1 Daily Media Monitoring Report Issue 16: 21 June 2018
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The Mortal Remains: Succession and the Zanu Pf Body Politic
THE MORTAL REMAINS: SUCCESSION AND THE ZANU PF BODY POLITIC Report produced for the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum by the Research and Advocacy Unit [RAU] 14th July, 2014 1 CONTENTS Page No. Foreword 3 Succession and the Constitution 5 The New Constitution 5 The genealogy of the provisions 6 The presently effective law 7 Problems with the provisions 8 The ZANU PF Party Constitution 10 The Structure of ZANU PF 10 Elected Bodies 10 Administrative and Coordinating Bodies 13 Consultative For a 16 ZANU PF Succession Process in Practice 23 The Fault Lines 23 The Military Factor 24 Early Manoeuvring 25 The Tsholotsho Saga 26 The Dissolution of the DCCs 29 The Power of the Politburo 29 The Powers of the President 30 The Congress of 2009 32 The Provincial Executive Committee Elections of 2013 34 Conclusions 45 Annexures Annexure A: Provincial Co-ordinating Committee 47 Annexure B : History of the ZANU PF Presidium 51 2 Foreword* The somewhat provocative title of this report conceals an extremely serious issue with Zimbabwean politics. The theme of succession, both of the State Presidency and the leadership of ZANU PF, increasingly bedevils all matters relating to the political stability of Zimbabwe and any form of transition to democracy. The constitutional issues related to the death (or infirmity) of the President have been dealt with in several reports by the Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU). If ZANU PF is to select the nominee to replace Robert Mugabe, as the state constitution presently requires, several problems need to be considered. The ZANU PF nominee ought to be selected in terms of the ZANU PF constitution. -
Former President of a Former Colony
Former President of a Former Colony How The Guardian reported on the final events leading to Robert Mugabe’s resignation COURSE: International Communication Master Degree Project, 15 hp PROGRAMME: International Communication AUTHOR: Henric Lindholm TUTOR: Anders Svensson SEMESTER: VT 18 JÖNKÖPING UNIVERSITY Master thesis, 15 credits School of Education and Communication Course: International Communication Master Degree Box 1026, SE-551 11 Jönköping, Sweden Project +46 (0)36 101000 Term: Spring 2018 ABSTRACT Writer: Henric Lindholm Title: Former President of a Former Colony Subtitle: How The Guardian reported on the final events leading to Robert Mugabe’s resignation Language: English Pages: 52 During the month of November 2017, the President of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe was taken into custody by Zimbabwe’s military. This was a move in order to shift the governmental power after which Mugabe after almost 40 years as President of Zimbabwe resigned from his post. The thesis contains a Critical Discourse Analysis of articles published by one of the world’s great newspapers during this shift of power. The newspaper analysed is the British newspaper The Guardian. The analysis studied which characters and major topics are represented in the articles and how they are represented to see what fits inside The Guardian’s news reporting on the final events in the shift of power in Zimbabwe. In order to find these discursive attributes, pictures linked to the articles were analysed, the context in which the events happened as well as the discourse used in the articles from a perspective of orientalism, post-colonialism and ideology. Other theoretical aspects used are framing, representation and Critical Discourse Studies. -
1 Daily Media Monitoring Report Issue 11: 16 June 2018
Daily Media Monitoring Report Issue 11: 16 June 2018 Table of Contents 1.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 2 1.2 Key Events ......................................................................................................... 2 1.3 Media Monitored .................................................................................................... 3 Methodology ................................................................................................................ 3 2.0 Did the media represent political parties in a fair and balanced manner? ............. 3 2.1 Space and time dedicated to political parties in private and public media ........ 3 2.2 Space and time dedicated to political actors in private and public media ......... 5 2.3 Tone of coverage for political parties ................................................................. 6 2.4 Gender representation in election programmes ................................................ 7 2.5 Youth representation in election programmes ................................................... 8 2.6 Time dedicated to political players in the different programme types in broadcast media ...................................................................................................... 8 3.0 Conclusion ........................................................................................................... 10 The media have an ethical obligation to be impartial in their coverage of electoral 1 -
