DOCSLIB.ORG

The Communist Party of Malaya's

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Communist Party of Malaya's Securing the Population from Insurgency and Subversion in the Second Emergency (1968-1981) Submitted by Weichong Ong, to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Research in History, August 2010. This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. 1 Abstract Divided into five core chapters, this thesis examines the success and failures of both the insurgent that was the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM) and the counterinsurgent (Malaysia and to a lesser extent Singapore) during the Second Emergency (1968 to 1981). The conflict is set within a paradigm built upon the four key touchstones of utility of military force, civil-military relations, population security, and propaganda. Anglo- American Counterinsurgency practice in Malaya and Vietnam as well as the doctrine of People‘s War and Maoist mass persuasion will be comparatively examined within the framework of the abovementioned four touchstones to set the backdrop for the debate on the Second Emergency. The CPM‘s strategy of anti-colonial armed struggle from 1948 to 1960 will be compared with that of its post-colonial armed revolution between 1968 and 1981. Key themes exploited by the CPM in its propaganda to revolutionise the thoughts and actions of its target audience and its impact will be analysed. Likewise, the counter- measures adopted by both the Malaysian and Singapore governments in response to communist insurrection and subversion will be elucidated. A significant part of this thesis is dedicated to an assessment of the Malaysian COIN doctrine of KESBAN. In a comparative study of the continuities and departures between colonial and post-colonial COIN approaches and practices, the strategies adopted in the First Emergency will be juxtaposed with that of the Second - particularly the evolution of KESBAN and the concept of ‗Comprehensive Security‘. Most importantly, the fundamental ‗Why‘ question, namely - Why did the emergent post-colonial states of Malaysia and Singapore triumph; and why did the CPM‘s armed revolution failed yet again will be addressed. In providing an answer, this study revisits both the interior and exterior terrain of manoeuvre available to both sides of the conflict and explains why and how the CPM‘s strategy was inadequate for the geopolitical and geostrategic terrain of its day. 2 Contents Page 1 Introduction: Revolution and Counterrevolution in Southeast Asia 6 2 Fighting Big Wars and Small Wars: Approaches to COIN 24 and Maoist Revolutionary Warfare in Perspective 3 Strategy of the CPM‘s Revived Armed Struggle: 55 Retreat, Reform and Revival (1948-1981) 4 The Role of Mass Persuasion in Shaping a People‘s Republic 93 5 The Response of the Post-colonial state to Maoist Insurgency (1968-1981) 126 6 The Making of a Winning State: 174 Lessons in Post-colonial COIN and Nation-building 7 Conclusion 210 Bibliography 224 Maps (pages 4 and 5) CPM Strength and Disposition in Peninsular Malaysia and Southern Thailand – 1977 Major Units of the Malaysian Army and Police Field Force in Peninsular Malaysia - 1977 3 Map Showing CPM Strength and Disposition in Peninsular Malaysia and Southern Thailand – 1977 (Copyright © 2009 Internal Security Department, Singapore) 4 Map Showing Major Units of the Malaysian Army and Police Field Force in Peninsular Malaysia – 1977 (Copyright © 2009 Internal Security Department, Singapore) 5 1. Introduction: Revolution and Counterrevolution in Southeast Asia Why the Second Emergency Matters In the words of Julian Paget, the Malayan Emergency (1948-1960) is a: ‗classic example of a communist takeover bid, based on insurgency and guerrilla warfare‘.1 The Emergency is also a rare model of an insurgency defeated by the state and, as such, ‗the‘ paradigm for successive insurgency/counter-insurgency (COIN) operations. Reflecting this singular status, there is now an extensive literature on the subject; particularly COIN concepts and doctrines derived from the methods and approaches of the forces deployed throughout the Emergency‘s lengthy course. The significance of propaganda to the containment of the Communists‘ appeal among the civilian population, Malaya‘s ethnic Chinese community in particular, has been extensively documented by both Susan Carruthers and Kumar Ramakrishna in their seminal works on the issue. 