Dialogue Form in Cicero's Academica
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SEXUAL ALLEGATIONS for POLITICAL ENDS Cicero and the State
WERNER A. KRENKEL SEXUAL ALLEGATIONS FOR POLITICAL ENDS Cicero and the state - that means also: Cicero and down-to-earth politics The history of sexual allegations begins with Timarchos, but it reached its peak at the end of the Roman Republic. It is a bit hard for us to imagine the political impact of intentionally spread rumors and loudly proclaimed allegations. But it is also remarkable to see with what ease someone took recourse to such mean stratagems if he had run out of legal and legalistic arguments. Suetonius (Claudius 15, 4) relates a story that can best illustrate the proceedings: "It is a well known fact that, when a Roman knight was falsely accused of unnatural offenses against women (obscaenitatis in feminas) - the charge had been mischievously framed up by his enemies who could not bring him down by other means (ab impotentibus inimicis conjicto crimine) - and when he saw that Claudius was admitting the evidence of common prostitutes, this Roman knight hurled a stylus and a set of wax tablets in Claudius' face". The Roman knight could not prevail over the allegations: he was in a no- win situation. A second example tells more about the terrifying consequences of such intentionally circulated rumors, of such allegations. It is again Suetonius (Iulius 20, 4) who has the story: "Lucius Lucullus (117-56, cos. 74 B.C.) went a little too far in opposing Caesar's policies, whereupon Caesar so ter- rified him by threatening to spread foul allegations (tantum calumniarum metum iniecit) that Lucullus fell on his knees and begged Caesar's pardon". -
3 Arcesilaus and Carneades
C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP/552750/WORKINGFOLDER/BCP/9780521874762C03.3D 58 [58–80] 24.9.2009 7:15AM harald thorsrud 3 Arcesilaus and Carneades Arcesilaus initiated a sceptical phase in the Academy after taking over in c. 268 BCE. He was motivated in part by an innovative reading of Plato’s dialogues. Where his predecessors found positive doctrines to be systematically developed, he found a dialectical method of arguing and the sceptical view that nothing can be known (akatalêpsia, De Or. 3.67,seeDL4.28, 4.32). He also advanced this conclusion in opposition to the ambitious system of the Stoics, claiming further that the appropriate response to the pervasive uncertainty generated by his method is the suspension of judgement (epochê). Arcesilaus’ dialectical method was practiced without significant modification in the Academy until Carneades, who became head sometime before 155 BCE.1 Carneades both continued and strength- ened Arcesilaus’ method (ND 1.11, Acad. 2.16, see also Acad. 1.46, and Eusebius, Praep. evang. 14.7.15). Sextus marks the change by referring to Plato’s Academy as Old, Arcesilaus’ as Middle, and Carneades’ as New (PH 1.220). Since the main interpretative issues regarding both Arcesilaus and Carneades depend on the concepts of akatalêpsia and epochê,we must try to determine what they mean, how they are related, and what attitude the Academics take towards them – i.e. in what sense, if any, are these their sceptical doctrines? iarcesilaus The view that Arcesilaus derived from Plato’s dialogues might have taken one of two very different forms. He might have discovered some arguments that show knowledge is not possible. -
INGO GILDENHARD Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary CICERO, PHILIPPIC 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119
INGO GILDENHARD Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary CICERO, PHILIPPIC 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119 Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary Ingo Gildenhard https://www.openbookpublishers.com © 2018 Ingo Gildenhard The text of this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC BY 4.0). This license allows you to share, copy, distribute and transmit the text; to adapt the text and to make commercial use of the text providing attribution is made to the author(s), but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work. Attribution should include the following information: Ingo Gildenhard, Cicero, Philippic 2, 44–50, 78–92, 100–119. Latin Text, Study Aids with Vocabulary, and Commentary. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2018. https://doi. org/10.11647/OBP.0156 Every effort has been made to identify and contact copyright holders and any omission or error will be corrected if notification is made to the publisher. In order to access detailed and updated information on the license, please visit https:// www.openbookpublishers.com/product/845#copyright Further details about CC BY licenses are available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/4.0/ All external links were active at the time of publication unless otherwise stated and have been archived via the Internet Archive Wayback Machine at https://archive.org/web Digital material and resources associated with this volume are available at https://www. -
Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea Berit Van Neste University of South Florida
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 4-12-2006 Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea Berit Van Neste University of South Florida Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the American Studies Commons, and the Religion Commons Scholar Commons Citation Neste, Berit Van, "Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea" (2006). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3782 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea by Berit Van Neste A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Religious Studies College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: James F. Strange, Ph.D. Paul G. Schneider, Ph.D. Michael J. Decker, Ph.D. Date of Approval: April 12, 2006 Keywords: theology, philosophy, politics, patristic, medieval © Copyright 2006 , Berit Van Neste For Elizabeth and Calista Table of Contents Abstract ii Chapter 1 1 Introduction 1 Cicero’s Influence on Augustine 7 Chapter 2 13 Justice 13 Natural and Temporal Law 19 Commonwealth 34 Chapter 3 49 Just War 49 Chapter 4 60 Conclusion 60 References 64 i Cicero and St. -
Key Terms from Cicero in Utopia
Utopia: Key Terms from Cicero The connections between More and Cicero seem to be wide-ranging, as these notes on Latin terms from Utopia suggest. In Book 1 of Utopia, Thomas More “echoes [Cicero’s] On Duties almost word for word” and sets forth “one particular set of humanist beliefs – those of a ‘civic’ or Ciceronian humanism.”1 Even the main title of Utopia – De optimo reipublicae statu – echoes Cicero’s well- known2 De re publica. Major Ciceronian Terms in Utopia Princeps: “leading citizen”; used over twenty-five times in Book 1 – five times in the opening two paragraphs on page 156 of EW, but with different meanings. Consider what Raphael says about the ordinary as opposed to the true princeps; then compare with his own experiences with principes in perilous circumstances (158) and with princeps Morton (160ff). Respublica: “republic”; used over twenty times in Book 1. Raphael praises the Polylerites (165) as a republic comparable to that of the Romans, who were “expert in the art of governing [reipublicae]” (164/83). He says that the Polylerite republic is marked by humanitas (165/87), libertas or liberty (165/10), and felix or happiness (165/22). Utopia will also be called a respublica over forty times in Book 2. At the end of Book 1, Raphael remarks that More does not have a proper image (imago rei) of a true respublica (174/10). Humanitas: “fullness of humanity” or mature humanity ; see 165/87, 113/4, 163/25, 165/28-29, 201/17. Civis: “citizen”; More is interested in listening to Raphael’s advice about “soundly and wisely trained citizens” (159/3).3 Cicero explained to his brother, Quintus, that De re publica dealt with de optimo statu civitatis et de optimo cive (“the ideal constitution and the ideal citizen”)4; More describes his friend Peter Giles as an optimus civis at EW 157/14-34. -
A Commentary on Cicero, De Legibus
A Commentary on Cicero, De Legibus A Commentary on Cicero, De Legibus ANDREW R. DYCK THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN PRESS Ann Arbor Copyright ᭧ by the University of Michigan 2004 All rights reserved Published in the United States of America by The University of Michigan Press Manufactured in the United States of America ࠗϱ Printed on acid-free paper 2007 2006 2005 2004 4321 No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher. A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Dyck, Andrew R. (Andrew Roy), 1947– A commentary on Cicero, De legibus / Andrew R. Dyck. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ISBN 0-472-11324-0 (alk. paper) 1. Cicero, Marcus Tullius. De legibus. 2. Dialogues, Latin—History and criticism. 3. Atticus, Titus Pomponius—In literature. 4. Cicero, Quintus Tullius—In literature. 5. Law and literature—History—To 500. 6. Roman law. I. Cicero, Marcus Tullius. De legibus. II. Title. PA6296.D323D93 2003 340.5Ј01—dc21 2003053335 For J.G.F.P. Preface The neglect of Cicero, de Legibus, is striking. The edition in general use, intended merely as a stopgap, is not based upon rigorous application of the stemmatic method (see § 10 of the Introduction), and the last commentary on the whole work, dating from 1881, was conceived for the needs and interests of a very different generation of readers, not to mention being written too early to take advantage of standard works on lexicography, prosopography, etc., that began appearing at the end of the nineteenth century. -
Dirk Held on Eros Beauty and the Divine in Plato
