The Cross-Referencing System of Tuwali Ifugao: Form and Function
E. Lou Hohulin Donald A. Burquest SIL International Photographer Lou Hohulin
© 2011 Manila
ISBN 978-971-18-0438-1
Electronically published at www.sil.org/asia/philippines/plb_download.html
ISO 639-3 Ifugao, Tuwali (ifk) www.ethnologue.com Contents
Tables ...... iv Preface...... v Introduction...... vi Abbreviations...... vii Map...... viii Chapter 1 Morphophonology in Tuwali Ifugao...... 1 1 Introduction...... 1 1.1 Description of the Tuwali Ifugao language ...... 1 1.1.1 Phonology...... 1 1.1.2 Syllable patterns...... 2 1.2 Morphology...... 3 1.2.1 Roots ...... 3 1.2.2 Verb inflection...... 4 1.2.3 Verb root classification...... 4 2 Affixation and phonological rules ...... 6 2.1 Syllabification...... 6 2.1.1 Prefixmangi -...... 8 2.1.2 Infixes...... 8 2.1.3 Suffixes...... 9 2.1.4 Circumfixes...... 9 2.2 Nasal assimilation...... 10
2.3 Nasal assimilation and reduction of C1 of a root ...... 10 2.4 Syncope of the vowel /o/ ...... 10 2.4.1 Syncope of /o/ in CoCV(C) roots...... 11 2.4.2 Syncope of /o/ in CV.Co(C) roots...... 11 2.4.3 Syncope of /o/ in Co.Co(C) roots...... 12 3 Reduplication and gemination processes...... 12 3.1 CV reduplication...... 14 3.1.1 Action verbs and CV reduplication with no gemination ...... 14
3.1.2 Emotion verbs and CV reduplication with C1 gemination...... 14 3.1.3 Derived verbs and CV reduplication, no gemination...... 15 3.1.4 Nouns and CV reduplication with no gemination...... 15 3.2 CVC reduplication ...... 16 3.2.1 CVC reduplication and medial consonant gemination...... 16 3.2.2 Examples with muN- prefix and no reduplication...... 17 3.2.3 Medial gemination blocked with CVC reduplication...... 17 3.2.4 CVC reduplication and other affixes...... 18
3.3 CV.C2 reduplication...... 19
3.3.1 Action verbs, CV.C2 reduplication, no gemination...... 19 3.3.2 Action verbs, -an- infix, no gemination...... 20 3.4 CV(C).CV reduplication ...... 20 3.5 Gemination and affixes...... 21 3.5.1 paka- and paka- ?i- and no gemination...... 21 3.5.2 paka- ?i- and gemination of initial C...... 22 3.5.3 paka- -on or paka- -an and gemination of medial C...... 23 3.5.4 paka- -on and gemination of final .C ...... 23 3.5.5 maka- -an and gemination of medial C...... 24 3.5.6 maka- and gemination of medial C...... 24 3.6 Syncope of vowel /o/ and reduplication...... 25
ii Contents iii
3.7 CVC reduplication of affixes ...... 25 4 Stress placement ...... 26 4.1 Penultimate syllable stress on monomorphemic words ...... 26 4.2 Movement of stress...... 26 4.2.1 Movement of stress with suffixation...... 26 4.2.2 Movement of stress with enclitic pronouns...... 27 5 Conclusion...... 27 Chapter 2 Verbal morphology, cross-referencing, and NP positioning in Tuwali Ifugao...... 29 1 Introduction...... 29 2 Verbal morphology ...... 29 2.1 Classification of verb roots ...... 30 2.2 Lexical valence and semantic role sets...... 30 2.3 Default affixes...... 30 2.4 Aspect...... 30 3 Cross-referencing system...... 31 3.1 Affixation ...... 31 3.1.1 Affixes indicating the semantic role of the grammatical relation that they cross- reference ...... 32 3.1.2 Affix cross-referencing with the root ha-ad...... 32 3.2 Deictic forms...... 34 3.3 Change of NP positions in a clause ...... 34 3.3.1 Moving a site NP from an indirect-object position to a direct-object position...... 35 3.3.2 Preposing the subject-agent constituent ...... 35 3.3.3 Moving an agent when a causative agent is present ...... 35 4 Summary and conclusions...... 36 Chapter 3 The rhetorical function of morphosyntactic variation in Tuwali Ifugao narrative...... 37 1 Introduction...... 37 1.1 Text introduction...... 37 1.2 Analytical framework...... 38 2 Morphosyntactic variation and morphology...... 39 2.1 Verb root classes and default affixes...... 40 2.2 Affixation and cross-referencing ...... 40 2.3 Non-default affixation contrasted with default affixation...... 40 Summary: Morphosyntactic variation and morphology in text ...... 49 3 Morphosyntactic variation and information...... 49 3.1 Kinds of information...... 49 3.2 Given and new information...... 50 3.3 Application of the Grimes and Prince notions...... 50 3.3.1 Event information...... 50 3.3.2 Setting information...... 52 3.3.3 Participant and prop information...... 55 3.3.4 Evaluation and background information...... 62 Summary: Morphosyntactic variation and information in text...... 65 Appendix A: Affix charts...... 66 Appendix B: Determiners, personal and demonstrative pronouns...... 67 Appendix C: Hanadan Adi Matibo text...... 68 Expository introduction...... 68 Narrative 1 ...... 69 Narrative 2 ...... 71 Narrative 4 ...... 74 References...... 79 Tables
