάδος. Λόγος ἐκφωνηθεὶς τὴν 25ην Μαρτίου 1963 εἰς τὴν Μεγάλην Αἴθουσαν τῶν Τελετῶν, Thessaloniki 1965. 22. The first Ottoman-Venetian War erupted in 1463 and it ended in 1479. 23. See Bessarion’ s desperate attempt to raise awareness of the gravity of the situation through two speeches that were inspired by ’ s Philippic orations. These speeches, which were addressed to Pope Paul II and “the assembled ambassadors of the Italian states”, were printed in 1471 by the French humanist scholar and university professor Guillaume Fichet using the printing press that had been established just two years prior to its publication, in 1469, within the precincts of the Sorbonne. Margaret Meserve, taking note of the innovative nature of Bessarion’ s appeal for a crusade makes some insightful observations (Margaret Meserve, Empires of Islam in Renaissance historical thought, Cambridge, Mass. 2008, pp. 524-525). For Bessarion’ s two orations along with his letters, prefaces, and his Latin translation of De- mosthenes’ s First Olynthiac Oration see Bessarion (Bessarion (ed. Migne), «Orationes contra Turcas», Series Graeca 161, Paris 1866, cols. 647-676). 24. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, p. 453. One of the most passionate supporters 566 CALLIOPe DOUROU

In the years immediately preceding Loukanes’ s birth, the second Otto- man-Venetian War (1499-1503) had turned Zakynthos into a major safe haven for refugees arriving from the captured nearby cities of Naupaktos, Methone, and Korone,25 but still no concerted attempt to halt the seemingly inexorable Ottoman advance was in sight. A series of fierce wars for control over Italy, known as the Italian Wars (1494-1559), having their origin in Charles VIII ’ s invasion of Naples in 1494, had plunged Europe into a seething political and military maelstrom with immeasurable consequences not only for Western, but also – and much to the con- sternation of Greek scholars – for Eastern affairs. In 1508 Ianos Laskares, who had been appointed as the French ambassador to the Serenissima by Louis XII of France, had prepared a detailed plan for a crusade,26 but on the eve of the League of Cambrai, with its disastrous outcome for the Republic of Venice, the timing couldn’ t have been more inopportune. It was not until the elevation of Giovanni di Lorenzo de’ Medici (Leo X) to the papal throne on March 19, 1513 that hopes for the liberation of Greece were imbued with new life and vitality. Moussouros was the first on the Greek side to openly invoke the Pope’ s help against the Ottomans six months after the latter’ s election. In what has been widely considered the crowning achievement of Greek verse in the entire Renais- sance,27 his superb Hymn to Plato, masterfully composed in Homeric – or to be even more accurate Homericizing – Greek,28 the renowned Cretan Hellenist called upon none other than Plato himself to fly down to earth and offer the editio princeps of his works, issued by in 1513, to Pope Leo X.29 The of Charles VIII was the Greek soldier poet Michael Maroullos Tarchaniotes (Manoussakas, Ἐκκλήσεις (1453-1535), p. 15). For a keen analysis of Tarchaniotes’ s Greekness, see H. Lamers, Greece reinvented: Transformations of Byzantine Hellenism in Renaissance Italy, Leiden/Boston 2015, pp. 200-232. 25. The city of Naupaktos surrendered in 1499, while the cities of Methone and Korone, often dubbed the two eyes of the Republic of Venice in the Peloponnese, were conquered in 1500. 26. Informatione ad impresa contro a Turchi data per Jane Lascari nel MDVIII, in N. Ιorga, Notes et extraits pour servir à l’ histoire des croisades au XVe sie`cle, Paris 1890, pp. 45-55. For an analysis of the program proposed by Laskares, see Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, pp. 53-54 and Β. Knös, Un ambassadeur de l’ hellenisme: Janus Lascaris et la tradition grecobyzantine dans l’ humanism français, Uppsala - Paris 1945, pp. 122-125. 27. F. Pontani, «Musurus’ Creed», Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 43 (2003), 175-213; Κ. S. Staikos, Xάρτα της Ελληνικής Τυπογραφίας: Η εκδοτική δραστηριότητα των Ελλήνων και η συμβολή τους στην πνευματική Αναγέννηση της Δύσης, Athens 1989. 28. R. Dijkstra – E. Hermans, «Musurus’ Homeric ode to Plato and his requests to pope Leo X», Akroterion 60 (2015), p. 35. 29. The Hymn to Plato was published as a dedicatory poem prefacing the editio prin- ceps of the works of Plato. The edition was printed by the press of Aldus Manutius in Venice in September 1513. For an insightful analysis of the Hymn and an English translation, see Nikolaos Loukanes: an attempt at a biography 567 expectation was that Leo, swayed by the intercession of so esteemed a suppliant, would be motivated to fulfill the eminent philosopher’ s two requests: a unified campaign on the part of the Christian European powers against the Ottomans and the foundation of a Greek academy in Rome.30 By February 15, 1514, the day of the presentation of the twelve students to the Pope, one of these requests had already been favorably received and Leo had indeed gathered the sons of the Achaeans “in the prime of their youth and not lacking noble thoughts, nor stature or highborn blood”, settling them in Rome under the tutelage of men who preserved “an ember of the ancient letters”.31 Suc- cess had not been attained, however, with respect to the first plea and Leo had not been able “to extinguish the ravening fire of capricious Ares”,32 as the War of the League of Cambrai, to whose atrocities Moussouros evocatively alludes in his poem, would continue well into 1516.33 At the beginning of 1514, five months after the publication of the Hymn to Plato, “the lawless tribes of the cruel wolf-like descendants of the Turks” were