Nina C. Coppolino, editor ARTICLES & NOTES New England Classical Journal 36.3 (2009) 155-167 Eros, Beauty, and the Divine in Plato Dirk t. D. Held Connecticut College ontemporary intellectual culture is diffident, perhaps hostile, towards the transcendent aspects of Plato’s metaphysics; instead, preference is given to the openness and inconclusiveness of CSocratic inquiry. But it is not possible to distinguish clearly between the philosophy of Socrates and Plato. This essay argues first that Socrates does more than inquire: he enlarges the search for truth with attention to erotics. It further contends that Plato’s transformative vision of beauty and the divine directs the soul, also through erotics, to truth not accessible to syllogisms alone. We must therefore acknowledge that Plato’s philosophy relies at times on affective and even supra-rational means. Debate over the function of philosophy for Socrates and Plato arose immediately following the latter’s death. The early Academy discussed the mode and intent of reason for Socrates and Plato in terms of whether it was best characterized as skepticism or dogmatism. The issue remains pertinent to the present discussion of how Plato intends mortals both to live a life of reason and strive for the divine which is beyond the normal grasp of reason. What we regard as the traditional “Socratic question” arose in the early nineteenth century from studies of Plato by the Protestant theologian and philosopher, Friedrich Schleiermacher. The phrase stands for the attempt to winnow out an historical figure from the disparate accounts of Socrates found in Plato, Xenophon, and Aristophanes. -
Alexander and the 'Defeat' of the Sogdianian Revolt
Alexander the Great and the “Defeat” of the Sogdianian Revolt* Salvatore Vacante “A victory is twice itself when the achiever brings home full numbers” (W. Shakespeare, Much Ado About Nothing, Act I, Scene I) (i) At the beginning of 329,1 the flight of the satrap Bessus towards the northeastern borders of the former Persian Empire gave Alexander the Great the timely opportunity for the invasion of Sogdiana.2 This ancient region was located between the Oxus (present Amu-Darya) and Iaxartes (Syr-Darya) Rivers, where we now find the modern Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, bordering on the South with ancient Bactria (present Afghanistan). According to literary sources, the Macedonians rapidly occupied this large area with its “capital” Maracanda3 and also built, along the Iaxartes, the famous Alexandria Eschate, “the Farthermost.”4 However, during the same year, the Sogdianian nobles Spitamenes and Catanes5 were able to create a coalition of Sogdianians, Bactrians and Scythians, who created serious problems for Macedonian power in the region, forcing Alexander to return for the winter of 329/8 to the largest city of Bactria, Zariaspa-Bactra.6 The chiefs of the revolt were those who had *An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Conflict Archaeology Postgraduate Conference organized by the Centre for Battlefield Archaeology of the University of Glasgow on October 7th – 9th 2011. 1 Except where differently indicated, all the dates are BCE. 2 Arr. 3.28.10-29.6. 3 Arr. 3.30.6; Curt. 7.6.10: modern Samarkand. According to Curtius, the city was surrounded by long walls (70 stades, i.e. -
The Military Reforms of Gaius Marius in Their Social, Economic, and Political Context by Michael C. Gambino August, 2015 Directo
The Military Reforms of Gaius Marius in their Social, Economic, and Political Context By Michael C. Gambino August, 2015 Director of Thesis: Dr. Frank Romer Major Department: History Abstract The goal of this thesis is, as the title affirms, to understand the military reforms of Gaius Marius in their broader societal context. In this thesis, after a brief introduction (Chap. I), Chap. II analyzes the Roman manipular army, its formation, policies, and armament. Chapter III examines Roman society, politics, and economics during the second century B.C.E., with emphasis on the concentration of power and wealth, the legislative programs of Ti. And C. Gracchus, and the Italian allies’ growing demand for citizenship. Chap. IV discusses Roman military expansion from the Second Punic War down to 100 B.C.E., focusing on Roman military and foreign policy blunders, missteps, and mistakes in Celtiberian Spain, along with Rome’s servile wars and the problem of the Cimbri and Teutones. Chap. V then contextualizes the life of Gaius Marius and his sense of military strategy, while Chap VI assesses Marius’s military reforms in his lifetime and their immediate aftermath in the time of Sulla. There are four appendices on the ancient literary sources (App. I), Marian consequences in the Late Republic (App. II), the significance of the legionary eagle standard as shown during the early principate (App. III), and a listing of the consular Caecilii Metelli in the second and early first centuries B.C.E. (App. IV). The Marian military reforms changed the army from a semi-professional citizen militia into a more professionalized army made up of extensively trained recruits who served for longer consecutive terms and were personally bound to their commanders. -