1.1. Consonants...... 1 1.2. Vowels ...... 2 1.3. Syllabification with prefixmangi -...... 8 1.4. Syllabification of verbs with infixesum - - and -in-...... 8 1.5. Syllabification of nouns with infixin - -...... 9 1.6. Syllabification with suffixeson - and -an ...... 9 1.7. Syllabification with circumfixin- - -an...... 9 1.8. Prefixes and nasal assimilation...... 10 1.9. Resyllabification with prefixmaN - ...... 10 1.10. Syncope of V /o/ in CoCV(C) roots...... 11 1.11. Syncope of V /o/ in CV.Co(C) roots ...... 11 1.12. Syncope of V /o/ Co.Co(C) roots...... 12 1.13. Syncope of V /o/ in Co.Co(C) roots with circumfixes ...... 12 1.14. Examples of lexical categories and CV reduplication...... 13 1.15. CV, verbs, no gemination ...... 14 1.16. CV, verbs, gemination...... 15 1.17. CV, derived verbs, no gemination...... 15 1.18. CV, nouns, no gemination...... 16 1.19. muN- CVC reduplication and root medial C gemination ...... 17 1.20. muN- examples...... 17 1.21. CVC reduplication with CVC.CVC root pattern...... 18 1.22. CVC, comparative and superlative adjectives ...... 18
1.23. CV.C2, verbs with suffixes -an or -on, no gemination...... 19
1.24. CV.C2, verbs with muN- prefix, no gemination ...... 19 1.25. Action verbs, -an- infix, in- -/-in--an, no gemination...... 20 1.26. Verbs and CV(C).CV reduplication ...... 21 1.27. paka-, no gemination...... 22 1.28. paka-ʔi-, no gemination...... 22 1.29. paka- ʔi- and gemination of initial C of root ...... 22 1.30. paka--on and paka--an and medial C gemination...... 23 1.31. paka--on and gemination of final C of root ...... 24 1.32. maka--an and gemination of the medial C...... 24 1.33. maka- and gemination of the medial C of root...... 24 1.34. Syncope of V /o/ in CoCV(C) syllable pattern and reduplication CVC...... 25 1.35. Movement of stress with suffixation...... 27 1.36. Movement of stress with enclitic pronouns...... 27 2.1. Verbal root classes and default affixes...... 32
iv Preface
The purpose of this book is to bring together three papers1 presenting some of the interesting features of the morphophonology, morphosyntax, and cross-referencing system of the Tuwali Ifugao language. These papers were written as a series and now constitute the chapters of this book. The analysis of the data contained in these chapters is based on a lexical database of 7,500 entries, a collection of 52 interlinearized texts and sentence paradigms, as well as a 500-page grammar.2 All of the data was collected by the first author and her husband over a period of 22 years of interaction with the Tuwali Ifugao people, living among them and working with them to translate the Christian Bible into their language. We want to thank the Ifugao people for welcoming them into their community, teaching them their language and about their culture. We want to acknowledge the help of four of the Tuwali Ifugao in particular. Josephine Pataueg, Noel (Boying) Catiling (deceased) and Lourdes Dulawan (deceased) were all members of the Bible Translation Committee but were also closely involved in the compilation and checking of the database entries, and in the analysis of the grammar. The fourth, Peter Dulawan, wrote and translated the narratives used in the analysis presented in the third chapter of this book. We want to thank our SIL colleagues who through the years have tirelessly supported both authors in our linguistic work. Special thanks go to Sue McQuay and Rex Johnson who have edited and prepared this book for electronic publishing. Finally, we want to thank Richard M. Hohulin for all that he has contributed in the past in the collection and analysis of language data, as well as his enthusiastic support of us in this present work.
1 Chapter 1 is a slightly revised version of a 2007 paper (Morphophonology in Tuwali Ifugao) published in Philippine Journal of Linguistics 38(1,2):1–38 (used by permission). Chapter 2 is a slightly revised version of a 2010 paper (Verbal morphology, cross-referencing and NP positioning in Tuwali Ifugao) published in Piakandatu ami Dr. Howard P. McKaughan, edited by Loren Billings and Nelleke Goudswaard. Manila: SIL & LSP, 140–148. Chapter 3 is based on a previously unpublished paper (The rhetorical function of morphosyntactic variation in Tuwali Ifugao narrative). 2 Both the Tuwali Ifugao lexical database and communicative grammar (Hohulin and Hohulin) are in preparation for electronic publishing.