ibid. For an edition of Moussouros’ s poem in Greek, see Legrand, Bibliographie hellénique, ou Description raisonnée, pp. 106-112. For an edition of Moussouros’ s poem in Greek and a good translation of it into English, see Α. Manuzio, The Greek classics, edited and translated by N. G. Wilson [I Tatti Renaissance library 70], Cambridge, Mass. 2016, pp. 302-317. For a translation of the poem in Italian, see L. Ferreri, L’ Italia degli umanisti: Marco Musuro, Turnhout 2014. Ferreri also includes the Latin translation of the poem by Laskares. Some parts of the poem are translated into Modern Greek by Manoussakas (Manoussakas, Ἐκκλήσεις (1453-1535), pp. 18-20). Manilio Cabacio Rallo of Sparta also wrote to Leo X in order to entreat him to organize a crusade against the Turks; see Lamers, Greece reinvented. The third Greek patriot who appealed to the Pope for the same reason was Giovanni Gemisto, a secretary in the Republic of Ancona and allegedly the grandson of Gemistos Plethon. His Latin poem Protrepticon et pronosticon consists of more than two thousand dactylic hexameters and was issued in 1516. For the most recent discussion of the poem, see ibid., pp. 233-269. For a modern edition of the poem, albeit erratic, see K. Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας. Monumenta Historiae Hellenicae. Documents inédits relatifs à l’ histoire de la Grèce au Moyen Âge, vol. 8. 9, Paris 1880. 30. As Dijkstra and Hermans perceptively remark, the Hymn to Plato suggests “that the idea for an academy in Rome is conceived for the first time”. However, the letter that Pietro Bembo, the secretary of Leo X, dispatched to Moussouros on the 6th of August 1513, definitely predates the publication of the Hymn in September 1513. Foffano persuasively argues that the poem had been sent separately to the Pope prior to the publication of the edition. Bembo’ s letter, then, could have been the response to the poem by the Pope (F. Foffano, «Marco Musuro professore di Greco a Padova ed a Venezia», Nuovo Archivio veneto III (1892), 468-469). 31. Dijkstra – Hermans, «Musurus’ Homeric ode», 56; Hymn to Plato, 157-162. 32. Hymn to Plato, 81-98. 33. Venetians and the Papal States were deeply entangled in this war. 568 CALLIOPe DOUROU still threatening to “destroy the name of the Theotokos”34 and the “exhausted by slavery” Greeks were all the more eager to “remember their ancient virtue” and to strike the enemy from within “in order to behold the day of liberty”.35 When Loukanes, following in the footsteps of Plato, approached the Pope on February 15, 1514 and held “his immaculate foot”,36 the Stanza della Seg- natura, where the joyous ceremony was probably held,37 was laden with an air of expectancy. The Pope was indeed very favorably inclined towards the idea of a crusade, the launching of which would also help him solidify his role as adju- dicator of international disputes. When on 13 June, 1513 he received the Polish embassy of obedience, led by the eloquent archbishop of Gnienzo, John Laski, he reportedly burst into tears upon being apprised of the ghastly and heinous crimes committed by the Ottomans in Poland.38 On August 16, 1514 one of the Pope’ s

34. Hymn to Plato, 99-104. 35. Ibid., 131-134. By referring to the willingness of the enslaved Greeks to zealously espouse the cause of a crusade against the Ottomans by forcefully attacking the enemy from within, Moussouros was echoing sentiments expressed in 1508 by Ianos Laskares. Moussouros’ s erstwhile teacher at the Florentine Studio in the 1480s and, after the inception of the Aldine Academy in Venice in 1501, a fellow frequenter of the influential New Academy of Hellenists, had six years earlier commented on the significant momentum the Christian populations of the Ottoman Empire could add to the long-awaited expedition of the European forces anticipating that “at need they would all rise up to fight for Christianity”. An analogous idea was expres- sed in a memorial addressed to Leo X by two Camaldulensian monks, Paolo Giustinian and Vincenzo Querini, in the context of the sixth session of the Fifth Lateran Council. According to the Libellus ad Leonem Decimum, 100,000,000 Christian subjects of the Turks would revolt against their masters once the Christian army had begun to fight and the first sign of victory had become apparent. The Libellus, which is also called De Officio Pontificis, can be found in Mittarelli and Costadoni (1755-1773). It is speculated that the Libellus had been begun before the sixth session of the Lateran Council on April 27, 1513 and that it was finished soon after June 27, 1513. For a brief discussion of the Libellus, see Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, pp. 146-147. For Laskares’ s Informatione ad impresa contro a Turchi, see note 25. For the affiliation of Mousouros and Laskares with the Aldine Academy see Knös, Un ambassadeur de l’ hellenisme, pp. 89-94; D. J. Geanakoplos, Greek Scholars in Venice: Studies in the Dis- semination of Greek Learning from Byzantium to Western Europe. Cambridge, Mass. 1962, pp. 128-132. Giovanni Gemisto conveyed a similar idea in his Protrepticon et pronosticon (1516). When referring to the janissaries, he prognosticated that they would remember their Greek origins and revolt against the Ottomans. 36. Hymn to Plato, 72-73. 37. The Stanza della Segnatura probably contained books, but at the same time it might have functioned as an oval office. See D. Rijser, Raphael’ s Poetics: Art and Poetry in High Renaissance Rome, Amsterdam 2012, pp. 108-110. 38. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, p. 149. Nikolaos Loukanes: an attempt at a biography 569 friends vouchsafed to the young Lorenzo de’ Medici that the Pope was so commit- ted to the crusade that he wanted to go in person.39 During his first eight days in Rome, Loukanes might have had the opportu- nity to overhear Ianos Laskares dilating on the willingness of the Pope to bring about peace in Europe. He may also have chanced upon a copy of the editio prin- ceps of Plato’ s work and grappled with the daunting task of deciphering its highly elusive preface. Perhaps he had stumbled over the Hymn’ s abstruse grammatical structures and its elevated poetic diction, deeply impressed by the astonishing er- udition of its composer, the man who had, in all probability, recruited him as a student for the newly founded Gymnasium in Rome.40 There is one thing for sure: whether by hearsay, dimly understood readings, or even by straightforward dis- cussions with his teachers and peers, Loukanes along with his classmates must have been well aware of the sanguine expectations to which Giovanni di Lorenzo de’ Medici’ s ascendancy to the papal throne had given rise within Greek intellectual circles. When on February 15, 1514 the young boy, amid an entourage of beam- ing classmates, addressed the Pope as the foremost guardian of Greece’ s freedom, it is reasonable to think that he too espoused the cause of a Crusade that could eventually cast off the shackles of Ottoman occupation in Greece, thus enlightening Byzantion with “the returning light of freedom”.41 These were no idle words. Before long the diligently orchestrated ceremony came to an end and the stu- dents were privately convened by Ianos Laskares, the director of the Gymnasium. What the eminent Hellenist was resolutely keen on telling them, as preserved in the manuscript notation from the island of Zakynthos published by Manoussakas, is worthy of note: Ἀκόμη ἔκαμέ των καὶ ἕναν ὁρισμόν. Νά τί λέγει: Νὰ κρατοῦν τὴν τάξιν τῶν Ῥωμαίων τὴν θείαν καὶ τινὰς νὰ μὴν τολμήσῃ οὔτε Τετράδην νὰ φάγῃ κρέας οὔτε Παρασκευὴ ὠὸ ἤ τυρόν.42 By enjoining the young students to safeguard during their studies in Rome “the divine order of the Romaioi”, Laskares was inciting them to unfailingly