2 Their work, although revisionist in other respects, is orthodox in its central focus on the decisive middle years of the Malayan Emergency, between the formulation of the Briggs Plan from 1950 to Sir Gerald Templer‘s implementation of Britain‘s ‗Hearts and Minds‘ approach thereafter. This highpoint of the Emergency is discussed in more detail below. What becomes clear is that there is no comparable body of work – either in quantity or quality – relating to the Second Malayan Emergency, the focus of this thesis. The Malayan Communist Party‘s (MCP) decisive defeat in 1960 led many academics and COIN experts to overlook the resurrection of its armed struggle in 1968 (known after 1964 as the Communist Party of Malaya or CPM for short). If only by implication, then, most scholars continue to regard the so-called ‗Second Emergency‘ (1968-1989) as a non-event. Most, if not all, recent published work on the MCP tends to focus on the earlier Malayan Emergency. In 2004, the proceedings of a two-day workshop that placed Chin Peng, Secretary General of MCP alongside a panel of invited scholars at the Australian National University (ANU) in 1999, were published as Dialogues With Chin 1 Julian Paget, ‗Emergency in Malaya‘ in Gerard Chaliand (ed.), Guerrilla Strategies: A Historical Anthology from the Long March to Afghanistan, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982, 270. 2 Susan Carruthers, Winning Hearts and Minds:British Governments, the Media and Colonial Counter- insurgency 1944-1960 and Kumar Ramakrishna, Emergency Propaganda: the Winning of Malayan Hearts and Minds 1948-1958. 6 Peng. These proceedings provided valuable insight into the strategic direction of the MCP‘s armed struggle, but the questions posed by the panel of scholars were overwhelmingly concentrated within the timeframe of the Malayan Emergency. The focus on the late colonial period continues. Typical in this regard is Anthony Stockwell‘s most recent article on Chin Peng, which begins with the quote: ‗Fifty years ago, the name Chin Peng was feared almost as much as Osama bin Laden is today. So wrote the Hong Kong-based journalist, Philip Bowring…it was a time when Chin Peng was Britain‘s enemy number one in Southeast Asia‘.3 Unsurprisingly, Stockwell‘s article is overwhelmingly concerned with Chin Peng‘s role in events rooted in the Emergency period. What transpired after 1960 - namely, the reorganisation of the CPM and the subsequent revival of its armed struggle - has yet to receive anything like the attention heaped upon the Emergency. We still await rigorous scholarship that deals specifically with the Second Malayan Emergency period, whether its antecedents from the early sixties or its aftermath and final conclusion in 1989. If the historiography of this period remains underdeveloped, the obvious question to ask is: why? A partial answer lies in the central part played in official discourse by nation-building narratives in Southeast Asia during the post-1945 decolonisation interregnum. And the Malaysian authorities, in particular, needed a unifying story to tell. Malaysia, according to Stockwell ‗was constructed from previously disconnected parts which lacked an integrating, pre-colonial core and whose commonality…rested merely on experience of various forms of British rule‘.4 With the exception of Cambodia, Vietnam and Thailand, much the same can be said of Singapore or any of the Southeast Asian states that were cobbled together in the wake of post-war imperial retreat. Post-war independence presented an opportunity for the newly emergent states of Southeast Asia to write their own national narrative unfettered by the shackles (if not the historical baggage) of the colonial state. Indeed, for many Southeast Asian countries, forging nationhood remains unfinished business. Wang Gung Wu, arguably Singapore‘s most established historian, makes no bones of the fact that in most contemporary Southeast Asian countries, 3 A.J.Stockwell, ‗Chin Peng and the Struggle for Malaya‘, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 16 (3), 2006, 279-297, 279. 4 A.J.Stockwell, ‗Forging Malaysia and Singapore: Colonialism, Decolonisation and Nation-building‘ in Wang Gung Wu (ed), Nation-Building: Five Southeast Asian Histories, Singapore: ISEAS Publications, 2005, 192-3. 