v Introduction
Tuwali Ifugao is a Philippine-type Austronesian language, spoken in and around Kiangan, Ifugao Province. There are approximately 25,000 speakers of the language. One of the most striking typological features of such languages is the morphological and syntactic pattern referred to traditionally as “the focus system,” or more recently “the voice system.” What is involved is a form of agreement in a given clause holding between the verb and one of the associated noun phrases (NPs) of the clause, characterized formally and granting prominence to the NP in question. In an attempt to better characterize this pattern and minimize the distraction of the controversies associated with the earlier terminology, we have proposed the term “cross-referencing” to refer to the phenomenon. In the three chapters of this book, we describe the morphological characteristics of verbs in Tuwali Ifugao, the formal correlation of these verb forms with clause-level syntax, and the rhetorical function of the cross-referencing system in narrative discourse. Throughout, we have focused our attention on naturally occurring forms found in actual text material. The first chapter is a description of the intricate interaction of morphological and phonological phenomena that determine the final form of words in Tuwali Ifugao, with special attention paid to verbs. The processes of affixation, reduplication, gemination, both alone and in combination, convey derivational and inflectional possibilities, with the affixation in particular serving in part to grant special referential status to one of the NPs of the clause. Generalizations regarding syllabification and stress placement are also described and exemplified. Because the morphology of the language is both highly productive and complex involving inflection, derivation, lexical semantics and referential features of discourse, it has been necessary to analyze the morphophonology particularly with reference to its semantic effects at the lexical, syntactic and higher-level contexts of the language. We have, however, limited our description primarily to a discussion of the main verb classes and their associated default affixes, with some limited discussion of derivational processes affecting verbs. The second chapter describes the correlation of the verb morphology variations discussed in the first chapter, with the syntactic NP positioning of the arguments of clauses within the system of discourse-pragmatic cross- referencing. We conclude that there is an intricate interweaving of morphology and syntax that yields a delicately textured array of alternative expressions for comparable propositional content, each alternative expression having definable rhetorical effect, a conclusion that leads into the topic of the third chapter. The third chapter describes and explains the rhetorical functions of the various syntactic constructions and the cross-referencing patterns of verbal affixation described in the preceding two chapters, as manifested in the narrative structure of a particular text, Hanadan Adi Matibo ‘The (things that are) Unseen’. Our analytical methodology is based on the notion that morphosyntactic constructions, in the end, must be analyzed within larger contexts. This approach allows for a more accurate interpretation of the interaction between lexical semantics and grammatical relations, and of the changes in the constituent word order in sentences within texts. Also, it results in a clearer understanding of particular construction choices motivated by the pragmatic issues of identifiability, significance and appropriateness of information in context. For clarity we will occasionally reference information included in the first two chapters, but briefly, referring the reader to those chapters for full discussion.
1 For example, glosses in the language examples were revised to be consistent with the glosses of the language examples in Chapters 1 and 3. It should also be noted here that all sentence examples in the chapters show four rows of interlinearization.
vi Abbreviations
ABL abilitative NF non-focus ADJM adjective marker NMLZ nominalizer ADJU adjunct NP noun phrase, non-past tense ASP aspect O object: in affix gloss, the object is cross- CAUS causative referenced; in pronoun gloss, it is the CONT continuative object CR Cross-reference/ing P past tense CV- reduplication form PART participatory CV(C)- reduplication form PASS passive DA durative aspect PL plural DEM demonstrative (the number following POSS possessive refers to the set) PROC process DEMPRED demonstrative predicate QUAN quantifier DET determiner RENOM re-nominalization DEV derivation S subject: in affix gloss, the subject is DEV-N derived noun cross-referenced; in pronoun gloss, it is DIM diminutive the subject DISTR distributive SG singular DO direct-object STA stative DUR durative T topicalizer EXCL exclusive T.P topicalizer.place IA inceptive aspect TACR tense-aspect cross-reference INCL inclusive TM topic marker INT intensifier UNIFIER unifier IO indirect-object V verb, vowel LK linker 1 1st person MOD modal 3 3rd person
vii viii
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kiangan,_Ifugao 1 Morphophonology in Tuwali Ifugao
1 Introduction
Chapter 1 is a description of the interaction of morphological and phonological phenomena that determine the final form of words in the language. The processes of affixation, reduplication, gemination, syllabification, and stress placement are described and exemplified with data that has been excerpted from natural texts. Because the morphology of the language is both highly productive and complex, involving inflection, derivation, lexical semantics and referential features of discourse, it has been necessary to analyze the morphophonology particularly with reference to its semantic effects at the lexical, syntactic and higher-level contexts of the language. The focus of this chapter is the interaction of morphology and phonology, with the result that some description of the morphology is needed. We are primarily limiting the scope of this description to: (1) a limited sketch of the main verb classes, including the designation of default affixes associated with each verb class, and (2) some derivational processes. These two topics have the most significance for the word formation processes related to the phenomena presented in this chapter. In some instances, however, we will describe additional data involving affixes other than the default affixes, and lexical categories other than verbs for further exemplification of the phenomena.