39. Ibid., p. 156. 40. Pagliaroli carefully notes that we do not know with certainty whether Moussouros himself performed the task that he had been assigned. The same scholar cites a few verses of Moussouros’ s contemporary Girolamo Bologni that may refer to the fact that Moussouros succes- sfully accomplished the mission. The renowned Hellenist definitely supervised the recruitment of the students (Pagliaroli, «Giano Lascari», 251-252). Pagliaroli cannot be sure about whether Moussouros undertook the task that he had been assigned. 41. Hymn to Plato, 127-128. 42. Manoussakas, «Ἡ παρουσίαση ἀπὸ τὸν Ἰανὸ Λάσκαρη», 166. 570 CALLIOPe DOUROU observe the Orthodox Christian fast every Wednesday and Friday through absti- nence from meat, eggs, and dairy products. The fact that the students would be exposed to a thoroughly Catholic environment was felt to pose an almost insur- mountable challenge for the preservation of their religious particularity. Such an adamant exhortation on the part of Laskares reflects the intense anxiety experi- enced by many Byzantine émigrés in Italy to retain their Orthodoxy, which was widely perceived as an integral aspect of their identity.43 Anna Palaeologina Notara, for example, the daughter of the celebrated Grand Duke of the Byzantine Empire Loukas Notaras, who reputedly was once

43. Tamas Glaser astutely observes that the traditional Byzantine worldview was predi- cated on “the organic unity of faith and ethnicity”. The same scholar accurately remarks that for the average Greek living in the sixteenth century, Orthodoxy “was a question of identity rather than of dogma”. Glaser also goes on to argue that “in the Orthodox East, at least until the coming of Enlightenment”, Hellenism was “not intended to constitute an alternative identity, but an element of national pride, that, for the moment, [was] being integrated into the identity of the Orthodox “Rhomioi”” (T. Glaser, «The remnants of the Hellenes: Problems of Greek Identity after the », Der Beitrag Der Byzantinischen Gelehrten zur Abendländischen Renaissance des 14. und 15. Jahrunderts, edited by E. Konstantinou, Main - Berlin - Bern 2006, pp. 205, 209). There is probably no one who epitomizes this mentality better than the first patriarch of Constantinople after the fall of the city: Gennadios Scholarios. A staunch opponent of Plethon and his philosophical ideas, Scholarios “remained deeply attached to Orthodox Christianity, which constituted the most important dimension in his identity and clearly overshadowed all others”. Livanios correctly states that “by identifying first and foremost as a Christian, Scholarios was in accord with the majority of the Byzanti- nes”. Livanios also argues that “the prominent role of Orthodoxy in the collective identity of the Greek speakers of the East was cemented under Ottoman rule, due to the administrative practices of the Ottomans” (D. Livanios, «The Quest for Hellenism: Religion, Nationalism, and Collective Identities in Greece, 1453-1913», Hellenisms: Culture, Identity, and Ethnicity from Antiquity to Modernity, edited by Katerina Zacharia, Farnham, Surrey - Burlington VT (2008), pp. 242, 246). It has been rightly claimed that the majority of the humanists of the fifteenth century, following the lead of Plethon, who was the first to conceive a Hellenic community as an alternative to Roman Byzantium, “were ready to detach themselves comple- tely from Byzantine universalism and to regard themselves first as Hellenes” (Glaser, «The remnants of the Hellenes», p. 202). Though this is true, it is always necessary to keep in mind that there were notable exceptions such as Anna Palaiologina Notara, Zacharias Kallierges and others. For a discussion of the Hellenic alternative in the works of Gemistos Plethon, see Lamers, Greece reinvented, pp. 36-45. For Plethon’ s ideas, see N. Siniossoglou, Αλλόκοτος Ελληνισμός: Δοκίμιο για την οριακή εμπειρία των ιδεών, Athens 2016, pp. 63-114. For information regarding the life and works of Zacharias Kallierges, see Layton, The sixteenth century, pp. 318-333. For an insightful analysis of the transformations of Byzantine Hellenism in Renaissance Italy, see Lamers, Greece reinvented. Nikolaos Loukanes: an attempt at a biography 571 betrothed to the last Byzantine Emperor, Konstantinos Palaiologos,44 after persis- tent efforts and under the flimsy pretext of not understanding the Latin of the Roman Mass, was able to win for herself and her niece Eudocia Cantacuzene the enviable privilege of celebrating the Orthodox Liturgy in Greek (more Greco) in her own house.45 The noble lady of Byzantium was not alone in her unswerving desire to worship in the Orthodox rite on Venetian territory. The repeated ap- peals to Venetian authorities by members of the steadily burgeoning community of Greeks in the city during the last quarter of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth centuries demonstrate this amply. The Greeks in Venice were gradually growing impatient with the restriction foisted on them to worship in the side chapel of the church of San Biagio under the condition that their priest assented to the Roman form of the Creed.46 They were passionately struggling as early as 1456 to obtain from the Venetian Senate permission to purchase a plot of land on which to build a future church.47 But what was the situation in Rome at the beginning of the sixteenth century? And,