7 historians are obliged to ‗contribute to nation-building efforts by writing national history‘.5 Therefore, any readily available published work that touches on communism in Malaysia and Singapore from the late sixties through to the early eighties tends to be two- dimensional at best and is usually subsumed within a nation-building nationalist narrative. At the other end of the spectrum, scholars outside the system have challenged the national narrative, constructing alternative histories. There are problems here too. Their quest for alternatives sometimes becomes an acrimonious politicised exercise that sets ‗us‘, the marginalised, against ‗them‘, the monolithic state dominated by the ruling party. The ‗us‘ reject the dominant national narrative, casting themselves as actors speaking out from the shadows on behalf of political opponents who have been denied their right to be heard as agents of history. One such work, Paths not Taken: Political Pluralism in Post-War Singapore, depicted Singapore as a culturally, intellectually and politically dynamic space from 1945 until the mid-1970s at which point the People‘s Action Party (PAP)-dominated state began its monopolisation of contemporary historical discourse.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Butcher, W. Scott
    The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project WILLIAM SCOTT BUTCHER Interviewed by: David Reuther Initial interview date: December 23, 2010 Copyright 2015 ADST TABLE OF CONTENTS Background Born in Dayton, Ohio, December 12, 1942 Stamp collecting and reading Inspiring high school teacher Cincinnati World Affairs Council BA in Government-Foreign Affairs Oxford, Ohio, Miami University 1960–1964 Participated in student government Modest awareness of Vietnam Beginning of civil rights awareness MA in International Affairs John Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies 1964–1966 Entered the Foreign Service May 1965 Took the written exam Cincinnati, September 1963 Took the oral examination Columbus, November 1963 Took leave of absence to finish Johns Hopkins program Entered 73rd A-100 Class June 1966 Rangoon, Burma, Country—Rotational Officer 1967-1969 Burmese language training Traveling to Burma, being introduced to Asian sights and sounds Duties as General Services Officer Duties as Consular Officer Burmese anti-Indian immigration policies Anti-Chinese riots Ambassador Henry Byroade Comment on condition of embassy building Staff recreation Benefits of a small embassy 1 Major Japanese presence Comparing ambassadors Byroade and Hummel Dhaka, Pakistan—Political Officer 1969-1971 Traveling to Consulate General Dhaka Political duties and mission staff Comment on condition of embassy building USG focus was humanitarian and economic development Official and unofficial travels and colleagues November
    [Show full text]
  • IIIS Discussion Paper No. 211 the British Joint Intelligence Committee
    Institute for International Integration Studies IIIS Discussion Paper No.211 / March 2007 The British Joint Intelligence Committee and Ireland, 1965-1972 Eunan O’Halpin Centre for Contemporary Irish History Trinity College Dublin IIIS Discussion Paper No. 211 The British Joint Intelligence Committee and Ireland, 1965-1972 Eunan O’Halpin Disclaimer Any opinions expressed here are those of the author(s) and not those of the IIIS. All works posted here are owned and copyrighted by the author(s). Papers may only be downloaded for personal use only. IIIS Discussion Paper No. 211 The British Joint Intelligence Committee and Ireland, 1965-1972 Eunan O’Halpin Disclaimer Any opinions expressed here are those of the author(s) and not those of the IIIS. All works posted here are owned and copyrighted by the author(s). Papers may only be downloaded for personal use only. The British Joint Intelligence Committee and Ireland, 1965-1972 Eunan O’Halpin Centre for Contemporary Irish History Trinity College Dublin 3/8/2007\\Iiissan\iiismanagement\Discussion Paper Series B\Eunan O' Halpin\211\JICpaperIIIS.doc10:36 AM 2 This paper discusses the performance of the British Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) in anticipating and assessing the dangers posed to British interests by instability in Ireland between 1965 and 1972, and in setting the parameters within which intelligence operations to counter terrorism were mounted. It concentrates on the performance of the central intelligence assessment machinery of British government, not on the politics of Anglo-Irish relations.1 It explores the performance of the JIC, at least as revealed by the redacted material available in the public archives, in terms of intelligence organization and intelligence failure.