1 .1 Description of the Tuwali Ifugao language1
1.1.1 Phonology
The Tuwali Ifugao orthography has 14 consonants and five vowels, shown in the charts below.
Table 1 .1 . Consonants
Bilabial Alveolar Velar Stops Voiceless p t k Voiced b d g 2 Continuants h Resonants Oral l Nasal m n ng3 Semi-vowels w y
1 The Tuwali Ifugao language is more fully described in A Communicative Grammar of Tuwali Ifugao (Hohulin and Hohulin, forthcoming). Excerpts have been selected, and in some cases rewritten, to indicate clearly the significance that the data have for this chapter. 2 The hyphen, -, symbolizes the glottal stop in the orthography and it is written only when it occurs within a consonant cluster; however, in this chapter the symbol, , is used for the glottal stop and is indicated for every occurrence to help readers see changes in the morphophonology more clearly. 3 The digraph, ng, symbolizes the velar nasal, a single phoneme both in the orthography and in this chapter.
1 Chapter 1: Morphophonology 2
Table 1 .2 . Vowels
Front Central Back High i u Mid e o Low a
1.1.2 Syllable patterns
There are four types of morphemes that need to be considered when studying the syllable patterns of Tuwali Ifugao: roots, affixes, reduplicants, geminates.
• Roots . Lexical categories that tend to be free morphemes are nouns, adjuncts, adjectives, demonstrative and personal pronouns, determiners, conjunctions and linkers. Some verb roots are free morphemes, but most are bound, occurring only with affixes. • Affixes, reduplicants and geminates. All affixes, reduplicants and geminates are bound morphemes.
There are two canonical syllable patterns in Tuwali Ifugao: CV and CVC. This analysis of canonical syllable patterns is based on free morphemes, which may be monosyllabic, di-syllabic, tri-syllabic and, more rarely, quadri- syllabic. Di-syllabic morphemes are the most common. When morphemes are combined, the number of syllables in a word may reach as high as seven.
Roots
Monosyllabic morphemes are members of closed classes of words:
CV mu you CV bo also, again CV hi determiner (indefinite) CVC nan determiner (definite/specific) CVC hin subordinating conjunction, ‘if/when’
Di-syllabic morphemes are the most common patterns statistically:
CV.CV ha.pe type of woven blanket CV.CV ka.ba type of basket CV.CVC ma.nuk chicken CV.CVC ba.ket old woman CV.CVC da.lit eel CVC.CV hab.u bird specie CVC.CV kul.pi agricultural ritual CVC.CVC ab.lan loom CVC.CVC gaw.wang crow
Tri-syllabic morphemes are less common:
CV.CV.CV a.ba.de shawl CVC.CV.CV dud.du.ti dragonfly CVC.CV.CVC bak.ku.kul turtle CVC.CVC.CV bul.yag.go light brown color of hair CVC.CVC.CVC gul.ling.ngay pipe for smoking Chapter 1: Morphophonology 3
Quadri-syllabic morphemes exist but are rare:
CV.CV.CV.CVC ba.la.ki.bak bark of tree CV.CV.CVC.CVC gi.na.let.get woven skirt CVC.CV.CVC.CVC ik.i.king.ngan little finger CVC.CV.CVC.CVC gaw.ga.wa.an middle finger
Affix, reduplicant and geminate syllable patterns
There are four types of affixes in Tuwali Ifugao: prefixes, infixes, suffixes and circumfixes.4 Their syllable patterns are shown below. Reduplicants have the same syllable patterns as prefixes, that is, CV or CVC or a combination. The consonant resulting from the gemination process is always the coda C of a syllable. All of the morphemes introduced here to illustrate permissible structures for affixes will be exemplified and discussed in detail in the sections to follow.
Prefix examples: Prefixes may consist of either syllable pattern CV or CVC, or a combination:5 ♦♦ CV: ma-, ni-, ka-, i- ♦♦ CVC: muN-, maN-, puN-, paN-6 ♦♦ Combination prefixes are: mangi-, nangi-, pangi-. These consist of the morphemes maN-, naN-, paN-7 combined in some inflectional patterns with the morpheme i- to serve as a single morpheme in the combined form. The glottal stop of the i- prefix drops when combined with the other prefixes.8 Infix examples: Infixes consist of a VC pattern with only one consisting of a VCC pattern:9 ♦♦ VC: -um-, -in-, -an- ♦♦ VCC: -imm- Suffix examples: Suffixes consist of VC patterns only: ♦♦ VC: -on, -an Circumfix examples: Circumfixes consist of a combination of prefixes, infixes and suffixes: ♦♦ Prefixes (CV.CV or CV) and suffixes (VC): mangi- -an, ka- -an, ki- -an ♦♦ Infix (VC) and suffix (VC): -in- -an
1 .2 Morphology
1.2.1 Roots
Roots form the core of the lexicon of Tuwali Ifugao. Verb roots have patterned and very productive word formation processes. The number and types of affixes which may co-occur and the functions and change of meaning resulting are statistically higher than for any other root lexical category. For that reason, in this chapter we have given more attention to verb formation processes than to the processes that apply to other lexical categories of roots.
