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Abstracts (Pdf) 2003 ABSTRACTS / RÉSUMÉS 2003 Abu-Laban, Yasmeen and Garber, Judith - Immigration and the Construction of the Urban This paper will comparatively examine how immigration, racialized immigrants and urban space are constructed in state and popular discourses in Canada and the United States since 1990. At one level contemporary immigration is profoundly and perhaps inevitably an urban phenomenon. At a global level, many of the world's migrants come from big cities. In addition, immigrants have tended to settle in urban centres in countries of the industrialized North. Thus, the 2000 United States Census and the 2001 Canadian Census both revealed that immigrants gravitate to major metropolitan areas. In the case of Canada, eighty-one percent of new immigrants settle in Montreal, Toronto, and Vancouver; in the United States, thirty percent settle in New York and Los Angeles alone. Yet, state and media discussions of immigration register a marked concern with the distribution and potential re-distribution of immigrants. For example, the Canadian media has paid considerable attention to a proposal by the Minister of Immigration and Citizenship Canada, Denis Coderre, to provide incentives to prospective immigrants so that they will settle in smaller towns and rural areas. In the United States, there are two dimensions to the current geography of immigration evident in media presentations of Census data. Whereas a number of the large Rustbelt cities that had been losing population since the 1970s saw population gains largely attributable to immigration, at the same time there are dramatically increased numbers of Hispanic and Asian immigrants settling in small towns, rural areas, and suburbs. We argue that the relationship between immigration and urbanity is not an "empirical fact" but is continually constructed by state and popular actors with the consequence that immigrants are construed in the terms of human capital rather than human rights, citizenship rights, or social equality. This paper will make use of secondary as well as primary sources. Primary sources include: Census data and definitions; government policies and statements of politicians; and print media accounts. This work challenges the prevailing spatial definitions in much of the theoretical and empirical work on immigration and cities in disciplines like geography and sociology by foregrounding the inherently political character of space. This paper builds on the published work of Yasmeen Abu-Laban in the areas on citizenship theory, immigration, and race and ethnicity, and the published work of Judith A. Garber in the areas of urban politics and space. Ajzenstat, Janet - Liberty, Loyalty, and Identity in the Canadian Founding The paper reviews arguments in the colonial parliaments from 1864 to 1873. On the issue of national "identity," the legislators discuss two matters of perennial interest to Canadians. The first is political: would Confederation destroy the sturdy independence of the individual colonies, leaving them vulnerable to assimilation to the American way of life? The second lies squarely in the realm of political philosophy: does "identity" determine politics and institutions, or do institutions shape identity? Alonso-Donate, Gaston - In the Shadows of the State: Immigrant Incorporation in Global Cities Over the last thirty years the economies and populations of a number of US cities have undergone a series of rapid transformations. As these cities have become regional financial and commercial centers in the new global economic order, they have experienced an increase in the migration of non-whites from abroad as well as an increase in the flight of white residents. As a result of these transformations, struggles over political power, economic opportunities, and governmental resources in these cities are increasingly between non-white immigrants and native born minorities rather than between whites and African Americans. It has thus become crucial that practitioners and students of urban politics understand the factors that impact the relative economic and political position of non-white immigrants and native born minorities living in these global cities. This paper draws on four years of extensive fieldwork research in Miami-Dade County, Florida, United States, to compare the relative economic incorporation of the region's African American, Cuban, Nicaraguan, and Haitian communities. The findings of the study challenge contemporary arguments that focus on groups' relative work ethic and/or levels of social capital to explain groups' relative economic position. Instead, the findings point to the crucial role the state intentionally or unintentionally plays in facilitating the successful economic incorporation of certain groups and hindering the successful incorporation of other groups. Promoting the successful economic incorporation of immigrant and native born minority populations living in global cities, the paper concludes, requires government investment in programs of economic empowerment similar to programs made available by the US government to Cuban immigrants, but not available to the other groups. Such programs are crucial to ensure the economic vitality of global cities whose economies and populations have undergone the rapid transformations described above. In bringing the state to the center of the analysis, the paper argues for the need to disaggregate "the state" in order to understand the complex and often contradictory ways federal and local actors and agencies in the United States interact. Particular attention is paid to understanding the ways federal policies constrain the choices available to local communities and in turn the ways those communities impact the federal policy-making process. Altamirano, Isabel - Disposable Culture? The Puebla-Panama Plan and the Alaska and Northwestern Canada Pipeline Economic mega projects designed from the core of political and economic power and oriented to exploit natural resources such as oil and natural gas, among other resources, are challenging Indigenous peoples. Strategic natural resources are found in many Aboriginal territories, which are becoming the targets of such projects. These communities see the implementation of these projects either as a way to overcome poverty and marginalization or as a way to erode the traditional economy and the way of life. Does the need for jobs mean to give up traditional cultures? Does self- government represent an alternative to accommodate both preservation of culture and creation of jobs? These are the questions that I will address in this paper. In North America, in the name of development, projects such as the Alaska- Mackenzie Valley pipe line and the Plan Puebla Panama are challenging Indigenous peoples by pushing them to adopt development projects designed according to external needs and by creating divisions among them. After have signed land claims, those communities who opposed the Mackenzie Valley pipe line twenty-five years ago (when it was first envisioned) are now among its supporters by openly favouring the creation of jobs even if that means to transform their cultural practices. On the other hand, those communities that have not signed land claims remain sceptical about the project in the name of preserving culture and traditional ways of life. Similarly, in Southern Mexico many Indigenous communities are opposing the Plan Puebla Panama because it is a model of development that excludes them by ignoring their collective rights and by transforming their traditional way of life without their consent. To Indigenous people, the recognition of self-government is a way to preserve their culture and their traditional territories but also to have access to the exploitation of their natural resources. This paper will rely on the case study method to compare the challenges Aboriginal peoples in North America face regarding the implementation of the two regional mega projects. It is in this field that this paper will make a contribution to the discipline of comparative political science, since comparisons on Aboriginal issues in North America are practically non-existent. Anderson, Bruce - The Legal Rhetoric of Judicial Politics Of course, for political scientists the idea that judges have a political role is not new. For years, introductory texts have portrayed the judiciary as a political institution. And today many political scientists believe that the courts have too much power over public policy. By contrast, for the past 25 years Canadian and American legal scholars have worked to convince their colleagues that law is politics. More recently, Canadian legal scholars have framed this insight in terms of power relations based on differences in gender, race, ability & sexual orientation and have identified the role of law in constructing, legitimizing, and even transforming the status quo. Canadian judges have even acknowledged a political dimension in decision-making. Not only has the Supreme Court recognized that their decisions must take account of the societal context, but they have said that judges should draw on their own personal experiences. Further, the Supreme Court of Canada has explicitly acknowledged its role in making public policy. On the other hand, in judicial decisions that obviously have a large political dimension judges somehow have managed to define the boundary between law and politics and still see themselves as handling only legal issues, not political issues. Just how they do this is very interesting and very unsettling.
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