    [Show full text]
  • The Australians in Vietnam 1962-1972
    “They Were Hard Nuts”: The Australians in Vietnam, 1962-1972 A focus on the American failure to make maximum use of the Australians’ counterinsurgency tactics in South Vietnam Kate Tietzen Clemson University Abstract: Addressing the need for studies examining the relationship between Commonwealth militaries and the American military, this paper examines the American military’s relationship with the Australian military contingency sent to Vietnam between 1962 and 1972. Analyzing Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUSA) documents, Australian government documents and Australian primary sources including interviews, papers, and autobiographies, this paper argues that the Americans deliberately used the Australian army in South Vietnam for show rather than force. The paper also illustrates American efforts to discredit and ignore Australian counterinsurgency doctrine and tactics; this undertaking only hindered the overall American anti- communist mission in Vietnam. Australia (1) Met all day Sunday (2) They were hard nuts (3) They had a long list of their contributions to Vietnam already (4) Real progress was made with Holt when went upstairs alone and told of the seriousness of the matter (5) Holt told Taylor that he was such a good salesman that he was glad he had not brought his wife to the meeting —Dr. Clark Clifford, meeting with President Lyndon B. Johnson 5 August 19671 While the Viet Minh and the French fought each other during the First Indochina War in Vietnam, Australia was fighting a guerilla-style war in Malaysia in what has been dubbed the “Malayan Emergency” of 1948-1960. In October of 1953, the Australian Defence Committee, the New Zealand Chiefs of Staff and the British Chief of the Imperial General Staff met in Melbourne to air concerns regarding the possibility of Chinese aggression in Southeast Asia.2 The delegation feared Chinese determination for communist control in Southeast Asia, which would threaten the accessibility of strategic raw materials for western powers in the area.
    [Show full text]
  • The Blood-Red Hands of Ho Chi Minh
    The Blood-Red Hands of Ho Chi Minh Readers Digest, November 1968 John G.Hubbell http://www.paulbogdanor.com/left/vietnam/hochiminh.html The village chief and his wife were distraught. One of their children, a seven-year-old boy, had been missing for four days. They were terrified, they explained to Marine Lt. Gen. Lewis W. Walt, because they believed he had been captured by the Vietcong. Suddenly, the boy came out of the jungle and ran across the rice paddies toward the village. He was crying. His mother ran to him and swept him up in her arms. Both of his hands had been cut off, and there was a sign around his neck, a message to his father: if he or any one else in the village dared go to the polls during the upcoming elections, something worse would happen to the rest of his children. The VC delivered a similar warning to the residents of a hamlet not far from Danang. All were herded before the home of their chief. While they and the chief’s pregnant wife and four children were forced to look on, the chief’s tongue was cut out. Then his genital organs were sliced off and sewn inside his bloody mouth. As he died, the VC went to work on his wife, slashing open her womb. Then, the nine-year-old son: a bamboo lance was rammed through one ear and out the other. Two more of the chief’s children were murdered the same way. The VC did not harm the five-year-old daughter — not physically: they simply left her crying, holding her dead mother’s hand.