44. Chryssa Maltezou is convinced that Anna Palaeologina Notara was indeed sponsa imperialis, based on a letter that Fragkoules Servopoulos sent to the authorities of Siena. In this letter Anna is referred to as illustris domina...filia quondam illustris magni ducis Romeorum sponsa imperialis (Chryssa Maltezou, Άννα Παλαιολογίνα Νοταρά: Μια τραγική μορφή ανάμεσα στον Βυζαντινό και τον Νέο Ελληνικό κόσμο, Venice 2004, pp. 43-44). Donald M. Nicol does not accept the validity of the information disclosed in Anna’ s correspondence with the Sienese authorities and points to the absence of any such mention in the work of the historian George Sphrantzes. He also notes that Anna never alluded to her alleged betrothal to Konstantinos Palaiologos (D. M. Nicol, The Byzantine lady: ten portraits, 1250-1500, Cambridge - New York 1994, pp. 100-101). 45. Permission to construct an oratory in the house where Anna Palaeologina Notara lived together with her niece Eudocia and her niece’ s husband, Matthew Spandounes, was granted on June 18, 1475 by the Council of Ten. The privilege, granted grudgingly, was restricted to mem- bers of Anna’ s family (Nicol, The Byzantine lady, p. 103). According to an allegation made in 1473 by a Genoese merchant, many Greeks were gathered in her house and celebrated with her the Orthodox Liturgy in Greek (Maltezou, Άννα Παλαιολογίνα Νοταρά, pp. 44-45). The priest who officiated the services held in Anna’ s house was Theodoros Magoulas. Her spiritual father was Ioannes Kapnises (ibid., p. 49). 46. Nicol, The Byzantine lady, p. 102. They were able to worship in their own language. 47. In June 1456, thanks to the tireless efforts of Cardinal Isidore, the Venetian Senate made a significant concession in allowing the Greeks in their city to buy a plot for the con- struction of a church. No land was purchased, however, until 1526 due to the hostile disposition of the Patriarchs of Venice towards the Greeks, whom they invariably distrusted as impeni- tent hereticals. See Nicol, The Byzantine lady, pp. 102-103; Maltezou, Άννα Παλαιολογίνα Νοταρά, p. 47. For further information, see M. Μanoussakas, «Ἡ πρώτη ἄδεια (1456) τῆς βενετικῆς Γερουσίας γιὰ τὸ ναὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων τῆς Βενετίας καὶ ὁ καρδινάλιος Ἰσίδωρος», Thesaurismata 1 (1962), 109-118. 572 CALLIOPe DOUROU most importantly, how could the young twelve students, deeply ensconced as they were in the nurturing humanistic environment of a school that was graciously funded by the Pope, preserve their Orthodoxy? Laskares’ s stern directive, most probably included in the internal rules and regulations that he had personally compiled for the school,48 clearly illustrates that a sincere concern for the preserva- tion of Orthodox doctrinal idiosyncrasies did not in any way lag behind academic preoccupations: they were prioritized equally. Besides, the Gymnasium, in stark contrast to the Pontifical Greek College of Saint Athanasios, had no prosyletizing scope. As Manoussos Manoussakas astutely remarks, Leo X’ s support for the school was not dictated by ulterior motives. One should not forget, moreover, that the humanist pope was the one who is said to have taken the initiative during the early sixteenth century to enshrine the reli- gious rights of Greeks through an extensive series of papal bulls.49 As it becomes apparent then, Loukanes developed academically in an environment that deeply valued not only immersion in the classics, but also religious instruction. His first teacher and the man who was to be in charge of the boarding school was someone who had a few years earlier and at the instigation of Anna Palaeologina Notara produced one of the most splendid editions in the history of Greek typog- raphy, the Etymologicum Magnum (1499).50 Zacharias Kallierges, one of the most renowned printers of Greek in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, was the scion of a distinguished family claiming lineal descent from imperial Byzantium, as the printer’ s device that he adopted, the double-headed eagle, suggestively im- plies.51 Three years after the foundation of the school, Kallierges would take up an additional role as the printer of the Gymnasium press,52 whose first publication was

48. In a letter sent to the French Hellenist Guillaume Budé, Laskares reveals that he had personally compiled the regulations for the school (Manoussakas, «Ἡ παρουσίαση ἀπὸ τὸν Ἰανὸ Λάσκαρη», 169, n. 12). 49. Ibid., p. 167. 50. The edition came out on July 8, 1499 (Layton, The sixteenth century, p. 319). 51. Kallierges was born in Rethymnon, Crete. For information regarding the life and works of Zacharias Kallierges, see Layton, The sixteenth century, pp. 318-333; Geanakoplos, Greek Scholars in Venice, pp. 201-222). 52. Layton convincingly argues that Kallierges was the printer for the Gymnasium press. She also asserts that Angelo Colocci was the person who financed some or all of the Gymnasium publications. Layton, The sixteenth century, p. 327). Anthony Hobson, on the other hand, contends that Colocci was the publisher of the Gymnasium press publications (A. Hobson, «The Printer of the Greek Edition in Gymnasio Mediceo ad Caballinum Montem», Studi di biblioteconomia e storia del libro in onore di Francesco Barberi, edited by F. Barberi – G. De Gregori – Maria Valenti, Rome 1976, pp. 331-335). The Gymnasium press was installed in one of the houses possessed by Angelo Colocci on the Quirinal Hill (Layton, The sixteenth Nikolaos Loukanes: an attempt at a biography 573 the Scholia to Homer’ s Iliad (1517).53 Edited by Ianos Laskares54 and printed with the types that were cut for the acclaimed Hellenist in Florence,55 the first work to be issued by the Gymnasium press was the offshoot of industrious collaborative efforts between Laskares, Kallierges, and the students of the Gymnasium.56 It is truly exciting to think that Nikolaos Loukanes participated actively in the production of the Scholia. By 1517 the young student must have already been solidly instructed in Greek and Latin through lessons given to him and his classmates by Zacharias Kallierges, Ianos Laskares,57 Markos Moussouros,58 and Benedetto Lampridio di Cremona.59 Such was the success of the Gymnasium at the time that Laskares incited Leo to establish an analogous school in Florence.60 In a letter dated May 18, 1517 and sent to his friend Francesco Attaro, Markos Moussouros admits that they even had to reject some aspiring students.61 Things would change irrevocably, however, soon after the publication of the Scholia and the resilience of the school would be put to the test. The first blow came from the sudden death of Moussouros on October 17, 1517 barely one month after the publication. When approximately one year later century, p. 325). According to Fanelli, it is highly probable that it was installed in the villa that also housed the school (Fanelli, «Il ginnasio Greco», 384). 53. The Scholia were published after September 7, 1517 (Layton, The sixteenth cen- tury, p. 325). 54. Laskares consulted some manuscripts from the Vatican Library (Barberi – Cerulli, «Le edizioni greche», p. 68, n. 7). 55. Laskares had designed these types (Layton, The sixteenth century, p. 325). 56. Barberi and Cerulli, «Le edizioni greche», p. 65; Pagliaroli, «Giano Lascari», 269. Leo X specifically mentions in the Privilege that the students played a part in the production (Meletiadis, Αναγεννησιακές τάσεις, p. 97). 57. By October 1518, Ianos Laskares had already moved to France as a letter of Erasmus to Bombasio clearly demonstrates (Pagliaroli, «Giano Lascari», 270-271). It is highly likely that Arsenios Apostoles became the head of the school after Laskares’ s departure. Apostoles was also the editor of the two last volumes of its press (Fanelli, «Il ginnasio Greco», 390; Pagliaroli, «Giano Lascari», 272-273). For more information on Arsenios Apostoles, see Geanakoplos, Greek Scholars in Venice, pp. 167-200. 58. Markos Moussouros came to Rome after his election as Archbishop of Monemvasia, which took place on June 19, 1516. Moussouros’ s assignment to Hierapetra occurred a few weeks later. In October 1516 he was definitely in Rome as Sanuto reports in his diary (Pagliaroli, «Giano Lascari», 252, n. 1; Geanakoplos, Greek Scholars in Venice, p. 183). He died prema- turely one year later, on October 17, 1517. Therefore, he could have taught at the Gymnasium only for one year. For more information on Moussouros, see Geanakoplos, Greek Scholars in Venice, pp. 111-166. 59. Fanelli, «Il ginnasio Greco», 388; Pagliaroli, «Giano Lascari», 257-258). 60. Fanelli, «Il ginnasio Greco», 389; Geanakoplos, Greek Scholars in Venice, pp. 186-187. 61. Fanelli, «Il ginnasio Greco», 389. 574 CALLIOPe DOUROU