Zimbabwe: Election Scenarios
Zimbabwe: Election Scenarios Africa Report N°202 | 6 May 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. GPA Opportunities and Constraints ................................................................................ 2 A. Reform and Resistance .............................................................................................. 2 B. A New Constitution and its Import for Elections ...................................................... 3 C. Political Coexistence .................................................................................................. 4 D. Critical Institutions: Capacity and Reforms .............................................................. 5 1. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) ....................................................... 5 2. Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission (ZHRC) ................................................. 8 III. Internal Political Party Dynamics .................................................................................... 10 A. ZANU-PF -
Update Briefing Africa Briefing N°70 Harare/Pretoria/Nairobi/Brussels, 3 March 2010 Zimbabwe: Political and Security Challenges to the Transition
Update Briefing Africa Briefing N°70 Harare/Pretoria/Nairobi/Brussels, 3 March 2010 Zimbabwe: Political and Security Challenges to the Transition I. OVERVIEW regular functioning of the National Security Council in place of the infamous Joint Operations Command, pub- As Zimbabwe enters its second year under a unity gov- lic consultations on a new constitution and preparation ernment, the challenges to democratic transformation for elections. have come into sharp focus. Despite reasonable progress in restoring political and social stability, ending wide- These delays reflect the two deeper challenges on which spread repression and stabilising the economy since Feb- this briefing concentrates. First, a mature political system ruary 2009, major threats could still derail the reform must develop, so that ZANU-PF and MDC engage as process. In particular, resistance of intransigent and still both competitors in the political arena and partners in powerful security sector leaders and fractious in-fighting the inclusive government. This will be difficult, espe- between and within the Zimbabwe African National Union cially under the divisive Mugabe, but other ZANU-PF (ZANU-PF) and the Movement for Democratic Change leaders, including the factions led by Vice President Joice (MDC) must be addressed now. South Africa and other Mujuru, and Defence Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa, countries in southern Africa – who monitor the accord know that their party has lost much popular support and that guides the transition – must press the parties, and needs a generational shift. For its part, the MDC must particularly President Robert Mugabe, to see the transi- keep faith and engaged with its broad following in the tion through to a successful conclusion. -
Law, Politics and Zimbabwe's 'Unity' Government
– Epilogue – Slow Progress towards Democracy? [August 2010] As nearly two years has passed since the signing of the GPA and the writing of the earliest chapter contained in this volume, it may be useful to provide a brief overview of Zimbabwe’s current polity, particularly as some of the preceding chapters are prognostic. The GPA was presented by the MDC formations as a flawed but workable document, one which would allow incremental progress towards the restoration of the rule of law and democracy in Zimbabwe.1 Contrary to this view, the preceding chapters suggested that the GPA would not be effective as a means to deliver this change. The MDC-T’s policy of ‘protest and capitulation’, which characterized the initial power dynamics within the ‘unity government’, has either continued or been replaced by one simply of quiet capitulation in the face of intransigence, unilateral arrogation of power, and violation of provisions of the GPA by Mugabe and ZANU(PF).2 Nonetheless, the MDC-T leadership insists, in the face of an increasingly sceptical and restless constituency, that it has made slow but significant progress towards its stated goals by virtue of the GPA. A statement by Morgan Tsvangirai at the end of June 2010,3 made after hiring, firing and reshuffling MDC ministers and deputy ministers, serves as a useful point of departure for the analysis which follows. The relevant part of the text appears opposite. 1 See, for example, Tsvangirai’s quixotic address to the US Council on Foreign Relations on 10 June 2009, a transcript of which is available at <http://www.cfr.org/publication/19613/zimbabwes_ present_and_future.html>. -
ZPP Monthly Monitor 2014