    [Show full text]
  • An Analysis of the British Invasion of Egypt (1882) Through the Lens of Victorian Party Politics
    Tarih Dergisi, Sayı 69 (2019/1), İstanbul 2019, s. 113-134 AN ANALYSIS OF THE BRITISH INVASION OF EGYPT (1882) THROUGH THE LENS OF VICTORIAN PARTY POLITICS Begüm Yıldızeli Dr. Öğr. Üyesi, Bilecik Şeyh Edebali Üniversitesi, İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi, Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü, Bilecik, Türkiye Abstract The British occupation of Egypt in 1882 meant a breakaway from the Anglo-French entente’s control over Ottoman financial system and the end of the Liberal Government’s ‘reluctant’ imperialism. When the Liberal ministry began in 1880, the cabinet immediately focused on foreign policies towards the Ottoman Empire subsequent to Gladstone’s campaign during the Bulgarian Agitation which had already turned out to be a party question. The protection of the Suez Canal as well as the interests of the British bondholders and the prestige of the British Empire was vital, which united the Liberal ministry and the Conservatives under the same purpose. Despite late Ottoman approval, the occupation signified the edge of Anglo-Ottoman alliance during the nineteenth century. This study will analyse why the Egyptian question is important for British party politics and to what extend the Anglo-Ottoman relations was affected with these circumstances. Keywords: Suez Canal, British Party Politics, Egypt, Urabi Pasha Öz VİKTORYA DÖNEMİ PARTİ SİYASETİ PERSPEKTİFİNDEN İNGİLİZLER’İN MISIR’I İŞGALİ (1882) ÜZERİNE BİR ANALİZ 1882 yılında İngilizler ’in Mısır’ı işgali gerek İngiliz Hükümeti’nin ‘gönülsüz’ emperyaliz- minin gerekse de Osmanlı ekonomisindeki
    [Show full text]
  • Terrorism Versus Democracy
    Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 20:58 07 June 2016 Terrorism versus Democracy This book examines the terrorist networks that operate globally and analyses the long-term future of terrorism and terrorist-backed insurgencies. Terrorism remains a serious problem for the international community. The global picture does not indicate that the ‘war on terror’, which President George W. Bush declared in the wake of the 9/11 attacks, has been won. On the other hand it would be incorrect to assume that Al Qaeda, its affiliates and other jihadi groups have won their so-called ‘holy war’ against the Coalition against Terrorism formed after 9/11. This new edition gives more attention to the political and strategic impact of modern transnational terrorism, the need for maximum international cooperation by law-abiding states to counter not only direct threats to the safety and security of their own citizens but also to preserve international peace and security through strengthening counter-proliferation and cooperative threat reduction (CTR). This book is essential reading for undergraduate and postgraduate students of terrorism studies, political science and international relations, as well as for policy makers and journalists. Paul Wilkinson is Emeritus Professor of International Relations and Chairman of the Advisory Board of the Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence (CSTPV) at the University of St Andrews. He is author of several books on terrorism issues and was co-founder of the leading international journal, Terrorism and Political Violence. Downloaded by [University of Defence] at 20:58 07 June 2016 Series: Political Violence Series Editors: Paul Wilkinson and David Rapoport This book series contains sober, thoughtful and authoritative academic accounts of terrorism and political violence.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 31 Notes: Societies at Crossroads
    Chapter 31 Notes: Societies at Crossroads Chapter Outline I. Introduction: Ottoman empire, Russia, China, and Japan A. Common problems 1. Military weakness, vulnerability to foreign threats 2. Internal weakness due to economic problems, financial difficulties, and corruption B. Reform efforts 1. Attempts at political and educational reform and at industrialization 2. Turned to western models C. Different results of reforms 1. Ottoman empire, Russia, and China unsuccessful; societies on the verge of collapse 2. Reform in Japan was more thorough; Japan emerged as an industrial power II. The Ottoman empire in decline A. The nature of decline 1. Military decline since the late seventeenth century a. Ottoman forces behind European armies in strategy, tactics, weaponry, training b. Janissary corps politically corrupt, undisciplined c. Provincial governors gained power, private armies 2. Extensive territorial losses in nineteenth century a. Lost Caucasus and central Asia to Russia; western frontiers to Austria; Balkan provinces to Greece and Serbia b. Egypt gained autonomy after Napoleon's failed campaign in 1798 (a) Egyptian general Muhammad Ali built a powerful, modern army (b) Ali's army threatened Ottomans, made Egypt an autonomous province 3. Economic difficulties began in seventeenth century a. Less trade through empire as Europeans shifted to the Atlantic Ocean basin b. Exported raw materials, imported European manufactured goods c. Heavily depended on foreign loans, half of the revenues paid to loan interest d. Foreigners began to administer the debts of the Ottoman state by 1882 4. The "capitulations": European domination of Ottoman economy a. Extraterritoriality: Europeans exempt from Ottoman law within the empire b.