Laskares betook himself to France, possibly summoned by Francis I, to establish in Milan and Paris schools similar to the one in Rome,62 or in order to help his compatriots who kept flowing from Greece in massive numbers,63 that marked the Gymnasium’ s second significant loss. The person who most likely assumed the directorship of the school after Laskares’ s departure was Arsenios Apostoles, a Cretan Uniate cleric and philologist.64 Arsenios Apostoles, whose name before his consecration to the archiepiscopal dignity was Aristovoulos, had been installed as Orthodox archbishop of Monem- vasia at the end of 1506 after long, tenacious efforts to secure Venetian support for his candidacy. His tenure on the Orthodox throne, however, was short-lived: as in 1509 the patriarch issued an encyclical excommunicating him to all the Greek communities of the Venetian-controlled territories in the Greek East.65 Exiled from Monemvasia, Arsenios appears to have moved to Crete, where he remained for approximately ten years supporting himself as a scribe and as a teacher of Greek before being summoned to Italy by the Pope. In a letter that he sent to Laskares later, Arsenios disclosed that he took pains to revive the Gymnasium.66 It is known that he oversaw the preparation and publication of the last two editions of the Gymnasium press.67 The fact that Laskares was on the other side of the Alps did not in the least deter him from maintaining close ties with the students and the school, for whose sake he had incurred no small indebtedness by the beginning of 1519. Stefano Pagliaroli suggests that in 1519 the school was not enjoying buoyant economic prosperity68

62. Ibid., pp. 389-390. 63. Pagliaroli, «Giano Lascari», 271-272. 64. As evidenced in the dedication to Pope Paul III of the 1534 edition of the Scholia to seven tragedies of , Arsenios Apostoles was in Rome in 1519 (Pagliaroli, «Giano Lascari», 272-273). Geanakoplos perceptively observes: “A plausible explanation of Leo’ s invi- tation might well be the status of the affairs of the papal Greek school, which after the death of Musurus and the dispatch of Lascaris on several papal embassies...required the services of a more permanent director” (Geanakoplos, Greek Scholars in Venice, p. 184). As it has been already mentioned, Arsenios had also been presiding over the school in Florence since 1518 or 1519. The fact that Arsenios Apostoles had taught in the college in Rome after Laskares’ s departure for France is revealed in a letter of Arsenios to Laskares dated October 27, 1534 (ibid., p. 184, n. 67). For more information on Arsenios Apostoles, see ibid., pp. 167-200). 65. He was able to regain the much-coveted archbishopric of Monemvasia in 1524 (ibid., p. 189). 66. Ibid., p. 184. 67. Pagliaroli, «Giano Lascari», 272. For the Greek editions of the school, see Barberi – Cerulli, «Le edizioni greche». 68. Pagliaroli, «Giano Lascari», 272-273. Nikolaos Loukanes: an attempt at a biography 575 despite Leo’ s subsidy, which amounted to one thousand gold ducats per year.69 It seems plausible that the situation worsened over the following two years.70 It is commonly thought that 1521 was the year when the Gymnasium had seen its activities cease due to the unexpected death of Leo on December 1, 1521.71 If a fair amount of information is known about the Gymnasium and its bustling publishing endeavors from its establishment early in 1514 until the ter- mination of its operations after the sudden demise of its munificent patron, Leo X, in 1521, the same cannot be said regarding the trajectory of Loukanes’ s life during these years. Based upon the important events that indelibly marked the tumultuous seven years between 1514 and 1521, one can only hope to elucidate the broader historical context that formed the background against which to consider the author’ s academic development. Loukanes must have been only eleven to thirteen years old when Pope Leo agreed to “transmigrate”72 to Bologna to meet with Francis I on December 11, 1515 in the wake of the fierce battle of Marignano, through which the French reasserted their control over the Duchy of Milan.73 Nevertheless, the auspicious un- dertones of the engagingly cryptic discussions that were held in Bologna regarding the French king’ s role in a prospective crusade against the Ottomans couldn’ t have entirely eluded him; nor would he have failed to recognize how easily these futile dreams could vanish into thin air as many others had done ever so often in the past.74 Not even the disheartening news of the Ottoman conquest of Syria (1516) and Egypt (1517) was enough to propel the Christian European powers to a unified expedition against the advancing Ottomans. When in late April, 1516 members of the Curia Romana were informed that twenty-seven Turkish or Moorish vessels had been sighted in close proximity to the coast of Civitavecchia, Leo, who, as was his wont, was then hunting in the area reportedly fled in fear and trepidation. Soon after, and according to the attestation of the Venetian ambassador Marino Giorgi, a rumor started circulating that the Pope had almost been captured.75 Otranto was probably still fresh in the minds of those who had witnessed the horrifying Ottoman invasion of the coastal