Introduction
Introduction The School of Doubt conducts a parallel philological and philosophical exami- nation of Cicero’s Academica, a work on Hellenistic epistemology written in the first half of 45 bce. The treatise has a unique history, insofar as fragments of two different versions are extant: the second of a two-volume first edition, a dialogue known as the Lucullus; and, forty-six paragraphs of the first book of a four-volume second edition, the Academic Books.1 Both versions ostensibly explore a controversy that divided Plato’s Academy at the turn of the first cen- tury bce, pitting Philo of Larissa against his pupil Antiochus of Ascalon. Their dispute was centered on a disagreement over the foundation of knowledge. As the story goes—a story in large part drawn from the pages of the Academica— Antiochus took issue with certain teachings of Philo’s Academy, whose tradi- tion, developed during the school’s Hellenistic period, came to stand for the unknowability of all perceptual and conceptual objects (impressions, or visa) and for withholding assent to any such impression. These two postures, which defined Academic teaching in the third and second centuries bce, were known as akatalêpsia and epochê respectively. While rejecting this dialectical attitude as a betrayal of the Platonic legacy in which he was educated and to which he professed his loyalty, Antiochus leaned closer to the certitude of the Stoics. Specifically, he believed that the Stoa’s theory of “kataleptic impression” (καταληπτική φαντασία) provided a secure foundation for knowledge and a route back to the systematic spir- it of Platonism. -
View of the Great
This dissertation has been 62—769 microfilmed exactly as received GABEL, John Butler, 1931- THE TUDOR TRANSLATIONS OF CICERO'S DE OFFICIIS. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1961 Language and Literature, modern University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan THE TUDOR TRANSLATIONS OP CICERO'S DE OFFICIIS DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By John Butler Gabel, B. A., M. A., A. M. ****** The Ohio State University 1961 Approved by Adviser Department of Ehglis7 PREFACE The purpose of this dissertation is to throw light on the sixteenth-century English translations of De Offioiis, one of Cicero’s most popular and most influential works. The dissertation first surveys the history and reputation of the Latin treatise to I600 and sketchs the lives of the English translators. It then establishes the facts of publication of the translations and identifies the Latin texts used in them. Finally it analyzes the translations themselves— their syntax, diction, and English prose style in general— against the background of the theory and prac tice of translation in their respective periods. I have examined copies of the numerous editions of the translations in the Folger Shakespeare Library, the Library of Congress, and the libraries of the Ohio State University and the University of Illinois. I have also made use of films of copies in the British Museum and the Huntington Library. I have indicated the location of the particular copies upon which the bibliographical descrip tions in Chapter 3 are based. -
When Kings Become Philosophers: the Late Republican Origins of Cicero’S Political Philosophy
When Kings Become Philosophers: The Late Republican Origins of Cicero’s Political Philosophy By Gregory Douglas Smay A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Ancient History and Mediterranean Archaeology in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Erich S. Gruen, Chair Professor Carlos F. Noreña Professor Anthony A. Long Summer 2016 © Copyright by Gregory Douglas Smay 2016 All Rights Reserved Abstract When Kings Become Philosophers: The Late Republican Origins of Cicero’s Political Philosophy by Gregory Douglas Smay Doctor of Philosophy in Ancient History and Mediterranean Archaeology University of California, Berkeley Professor Erich S. Gruen, Chair This dissertation argues that Cicero’s de Republica is both a reflection of, and a commentary on, the era in which it was written to a degree not previously recognized in Ciceronian scholarship. Contra readings which treat the work primarily as a theoretical tract in the tradition of late Hellenistic philosophy, this study situates the work within its historical context in Late Republican Rome, and in particular within the personal experience of its author during this tumultuous period. This approach yields new insights into both the meaning and significance of the work and the outlook of the individual who is our single most important witness to the history of the last decades of the Roman Republic. Specifically, the dissertation argues that Cicero provides clues preserved in the extant portions of the de Republica, overlooked by modern students in the past bur clearly recognizable to readers in his own day, indicating that it was meant to be read as a work with important contemporary political resonances.