    [Show full text]
  • Suppression and Restoration of the Society of Jesus in China
    SUPPRESSION AND RESTORATION OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS IN CHINA by Fr Fernando Mateos S.J. Contributor’s Abstract and Profile Fr. Mateos' s thirty-two pages well documented paper is based on Jesuit correspondence and original documents and depicts three main climax periods of the Jesuit exile in China; suppression of the Society, tribulation of its former members and then their final incorporation into the New Society. The paper gives overview of the Jesuits geographical dispersion and activities in various locations in China; it also stresses the crucial role of superiors and their decisions, their sorrows and afflictions especially manifested by Fathers; François Bourgeois, Superior of the French Jesuits and by Jean Amiot, an astronomer and writer. In 1778, Fr. Louis de Poirot, one from five ex-Jesuits who survived in Peking wrote several letters to the Congregation of Propaganda requesting the re-establishment of the Society of Jesus in China. In the end, the 78-year-old de Poirot remained in Peking alone, and peacefully passed away on December 13, 1813, eight months before the solemn publication of Pius VII’s Bull, “Sollicitudo Omnium Ecclesiarum”, restoring the Society of Jesus in the whole world. Here comes account of the revival of the Jesuit presence in China, its circumstances, challenges and opportunities opened to the Chinese mission in the New Society. Fernando MATEOS, SJ, 沈起元 is long date historian of the Chinese Province of the Society of Jesus. He is also a member of the Taipei Ricci Institute. He authored several books: China: mission de dolor, Siglo de las Missiones, Bilbao, 1961; China, Operación Fuga, Mensajero, Bilbao, 1967; China Jesuits in East- Asia: Starting from zero, 1949-1957, TEC, Taibei, 1995; and co-authored Diccionario Español de la Lengua China, Espasa-Calpe, Madrid, 1 Table of Contents I.
    [Show full text]
  • 2017 Contents
    TRUSTED FOR VALUE AND CONVENIENCE annual report 2017 Contents 2 41 Our Mission Statement on Risk Management and Internal Control 3 Awards 43 Corporate Social Responsibilities Statement 4 Corporate Information 45 Statement of Directors’ Responsibility for 5 the Audited Financial Statements Group Financial Highlights 46 6 Financial Statements Group Structure & Operations 166 8 Analysis of Shareholders Management Discussion and Analysis 169 16 Analysis of Warrant Holdings Profile of Directors 172 20 Properties Owned by Lay Hong Berhad Profile of Key Senior Management Group of Companies 22 178 Statement on Corporate Governance Notice of Annual General Meeting 37 184 Audit Committee Report Statement Accompanying the Notice of Annual General Meeting Form of Proxy 2 Our Mission To Promote A healthier lifestyle and diet among Malaysians by developing highly nutritious and hygienic products utilizing the highest quality processing standards. To Become To Provide An increasingly important supplier A caring and rewarding environment of processed chicken, chicken for our employees, one which can related products and eggs by help fulfill their career goals and expanding market share, developing inculcate a sense of participation, new products, and building trust team spirit and loyalty which will and reliability among consumers. benefit all. To Work Diligently and consistently to enhance value for our shareholders, to deliver our products fresh on time to our partners and consumers, and to be a responsible corporate citizen. Awards 3 2016-2017 The
    [Show full text]
  • Libraries in West Malaysia and Singapore; a Short History
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 059 722 LI 003 461 AUTHOR Tee Edward Lim Huck TITLE Lib aries in West Malaysia and Slngap- e; A Sh History. INSTITUTION Malaya Univ., Kuala Lumpur (Malaysia). PUB DATE 70 NOTE 169p.;(210 References) EDRS PRICE MF-$0.65 HC-$6.58 DESCRIPTORS Foreign Countries; History; *Libraries; Library Planning; *Library Services; Library Surveys IDENTIFIERS *Library Development; Singapore; West Malaysia ABSTRACT An attempt is made to trace the history of every major library in Malay and Singapore. Social and recreational club libraries are not included, and school libraries are not extensively covered. Although it is possible to trace the history of Malaysia's libraries back to the first millenium of the Christian era, there are few written records pre-dating World War II. The lack of documentation on the early periods of library history creates an emphasis on developments in the modern period. This is not out of order since it is only recently that libraries in West Malaysia and Singapore have been recognized as one of the important media of mass education. Lack of funds, failure to recognize the importance of libraries, and problems caused by the federal structure of gc,vernment are blamed for this delay in development. Hinderances to future development are the lack of trained librarians, problems of having to provide material in several different languages, and the lack of national bibliographies, union catalogs and lists of serials. (SJ) (NJ (NJ LIBR ARIES IN WEST MALAYSIA AND SINGAPORE f=t a short history Edward Lirn Huck Tee B.A.HONS (MALAYA), F.L.A.