December ZPP Monthly Monitor 2014 BACKGROUND & FORMATION _ The Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP) was conceived shortly after 2000 by a group of Churches and NGOs working or interested in human rights and peace- building initiatives, and was to become a vehicle for civic interventions in a time of political crisis. In particular ZPP sought to monitor and document incidents of human rights violations and politically motivated breaches of the peace e.g. violence. Today, ZPP’s co-operating member organizations include, Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC), Catholic Commission for Justice & Peace in Zimbabwe (CCJPZ), Evangelical fellowship of Zimbabwe (EFZ) Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN), Counselling Services Unit (CSU), Zimbabwe Civic Education Trust (ZIMCET), Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR), Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZIMRIGHTS), Civic Education Network Trust (CIVNET), Women’s Coalition of Zimbabwe (WCoZ) and the Habakkuk Trust. VISION Sustainable Justice, Freedom, Peace and Development in Zimbabwe, for All MISSION To work for sustainable Peace through Monitoring, Documentation, Research & Publications, and Community Peace Building Interventions ~ through & with our Members & Partners Information Department Zimbabwe Peace Project 30/01/2015 Information Department 1 Zimbabwe Peace Project 24/04/2012 METHODOLOGY This report is based on reports from ZPP long-term community based human rights monitors who observe, monitor and record cases of human rights violations in the constituencies they reside. ZPP deploys a total of 420 community-based primary peace monitors (two per each of the 210 electoral constituencies of Zimbabwe). These community-based monitors reside in the constituencies they monitor. They compile reports that are handed over to ZPP provincial coordinators who man the different ZPP offices in the ten administrative provinces of Zimbabwe. -
1 Zimbabwe Election Support Network [Zesn]
ZIMBABWE ELECTION SUPPORT NETWORK [ZESN] REPORT ON THE ZIMBABWE 29 MARCH HARMONISED ELECTION AND 27 JUNE 2008 PRESIDENTIAL RUN-OFF Advance Copy AUGUST 2008 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS CONTENTS PAGE Foreword --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------4 Acknowledgements-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------6 Acronyms---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------7 Executive Summary--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------8 Chapter One: Historical and Political Background of Elections---------------------------------14 • Historical Background--------------------------------------------------14 • The Post 2005-----------------------------------------------------------16 • Political Actors-----------------------------------------------------------16 • Emerging Political Issues---------------------------------------------18 • Relations with the West-----------------------------------------------19 Chapter Two: Legal, Institutional and Electoral Frameworks------------------------------------20 • Legal Framework--------------------------------------------------------20 • Institutional Framework------------------------------------------------20 • Electoral Framework---------------------------------------------------22 • Legality of the June 27 Run –Off-----------------------------------23 Chapter Three: Electoral -
Media Coverage 10 Days After Nomination Court June 14 - 24 2018
MEDIA COVERAGE 10 DAYS AFTER NOMINATION COURT JUNE 14 - 24 2018 i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This report is produced by Media Monitors under the programme “Support to media on governance and electoral matters in Zimbabwe”. The programme conducted by International Media Support and the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe is funded by the European Union and the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. International Media Support (IMS) is a nonprofit organisation working with the media in countries affected by armed conflict, human insecurity and political transition. The content of this publication is the sole responsibility of Media Monitors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union or the Norwegian Ministry of foreign Affairs ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS........................................................................................... ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ........................................................................................... iv CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND ......................................... 1 1.1 Introduction...................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Context ............................................................................................................ 1 CHAPTER TWO: FAIRNESS AND BALANCE ......................................................... 2 2.1 Space and time allocated to political parties and candidates ........................... 2 2.2 Analysis of different media’s performance in representing -
Jacob Chikuhwa a Crisis of Go