4 Tuwali Ifugao has many forms that are combinations of affixes. When a combination is discontinuous, but functions as a single morpheme, the combination is interpreted as a circumfix, even though some homophonous affix forms in the combination can and do function independently in other contexts. 5 Most affix combinations function together as meaningful single units. 6 The capital N in affix forms signifies that the nasal is underspecified for place of articulation and will assimilate these features from the following consonant. 7 The nasal in these affixes manifests as the velar nasal,ng , in these combinations. 8 This combining process thus results in a sequence of two syllables, CV.CV. 9 As will be seen below, the VCC syllable pattern of this infix is not canonical and therefore, results in resyllabification. Chapter 1: Morphophonology 4
There are five morphological processes by which Tuwali Ifugao verb roots can be formally altered to adjust their meanings to fit their syntactic and communicational contexts: prefixation, suffixation, infixation, reduplication and gemination.
1.2.2 Verb inflection
There are 19 differentiated sets of inflectional and derivational affixes that may be attached to nouns, adjectives and verbs. However, since our focus is on verbs, this section will describe verb inflection only. The inflectional affixes code referential, syntactic and semantic information.
Tense. Tuwali Ifugao has a binary tense system, past and non-past, encoded in affixes. Some affixes also encode aspect components that parallel aspect components in the verb roots; a part of the classification of verb roots is based on whether they have an inherent durative or punctiliar aspect component.
Aspect. The aspect system, other than durative and punctiliar aspects, is encoded in reduplicant forms. These forms co-occur with tense inflectional affix forms. There are four main aspects:
• just completed – completed immediately preceding the “now” point on a time line • iterative – done repeatedly, usually refers to a punctiliar-aspect action, and in contrast to the habitual aspect may have reference to a time line • continuative – refers to an action or activity that continues over a period of time in reference to a time line • habitual – refers to an action or activity that is customary but has no reference to a time line
Mode . The modality system10 is encoded in affix or geminate forms and expresses one of the following:
• abilitative: the ability, expertise or pretense of the agent of the action or activity • affectedness: the tendency or facility of an experiencer or undergoer to be affected by an action or activity • intensity: the degree of intensity of the action, experience, or state encoded by the verb
1.2.3 Verb root classification
Because the morphology to be discussed in detail in this chapter is dependent upon the classes of verbs, it is important to present a summary of that classification system. Six classes of verb roots have been semantically and grammatically categorized according to a study of their basic meaning components, their grammatical function components, their inflectional and derivational possibilities, and the morphophonological and morphosyntactic processes that they undergo. The purpose for describing these classes is to provide criteria for the distribution of affixes and the applicability of morphophonological processes. This description will be brief and selective, highlighting only the particular morphological meaning or word formation processes that are significant to the topics in this chapter (see Hohulin and Hohulin, A Communicative Grammar, forthcoming, for details). The following points should be kept in mind: • The range of reference of verb roots relates to the types of actions, activities, experiences, processes or states that a verb root may refer to in the referential world. There are sub-classes of the six main classes, and the meaning components of each class constrain the choice of affix, reduplicant and geminate morphemes. • The inherent time aspect components of roots are particularly important in determining which reduplicant morphemes encoding other aspects may co-occur. • Affixes: ♦♦ Each verb root class has a set of default affixes that are compatible with the meaning and grammatical components inherent to the members of the class. For example, durative and punctiliar aspects are inherent in both roots and default affixes; non-default affixes that co-occur signal changes or modification of the inherent components of the root.
10 There is also a lexical category of adjuncts. The members of this category also encode parts of the modality system, for example, tuwali ‘in fact/in reality’; kaya ‘certainly’; kal-ina ‘probably’. Chapter 1: Morphophonology 5
♦♦ Each default affix cross-references either the subject or the object (direct or indirect)11 of a clause. This particular grammatical component of the affixes matches the transitivity component of the members of the root classes. The application of a non-default affix can change the cross-referencing process. Nevertheless, all affixes, whether default or non-default, cross-reference either the subject or object.
With that background, consider the six classes of verb roots and their characteristics.
1.2.3.1 Class 1
Class 1 verbs are active,12 intransitive verbs referring to movement from one place (source) to another (destination). They are classified as activity13 verbs because a durative time aspect is inherent to them, that is, the movement takes place over a period of time. There are two sub-classes of these movement verbs. One sub-class (labeled 1A) has a manner component that is important, and the other (1B) has a directional component that is important. The primary valent of both classes is a volitional agent. The default affix for this class is the prefixmuN- . The past tense affix form is the prefix nuN-. These prefixes cross-reference the subject in a sentence.
Examples of 1A are dalan ‘to walk’, keke ‘to swim’. Examples of 1B are dayyu ‘to descend’; tikid ‘to ascend’.