69. Geanakoplos, Greek Scholars in Venice, p. 184, n. 67. 70. Pagliaroli, «Giano Lascari», 273. 71. Ibid., p. 286. 72. Paride Grassi, the master of ceremonies for Pope Leo X, used this term (Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, p. 161). 73. Ibid., pp. 160-161. The Duchy of Milan remained under French control from 1499 until 1512. 74. Ibid., p. 160-167. 75. Ibid., p. 164. 576 CALLIOPe DOUROU

Apulian town in 1480.76 To be sure, the hoped-for death of Mehmed the Con- queror on May 3, 1481 had for a limited period averted the danger as Mehmed’ s sons, Bayazid and Jem, fully occupied with the internecine contest for the crown, had no time for trans-Adriatic campaigns. But could Italy be spared of further Ottoman invasions for much longer? Kenneth Setton insightfully observes that in 1517 “Pope Leo had begun to live in unremitting fear of the Turk” and there is every reason to believe that the Pontiff’ s agitation was shared by many others. A papal bull issued on March 6, 1518 proclaimed a five years’ truce among all Christian powers77 and the Treaty of London in October 1518 resulted in the formation of a new league intended to oppose the Ottoman peril,78 but it was only with the passing away of sultan Selim the Grim on September 22, 1520, that Leo along with his retinue could be wholeheartedly relieved.79 Suleiman I, who upon the death of his father ascended to the throne, was reputed to be non-belligerent, and everyone seemed to think that “the angry lion had been followed by a gentle lamb”.80 Less than a year later, however, the conquest of Belgrade, the “outer wall of Christendom”, by the supposedly peace-loving young sultan would force everyone to reevaluate their initial erroneous judgement.81 When on Monday, De- cember 1, 1521, Pope Leo X died of pneumonia, with rumors running rampant in Rome that he had been poisoned, the future looked grim indeed.82 It is not known whether Loukanes remained in Rome until 1521. By that time he must have been approximately seventeen to nineteen years old. What is certain is that the adaptation of the Iliad that he prepared,83 along with the ap- pended poem Ἅλωσις ἤγουν ἔπαρσις τῆς Τροίας, which he signs as his own, was published in May 1526, in Venice. It wouldn’ t be unreasonable to hypothesize that Loukanes had moved to Venice after the completion of his studies. There he would have been able to find a vibrant community of Greeks and people like Andreas Kounades and his father-in-law Damiano di Santa Maria, who in 1521 had con- ceived the pioneering idea to establish a press that would be geared exclusively

76. The occupation lasted for thirteen months (ibid., pp. 343-345, 364-380). 77. Ibid., p. 180. 78. Ibid., p. 186. 79. Ibid., p. 193. 80. Ibid., p. 198. 81. Ibid., p. 199. Belgrade was surrendered on August 28-29, 1521. 82. Ibid., p. 196. A hare-brained plot to poison the Pope had been hatched in 1517 too, but it had been discovered in time (ibid., p. 167). 83. Francis Walton perceptively observes that Loukanes “gives no clue to the identity of the translator whose work he has ‘corrected and abridged’ and for himself he seems to claim only the role of editor and revisor” (Loukanes, Ὁμήρου Ἰλιάς (1526), p. 4). Nikolaos Loukanes: an attempt at a biography 577 towards a Greek audience.84 His name, however, is nowhere mentioned in any of the first editions of the press, and most importantly, his name does not appear in the books of the Greek Brotherhood in Venice. Unlike Nikolaos Sophianos, his fellow classmate in the Gymnasium,85 who on April 23, 1547, is reported to have made a small contribution to the Brotherhood,86 Loukanes doesn’ t seem to have ever paid membership dues to the Greek Brotherhood of Venice. It is also unfortunate that his name is not included in any notarial acts, or letters, sources from which valuable information can be often gleaned for studies of the sixteenth century. This scarcity of evidence can partly be remedied by a manuscript note on a flyleaf of Vat. Barb. gr. 239, which I was glad to discover during a two-month stint in 2014 at the Istituto Ellenico di Studi Bizantini e Postbizantini di Venezia .87 The note reads: Νικόλαος λουκάνος ταῦτα ἑγραψεν ὁ ἡμέτερος διδάσκαλος ὁ τῆς ὑγιασμένης88 Even a cursory glance quickly reveals that some egregious orthographic errors: ἑγραψεν instead of ἔγραψεν and ὑγιασμένης instead of ἡγιασμένης. Further, the last line seems to have been added by a different writer. It may be possible to infer some evidence about the identity of the two writers. If one is to translate the note as “Nikolaos Loukanos wrote these [notes], our teacher, the one from the sanctified [school, island?]”, then it would naturally follow that the two writers were presum-