A CRISIS OF GOVERNANCE: ZIMBABWE A CRISIS OF GOVERNANCE: ZIMBABWE Jacob Chikuhwa Algora Publishing New York © 2004 by Algora Publishing. All Rights Reserved www.algora.com No portion of this book (beyond what is permitted by Sections 107 or 108 of the United States Copyright Act of 1976) may be reproduced by any process, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form, or by any means, without the express written permission of the publisher. ISBN: 0-87586-284-5 (softcover) ISBN: 0-87586-285-3 (hardcover) ISBN: 0-87586-286-1 (ebook) Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Chikuhwa, Jacob W. (Jacob Wilson), 1940- A crisis of governance : Zimbabwe / Jacob Chikuhwa. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. ISBN 0-87586-284-5 (trade paper : alk. paper) — ISBN 0-87586-285-3 (hard cover : alk. paper) — ISBN 0-87586-286-1 1. Zimbabwe—Politics and government—1980- I. Title. JQ2925.C47 2004 320.96891—dc22 2004006344 Printed in the United States This book is dedicated to all the people who were tortured and those who died for the liberation and for the democratic process underway in Zimbabwe. I also dedicate the book to those who are campaigning to make Zimbabwe a truly democratic society. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my wife Raisa, my son Tonderai-Wilson and his wife Assiati and my daughter Eleonora-Ngwarai, and all my friends and acquaintances who have directly or indirectly made the task of writing this book more easy, bearable and even pleasurable. These include pastors Doug and Jodi Fondell, who provided me with material and moral support when I had just returned to Sweden at the end of April 2002. -
Alc Covid-19 Research
ALC COVID-19 RESEARCH OP-ED SERIES – VOL.6 ISSUE: 1 OCTOBER 29, 2020 HOW ZIMBABWE IS DECIMATING POLITICAL PLURALISM BEHIND THE SMOKESCREEN OF COVID-19. Moses Tofa* IN SUMMARY It is in the interest of public health and safety to restrict and suspend fundamental rights and freedoms to contain the COVID-19 pandemic, but it is vile to use the pandemic as a smokescreen behind which to exterminate political pluralism. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission should have objected to the suspension of by-elections, not only because it is illegal, but also because Zimbabwe is ready to conduct COVID-19 compliant elections. The limitation and suspension of fundamental rights and freedoms is unavoidable during a never-seen-before public health crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic, but such measures must be proportionate, restrained, circumstantially reasonable and constitutional. In the new COVID-19 world, instead of using the pandemic to undermine political freedoms, Africans should use it as an opportunity to complete the decolonisation project which their ancestors started. The arrival of COVID-19 in Africa was accompanied by two notable fears; one was dominant while the other was dormant. The dominant fear was that the pandemic will decimate African lives, livelihoods and economies. The dormant fear was that some African leaders will use the pandemic to justify the disproportionate repression and suspension of fundamental rights and freedoms. In countries such as Zimbabwe, where the legitimacy of the political authority is elusive and its capacity to deliver public goods is incredibly weak, the enforcement of COVID-19 containment measures has tended to be anchored to the use of force. -
Report 2019- the State of Corruption in Zimbabwe: As Perceived by The
REPORT 2019- THE STATE OF CORRUPTION IN ZIMBABWE: AS PERCEIVED BY THE CITIZENS OF ZIMBABWE -PRODUCED AS PART OF COMMEMORATIONS OF THE INTERNATIONAL ANTI-CORRUPTION DAY- 9 DECEMBER 2019- Anti-Corruption Trust of Southern Africa (ACT-SA) Regional Office 16, 2 nd Avenue, Kwekwe, Zimbabwe P. O. Box 93, Kwekwe, Zimbabwe Tel: +263 (55) 25 25 23 5 E-mail: [email protected] Registration No: - 045.923-NPO (South Africa) | Registration No: - MA147/2004 (Zimbabwe) 0 ORGANISATIONAL FACT SHEET 1. Introduction The Anti-Corruption Trust of Southern Africa (ACT-SA) is a regional, non-governmental and non-political organisation that was set up in 2004 to campaign against corruption and to promote good governance in both the private and public sectors. ACT-SA implements the following Programmes: ↔ Anti-Corruption Capacity Enhancement & Institution building Programme : The purpose of the Programme is to enhance the capacities of specialised anti-corruption bodies, auditors and audit institutions, judicial institutions, and law enforcement agents, to effectively respond to the challenge of corruption ↔ Anti-corruption institutional, policy and law reform Programme : The purpose of the Programme is to support national, regional and international efforts towards the formulation, implementation, adherence and coordination of anti-corruption treaties, laws, policies and action plans; ↔ Access to Justice Programme: The purpose of the Programme is to improve access to justice to victims of corruption, targeting marginalised communities, especially women, youths, the disabled and those living with HIV and AIDS. ↔ Community, civil society and business sector empowerment Programme: The purpose of the Programme is to enhance the capacities of communities, media and civil society organisations to effectively contribute to dialogue on strengthening the development and implementation of anti-corruption institutions, laws and policies for eradication of poverty and inequality.