1.2.3.2 Class 2
Class 2 verbs are also active, intransitive verbs; they are divided into three main sub-classes: actions, experiences and processes. The actions sub-class is divided into two movement sub-classes: both have a punctiliar time component, but one portrays movement from one place to another, and the other portrays simply a change of position. The experiences sub-class is further divided into verbs portraying emotions and verbs portraying physiological functions. The emotions sub-class is further divided into verbs portraying feelings and verbs portraying sounds that are made related to those feelings; with these sub-classes, the punctiliar time component might be better described as an episodic time component. The final sub-class,processes , is divided into those verbs portraying meteorological phenomena and those portraying non-meteorological processes. For all Class 2 verb roots, the default affix is the infix-um- . The past tense affix form is the infix -imm-. These prefixes cross-reference the subject in a sentence.
Examples are hogop ‘to enter’; lahun ‘to exit’; taddog ‘to stand up’; ubun ‘to sit down’.
1.2.3.3 Class 3
Class 3 verbs are active, transitive verbs with the core meaning component expressing the movement of an object away from the agent. Each sub-class has a core component expressing what is done with the object after being moved, for example, whether it is repositioned, or released, or combined with another object, or attached to another object. All members of this class tend to have a punctiliar aspect component. The default affix for this verb root class is the prefix, i-. The past tense form is the prefix iN-. These affixes cross-reference the object in a sentence.
Examples are talu ‘to hide something’, bobod ‘to tie something’.
11 The terms “subject,” “direct-object,” and “indirect-object” are grammatical relations postulated for the language. These three grammatical relations have been analysed and defined on the basis of (1) word order, (2) the contrastive semantic roles that each encodes, (3) the cross-referencing of NP arguments by verbal affixes, and (4) the operation and function of syntactic processes related to them. In this regard the term “indirect-object” is used more broadly than its traditional sense and refers to arguments that are neither subjects nor direct-objects. 12 The term “active” is used in contrast to “stative” and “passive.” 13 The term “activity” is used in contrast to “action.” These terms are used to contrast verb root classes that differ in regard to inherent durative (activity) and punctiliar (action) aspects. Chapter 1: Morphophonology 6
1.2.3.4 Class 4
Class 4 verbs are active, transitive verbs that express many different actions involving the touching of an object; the degree of pressure involved in a touch is important in determining how much of an effect the touch has on an object. The pressure may vary from gentle, which has little effect on the object, to forceful, which changes the structure of the object. All members of this class tend to have a punctiliar aspect component. The default affix for this verb root class is the suffix-on . The past tense affix form is the infix -in-. These affixes cross-reference the object in a sentence.
Examples are dadag ‘to destroy something’, duntuk ‘to punch someone’.
1.2.3.5 Class 5
Class 5 active, transitive verbs express a state-change action on a site-type object. That means that the object that is referenced stays in place and intact while another object is added to it or subtracted from it, changing its state but not its structure. All members of this class tend to have a punctiliar aspect component. The default affix for Class 5 verb roots is the suffix-an . The past tense affix is the circumfix consisting of the infix-in- and the suffix -an. These affixes cross-reference the object in a sentence.
Examples are adug ‘to guard something’, tamtam ‘to taste something’.
1.2.3.6 Class 6
Class 6 verbs are state and state-process intransitive verbs that express non-agentive, descriptive states or processes. These verbs express properties of entities that undergo what is perceived of as non-agentive change. When a human is involved, as in physiological state-processes, the human is perceived of as an experiencer rather than a volitional agent. The default affixes for state and state-process verbs are ma- and na- for non-past and past tense respectively. To encode process, the default affixes are the infixes-um- and -imm-. All of these default affixes cross-reference the subject in a sentence.
Examples are agang ‘to be hungry’, uwo ‘to be thirsty’.
2 Affixation and phonological rules14
There are four morphophonological rules that will be illustrated in this section: Assimilation, Syncope and Consonant Reduction, and Syllabification. Syllabification may best be seen as a purely phonological process; it applies to all forms, irrespective of their morphological structure. As will become clear below, it is necessary to distinguish CVC reduplication (where the second C is the coda consonant of the syllable being reduplicated) from CV.C reduplication (where the second C is the onset consonant of the following syllable being reduplicated). To account for this difference, it is necessary to assume that syllabification is continuous throughout the derivation. Nevertheless, for ease of presentation, we limit the indication of syllable structure to the final line of the derivations.
2.1 Syllabification
As noted earlier in this chapter, the analysis of the two canonical syllable patterns, CV and CVC, is based on free morphemes. Only infixes and suffixes have a VC pattern. In addition to the evidence offered byfree morphemes, the syllabification process itself demonstrates that the VC pattern is not a canonical pattern.