84. For an insightful article on their lives, based on archival evidence, see Kaklamanis (1993). See also Layton, The sixteenth century, pp. 337-354. 85. Meletiadis, Αναγεννησιακές τάσεις, p. 43, n. 3. 86. The relevant entry in the books of the Greek Brotherhood is mentioned by Layton (Layton, The sixteenth century, p. 467). 87. For more information on the manuscript, see L. Ferreri, «I codici parrasiani della Biblioteca Vaticana, con particolare riguardo al Barberiniano greco 194, appartenuto a Giano Lascaris», Annali dell’ Istituto universitario orientale di Napoli 24 (2002), 189-223. The ma- nuscript includes the following three works: Eunapii Vita Libanii, Libanii epistularum ecloga Lacapeniana, Epistula sancti Basilii Amphilochio episcopo Iconii. The manuscript belonged to the collection of the cardinal Francesco Barberini (1597-1679). Some of the manuscripts of this collection belonged previously to the humanist Aulo Giano Parrasio (1470-1522), the son- in-law of the renowned Hellenist Demetrios Chalkokondyles. One of the manuscripts belonging to the collection of cardinal Barberini is known to have been owned by Ianos Laskares, speci- fically Barb. gr. 194. I am immensely grateful to Dr. Athanasios Dolaptsoglou for his valuable observations on the manuscript. 88. I have preserved the orthography found in the original. The last line seems to have been added by a different writer. 578 CALLIOPe DOUROU ably students of a teacher named Loukanos, who had either produced a copy of the works included in the manuscript, or had added the notes. Since the manuscript is dated to the fourteenth century, it is highly likely that the author of the notation is referring to the added scholia. If, on the other hand, one construes the first line as a signature, then the note can be taken to mean “our teacher wrote these [notes], the one from the sanctified [school, island?]”. In either case, what is being disclosed is extremely interesting. According to the first interpretation, Nikolaos Loukanos had been a teacher at some point in the course of his life. According to the second, the first three lines of the note have been written by none other than the author of the 1526 Iliad himself, possibly during the period of his studies in Rome. Since the handwriting of the author has not been identified, one cannot reach definitive conclusions as to whether the scholia or the brief notation had been written by the author. A com- mon issue in both interpretations is the ending -ος for the last name of the author. As has already been discussed, the manuscript notation from the island of Zakynthos that was published by Manoussakas in 1963, refers to the author as Νικολός Λουκάνης. Τhe only other reliable sources to which someone could turn in order to resolve this issue would be the colophons of the 1526 Iliad and the ap- pended poem Ἅλωσις ἤγουν ἔπαρσις τῆς Τροίας. But even in these colophons the ambivalence persists, as the author’ s name is recorded in the genitive Λουκάνου, which leaves open the possibility of accepting both versions of his name. The name used by all modern scholars thus far is Nikolaos Loukanes. The form Loukanos is only attested in the works of Chiotes, Idromenos, Paranikas, and Zaviras.89 As it becomes evident, at this point no conclusive evidence is available concerning the author’ s name. The only reason I have opted for Loukanes is because this form of the name is recorded by the overwhelming majority of scholars. Regardless of the ambiguity with respect to his surname, and irrespective of whether he eventually became a teacher or not, one thing is indisputable. Between 1521 and 1526 the author would witness the further growth of the Ottoman men- ace in Europe, as by the end of 1522, and after an exhausting and unrelenting siege that lasted for six whole months, the Ottomans had conquered Rhodes, the last Christian outpost in the East. One account states that during the siege “the Turkish sappers were more feared than the janissaries” since the sudden explosions of mines were creating deep breaches to both the interior and outer walls of their fortress, leaving the beleaguered Christians vulnerable to swarming attacks.90

89. Katramis, Φιλολογικά Ἀνάλεκτα Ζακύνθου, pp. 249-250; G. Zaviras, Νέα Ἑλλάς, ἤ, Ἑλληνικόν Θέατρον, with an introduction by T. A. Gritsopoulos, originally published in 1872 by the Ephemeris ton Syzitiseon, Athens 1972, p. 476. 90. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, p. 208. Nikolaos Loukanes: an attempt at a biography 579

Such were the horrors besetting them that the Hospitallers even conjured a tal- ented Italian engineer, Gabriele Tadini di Martinengo of Brescia, to help them.91 Read in this light, Loukanes’ s rendition of the scene in book twelve of the Iliad, where the Trojans are about to attack the great wall of the Achaeans, takes on a poignant resonance.92 When Hector, with blithe disregard for the omen that had just appeared on the battlefield, decides to flout Polydamas’ s wise counsel and to break through the wall of the Achaeans, Loukanes renders the episode as follows: Λουκ. 12. 70-73 κ’ ἤρχισαν νὰ δοκιμάζουν καὶ νὰ ῥίπτουσι τὸ τεῖχος, πρῶτα μὲν εἰς τὰ θεμέλια μὲ μοχλοὺς τοὺς σιδηρίους, ἔσ κ α π τ ο ν διὰ νὰ σέβουν εἰς τὰς νῆας ὅλ’ οἱ Τρῶες... What is particularly intriguing is that the author chooses to use ἔσκαπτον, entirely unwarranted by the Homeric text, implying that the Trojans were en- gaged in underground mining operations analogous to those undertaken by their putative descendants, the Ottomans. The carefully chosen verb must have evoked dismal memories of the siege of Rhodes in 1522. A few additional references to major historical events of the period immedi- ately preceding the publication of the 1526 Iliad are in order if one wants to fully grasp the atmosphere that engendered Loukanes’ s work. Despite the seemingly inexorable expansion of the Ottoman Empire under Suleiman the Magnificent, European powers were still primarily preoccupied with their perennial internal disputes. As Kenneth Setton concisely conveys, “the Protestant revolt and the Venetians’ fear of conflict with the Turks were insuperable obstacles to the cru- sade, as was the persistent warfare between Charles and Francis”.93 In 1523 another member of the Medici family was elevated to the papal throne. Pope Clement VII, a cousin of Pope Leo X, had for a long period of time desperately tried to arrange a truce between European powers before making a treaty with Francis against Charles on December 12, 1524. Two months later, on February 24, 1525, the Pope would be confronted with the dire consequences of his ill-advised decision: Francis was captured during in a pre-dawn attack of the imperial forces upon the French camp at Pavia. What must have added immeas- urably to the Pope’ s despair was the fact that Francis – subsequent to his capture – was imprisoned for one year in Spain. It was not until the devastating and