    [Show full text]
  • Asian Literary Voices
    Publications Series AsianEdited Literary Volumes 12 Asian Literary Asian Literary Voices Philip F. Williams has published nine books in East Asian studies, including The Great Wall of Confinement (UCal, 2004), and has been ProfessorVoices of Chinese at Voices Massey University and Arizona State University. Asian Literary Voices Williams (ed.) Asian Literary Voices: From Marginal to Mainstream brings From Marginal to Mainstream together some of the most exciting recent scholarship on literature and culture in Japan, Korea, China, and India. The contributors combine original findings of interest to specialists with a clear and accessible style of writing; Edited by their unifying aim has been to give voice to a wide range Philip F. Williams of literary and scholarly figures who were important in their time and remain relevant to our epoch, and yet whose significance has been poorly understood. “The ten inquisitive and energetic authors explore a variety of topics from ‘bad-girl’ writers in contemporary China to Sanskrit poetesses in medieval India, from urban migration to avant-garde theater, and from genre paintings to writing systems.” Victor H. Mair, Professor of Chinese Language and Literature, University of Pennsylvania “This excellent book of essays represents the best of the conference volume genre. It includes concepts of the ideal lover, historical fiction and elite women’s reading in Chôson Korea and Meiji Japan, and how Europeans invented ‘Sinology’.” Michael S. Duke, Professor Emeritus of Chinese and Comparative Literature, University of British Columbia “This engaging volume deepens our understanding of how Asian civilizations have evolved not only through their contact with the West, but with one another as well.” Timothy R.
    [Show full text]
  • The North Kalimantan Communist Party and the People's Republic Of
    The Developing Economies, XLIII-4 (December 2005): 489–513 THE NORTH KALIMANTAN COMMUNIST PARTY AND THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA FUJIO HARA First version received January 2005; final version accepted July 2005 In this article, the author offers a detailed analysis of the history of the North Kalimantan Communist Party (NKCP), a political organization whose foundation date itself has been thus far ambiguous, relying mainly on the party’s own documents. The relation- ships between the Brunei Uprising and the armed struggle in Sarawak are also referred to. Though the Brunei Uprising of 1962 waged by the Partai Rakyat Brunei (People’s Party of Brunei) was soon followed by armed struggle in Sarawak, their relations have so far not been adequately analyzed. The author also examines the decisive roles played by Wen Ming Chyuan, Chairman of the NKCP, and the People’s Republic of China, which supported the NKCP for the entire period following its inauguration. INTRODUCTION PRELIMINARY study of the North Kalimantan Communist Party (NKCP, here- after referred to as “the Party”), an illegal leftist political party based in A Sarawak, was published by this author in 2000 (Hara 2000). However, the study did not rely on the official documents of the Party itself, but instead relied mainly on information provided by third parties such as the Renmin ribao of China and the Zhen xian bao, the newspaper that was the weekly organ of the now defunct Barisan Sosialis of Singapore. Though these were closely connected with the NKCP, many problems still remained unresolved. In this study the author attempts to construct a more precise party history relying mainly on the party’s own information and docu- ments provided by former members during the author’s visit to Sibu in August 2001.1 –––––––––––––––––––––––––– This paper is an outcome of research funded by the Pache Research Subsidy I-A of Nanzan University for the academic year 2000.
    [Show full text]