• Our data will show that an onset C is obligatory in every syllable, so that when affixes are attached, a syllabification process takes place that will result in every syllable of a word having an onset C. For example:
14 In the examples, syllables will be separated by the use of the period symbol. Chapter 1: Morphophonology 7
tam.tam ‘to taste’ tinamtaman default affixation-in- -an ti.nam.ta.man final syllable structure ‘(someone) tasted something’
• Additional evidence that an onset C is obligatory for all syllables is seen when vowel-initial suffixes-on or -an are added to a verb root ending in a vowel. A transitional consonant is obligatorily inserted between the root and the suffixes, and that consonant becomes the onset C of the final syllable. If the root ends in a front vowel, y is inserted. If the root ends in a mid-vowel, is inserted, and if the root ends in a back vowel, w is inserted. Consider the following examples:
ka.li ‘to speak’ + -an ka.li.yan ‘to speak to s.o.’ 15 pi.li ‘to choose’ + -on pi.li.yon ‘to choose s.t.’ ba.ba ‘lower’ + ka--an ka.ba.ba.an ‘lowered thing’ hang.ga ‘to face’ + -on hang.ga.on ‘to face s.o.’ pat.u ‘to hit on head’ + -an pat.u.wan ‘to hit s.o. on the head’ da.mu ‘meet’ +-on da.mu.won ‘to meet s.o.’
• The same phenomenon as described immediately above also functions at the sentence level with specific morphemes. In particular, the first person pronoun suffix ak when attached to roots ending in front vowels loses the glottal stop and a y is inserted; it retains its initial glottal stop when attached to roots ending in the /a/ vowel.
u.ma.li + ak u.ma.li.yak ‘I will come.’ u.ma.la + ak u.ma.la.ak ‘I will get some.’
• In addition to the requirement that every syllable have an onset consonant, there also appears to be a preference, though not obligatory, for the final syllables of words to be closed. When words with open final syllables are followed by certain free morphemes with a one-syllable CV pattern (for example, the determiner hi16 and the pronouns ku ‘I, my’ and mu ‘you, your’), the V of the second morpheme is dropped, and the remaining C is attached to the preceding word with a final open syllable, making it a closed syllable.
im.ba.ba.le ‘son/daughter’ ku ‘my’ im.ba.ba.lek ‘my son/daughter’ mih.di ‘stays’ hi ‘DET’ mih.dih muyung ‘stays (in a) forest’
• There is a monosyllabic linker, an, that also attaches to preceding words that end in a vowel. Both the glottal stop and the vowel /a/ are dropped, and the /n/ becomes the coda C of the word.17
o.ha ‘one’ an ‘LK’ o.han al.go ‘one day’ ha.na.da ‘DEM- those’ an ‘LK’ ha.na.dan i.i.ba.na ‘those relatives’
15 The abbreviation s.o. stands for “someone,” and the abbreviation s.t. stands for “something.” 16 The determiner hi is multi-functional; the two primary functions are (1) to mark proper personal names and (2) to mark indefinite/non-specific common nouns. 17 Some speakers of the language close V-final words with the nasaln even when the an linker is not functionally needed in the structure. Chapter 1: Morphophonology 8
Verbs in Tuwali Ifugao have the broadest and most complex range of inflectional and derivational possibilities and, therefore, the syllabification process operates most commonly within this lexical category. The process does, however, operate on members of other lexical categories, and some examples below will illustrate that fact.18
2.1.1 Prefix mangi-
The prefix mangi- and its past tense form nangi- are forms that combine two prefixes, maN- and i-. When combined, the N- of maN- becomes a velar nasal19 and reduces the glottal stop, and the combination prefix then undergoes syllabification to yield CV.CV. This particular combined affix co-occurs only with Class 3 verb roots.
pap.tok ‘to take care of’ mangipaptok affixation withmangi- ma.ngi.pap.tok final syllable structure ‘for someone to care for something’
Other examples are included in Table 1.3:
Table 1.3. Syllabification with prefix mangi-
Root English Root plus prefix mangi- English ha.ang cook ma.ngi.ha.ang for s.o. to cook s.t. ba.ga ask for ma.ngi.ba.ga for s.o. to ask for s.t. pi.lit force ma.ngi.pi.lit for s.o. to force s.o. to do s.t.
2.1.2 Infixes
The VC syllable pattern of infixes,-um- and -in-, (whether occurring with verbs or nouns) invokes syllabification resulting in an onset C for the infix, and the coda C of the infix becomes the onset C of the second syllable:
bad.dang ‘to help’ bumaddang affixation with-um- bu.mad.dang final syllable structure ‘to help’
Other examples are included in Table 1.4 and Table 1.5:
Table 1.4. Syllabification of verbs with infixes -um- and -in-
Root English Root plus infix English tad.dog stand tu.mad.dog stand up ta.lak lose ti.na.lak lost (it) dun.tuk punch/sock di.nun.tuk punched s.o.