91. Ibid., p. 206. 92. Λουκ. 12. 70-73. See also Iliad 12. 256-262. 93. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, p. 202. 580 CALLIOPe DOUROU immensely humiliating for the French conditions of the treaty of Madrid were accepted (14 January, 1526) that Francis was finally able to return to France in mid-March 1526.94 By that time, Loukanes’ s Iliad surely had entered the final stages of its publication. During the uneasy summer of 1525 Pope Clement had decided to send none other than Ianos Laskares to Spain on a mission to placate the young ambitious ruler who united under his scepter for the first time the Spanish Em- pire and the Holy Roman Empire. It is my belief that the ideas expressed in the octogenarian’ s umpteenth plea for a crusade deeply inform Loukanes’ s work. In an oration rife with emotions delivered in front of Charles V,95 Laskares stressed that it was not only the Pope who had entrusted him with this mission, but also the remnants of ancient Greece: Δὲ μὲ ἐπεφόρτισε μόνο ὁ Πάπας, ἀλλὰ – ἂς μὴ σοῦ φανῆ παράξενο – καὶ ἡ ἀρχαία Ἑλλάδα καὶ τὰ λείψανα τῆς σημερινῆς, μὲ στέλνουν σ’ ἐσένα, γιὰ νὰ σοῦ ζητήσω καὶ νὰ σὲ παρακαλέσω νὰ τοὺς δείξης συμπόνια στὴ δυστυχία καὶ στὶς συμφορές τους... Τὰ λείψανα τῆς ἀρχαίας Ἑλλάδας γονατίζουν μπροστά σου, γιὰ νὰ σὲ ἱκετεύσουν νὰ τὰ ἐλευθερώσης ἀπὸ τὴ δυστυχία ποὺ τώρα τὰ βαραίνει καὶ ὅπου βλέπει κανεὶς τὸ παιδὶ ν’ ἀποσπᾶται ἀπὸ τὴν ἀγκάλη τῆς πονεμένης μητέρας, γιὰ νὰ ὁδηγηθῆ σ’ ἄλλο τόπο, καὶ ἐκεῖ νὰ μυηθῆ σὲ θρησκεία ἀντίθετη μὲ τὴ θρησκεία τοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ νὰ χρησιμοποιηθῆ δὲν ξέρω γιὰ ποιὰν ὑπηρεσία ἀπὸ τοὺς τυράννους, καὶ στὸ τέλος νὰ ἔλθη νὰ πολεμήση ἐναντίον τῶν δικῶν του γονέων καὶ συγγενῶν. Αὐτοὶ λοιπὸν οἱ δυστυχισμένοι (μὲ τὰ λίγα μέσα ποὺ διαθέτουν) στέλνουν μυστικὰ μηνύματα, γιὰ νὰ σοῦ ζητήσουν νὰ συμπονέσης τὸ χριστιανικὸ αὐτὸ λαό. Καὶ δίνουν τὴν ὑπόσχεση νὰ ἐκθέσουν τὴ ζωή τους σὲ κάθε κίνδυνο, ἀρκεῖ νὰ δοῦν κάποιαν ἐκδήλωση τῆς εὔνοιάς σου γιὰ τὴν ὑποστήριξη τῆς ὑπόθεσής τους. Ἐξ ἄλλου δὲν εἶναι τόσο ἐξασθενημένοι, ὥστε νὰ μὴν μποροῦν, μὲ τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τὰ τρόφιμα ποὺ διαθέτουν, νὰ βοηθήσουν σημαντικὰ στὴν ἐκτέλεση τῆς ἐπιχείρησής σου, ὅταν θὰ σοῦ φανῆ καλὸ νὰ τὴν πραγματοποιήσης. Αὐτὰ εἶναι, Μεγαλειότατε, τὰ ζητήματα καὶ οἱ σκέψεις ποὺ ἡ Ἑλλάδα μὲ ἐπεφόρτισε νὰ σοῦ ἀνακοινώσω.»

94. Ibid., pp. 223-238. 95. Τhe translation I employ here belongs to Manoussakas, Ἐκκλήσεις (1453-1535), p. 25. There are numerous manuscript versions of the oration, for which see Fanelli, «Il ginnasio Greco», 388, n. 37. Nikolaos Loukanes: an attempt at a biography 581

At the beginning of the sixteenth century, the widely contested question re- garding the collective identity of the inheritors of the Byzantine cultural tradition, so eloquently encapsulated in Gennadios II Scholarios’ s insightful self-enquiry “Who Am I?”, which was famously posed in the latter’ s writings a century earlier, remained unresolved. If the vast majority of the population in the Greek East, adhering closely to the principles espoused by the first post-1453 patriarch of Constantinople, acknowledged Orthodox Christianity as the most salient com- ponent of their identity, it was felt that their émigré compatriots who resided in flourishing cities in the West were willing to identify first and foremost as Hel- lenes prioritizing ethnic over religious affiliation. By calling attention to the impressive literary and philosophical achievements of their illustrious ancestors, that is the ancient Greeks, as well as by fore- grounding the continuity between ancient past and present, the renowned Greek intellectuals who found themselves deeply ensconced in the nurturing humanistic environment of Renaissance Europe were not ushering in a stridently novel con- ceptualization of Greek antiquity. Far from unprecedented, the view that the Byzantines were descended from ancient Greeks, spawned primarily in the wake of the Fourth Crusade and the concomitant conquest of Constantinople in 1204, enjoyed considerable popularity already in the thirteenth century, with the Em- pire of Nicaea having proudly played a leading role in the reconfiguration of the Byzantine past and the consolidation of the Byzantines in their capacity as the true heirs to the enduring legacy of classical Greece. What, however, had been passionately cherished at this early time as a newly evoked association with the ancient Greek forebears that was mostly in- tended to integrate further kudos into the traditional identity of the Byzantines qua Romans was later to develop into a full-blown alternative identity, which by the second half of the fifteenth century had come to eclipse – on certain oc- casions totally – the millennial Roman identity of the Byzantines. Against this rich backdrop of sharply shifting Byzantine perceptions of the ancient Greek past and increased focus on re-elaborations of Hellenic collective identity, it is inter- esting to explore the intriguing ways in which the Greeks who dwelt outside the boundaries of the Ottoman Empire, and especially those who had settled in Italy, endeavored to come to grips with their new position in the intellectually rich and editorially vibrant world of sixteenth century Europe. What would Loukanes’ s answer be to the resounding question of Scholari- os? Would he, like Laskares, consider himself a remnant of the ancient Greeks? Would he be eager to contribute in any possible way to the long-awaited regenera- tion of Greece? Would he be ready to relinquish his Byzantine “Roman” heritage, or would he tenaciously cling to it? The benefit of hindsight and the unfortunate 582 CALLIOPe DOUROU outcome of the League of Cognac96 against the imperial powers formed precisely at the time of the publication of the 1526 Iliad, should not make someone underesti- mate the earnestness of the Greeks’ belief in crusade plans. To be sure, four months after the publication of Loukanes’ s work, on September 20, 1526, the Spanish sol- diers were savagely sacking the papal palace, and “the name of Martin Luther was carved with a pike on one of Raphael’ s frescoes in the Stanze”,97 but Moussouros’ s vision for the Pope “to strengthen the Hellenic grove of the Helikonian Muses with saplings of newly planted trees” had surely not failed.

96. The agreement was reached at Cognac on May 22, 1526 (Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, p. 241). 97. C. Hibbert, The House of Medici: its rise and fall, New York 1975, p. 245. Nikolaos Loukanes: an attempt at a biography 583

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