18 Reduplication and gemination processes also invoke the syllabification phonological process. This will be discussed and illustrated in Chapter 1, section 3. 19 This appears to be a type of assimilation in Tuwali Ifugao. See Chapter 1, 2.2. Chapter 1: Morphophonology 9
Table 1.5. Syllabification of nouns with infix -in-
Root English Root plus infix English ga.tut hundred gi.na.tut hundreds ba.ba.i female/woman bi.na.ba.i females/women
2.1.3 Suffixes
The VC syllable pattern of suffixes,-on and -an, invokes syllabification, resulting in an onset C for the suffix:
dun.tuk ‘to punch’ duntukon default affixation with-on dun.tu.kon final syllable structure ‘to punch someone’
Other examples are included in Table 1.6:
Table 1.6. Syllabification with suffixes -on and -an
Root English Root plus suffix English gal.gal chew gal.ga.lon chew something u.mut obstruct u.mu.tan obstruct something
2.1.4 Circumfixes
A circumfix combining prefixes, infixes and/or suffixes invokes the same types of syllabification as the single affix morphemes:
tam.tam ‘to taste’ tinamtaman default affixation with-in- -an ti.nam.ta.man syllabification ‘for someone to have tasted something’
Other examples are included in Table 1.7:
Table 1.7. Syllabification with circumfix -in--an
Root English Root plus circumfix English a.yag call for i.na.ya.gan called for someone hi.gid sweep hi.ni.gi.dan swept something Chapter 1: Morphophonology 10
2 .2 Nasal assimilation
All nasals in the final position of prefixes are underspecified. They assimilate to the point of articulation of the initial consonant of the roots to which they are attached. These prefixes are muN- and the past tense form nuN-, iN-, aN- and infix -in-.20
pap.tok ‘to care for s.o. or s.t.’ muNpaptok affixation withmuN- mumpaptok nasal assimilation mum.pap.tok final syllable structure ‘to care for someone or something as an activity’
Other examples are included in Table 1.8:
Table 1.8. Prefixes and nasal assimilation
muN- da.lan mun.da.lan walk muN- ngu.nu mung.ngu.nu work iN- ta.nom in.ta.nom planted s.t. iN- ba.ga im.ba.ga asked s.t. iN- ku.yug ing.ku.yug led s.o. aN- du.ke an.du.ke long aN- bi.log am.bi.log wide
2 .3 Nasal assimilation and reduction of C1 of a root
The final nasal consonant of the prefixes maN-, its past tense form naN- and paN- (underspecified for place of articulation and symbolized as N) assimilate to the point of articulation of the initial C of the root and then the root-initial C is deleted. The resulting form is then syllabified:
pat.na ‘to try’ maNpatna affixation withmaN- mampatna nasal assimilation mamatna C1 reduction ma.mat.na final syllable structure ‘for (someone) to try (something)’
Additional examples are included in Table 1.9:
Table 1.9. Resyllabification with prefix maN-
Root English Root plus prefix maN- English ta.kang open mouth ma.na.kang for s.o. to open mouth kap.ya make ma.ngap.ya for s.o. to make s.t.
20 The infix shown throughout this chapter as–in- also manifests nasal assimilation when the nasal occurs preceding a medial consonant following syncope of the vowel /o/. Examples: homok ‘to pity s.o.’ + -in- himmok; dongol ‘to hear’ + -in- dingngol. This suggests that the underlying form iN- has the alveolar nasal as the default form preceding vowels. Chapter 1: Morphophonology 11
2 .4 Syncope of the vowel /o/
There are three rules related to the syncope of the vowel /o/. Which rule applies depends on the syllable pattern of a root.
2.4.1 Syncope of /o/ in CoCV(C) roots
When prefixes of the form CV- or infixes of the form -VC- are affixed to roots of the form Co.CV(C), they invoke syncope of the /o/ vowel in the first syllable of the root:21
po.hod ‘to like’ pinohod default affixation with-in- pinhod syncope pin.hod final syllable structure ‘(someone) likes or wants (something/someone)’
Additional examples are included in Table 1.10:
Table 1 .10 . Syncope of V /o/ in CoCV(C) roots
Root Affix Resulting form English po.hod ma- map.hod likable ho.mok ma- mah.mok pitiful ko.ga -um- kum.ga to cry
2.4.2 Syncope of /o/ in CV.Co(C) roots
When suffixes of the form -VC or circumfixes of the form CV- -VC are affixed to roots of the form CV.Co(C), they invoke syncope of the /o/ vowel in the second syllable of the root with subsequent syllabification:
ga.kod ‘to tie’ nagakodan passive affixation withna- -an nagakdan syncope na.gak.dan final syllable structure ‘it is tied’
Additional examples are included in Table 1.11:
Table 1 .11 . Syncope of V /o/ in CV .Co(C) roots
Root English Affix English hi.long (N) night/dark na--an na.hil.ngan (stative V) benighted da.tong (V) arrive -an dat.ngan (N) arrival place
21 There are a few instances of the syncope of the vowel /u/ resulting in affix reduplication, for example: ubun ‘to sit’ umubun default affixation with-um - umbun syncope umumbun CVC reduplication (Chapter 1, 3.2) um.um.bun final syllable structure ‘for someone to continue to sit’ Chapter 1: Morphophonology 12
2.4.3 Syncope of /o/ in Co.Co(C) roots
When roots are of the form Co.Co(C), suffixation invokes the syncope of the /o/ vowel of the second syllable. Therefore, we may conclude that the second syllable syncope rule takes precedence over the first syllable syncope rule because syncope of the /o/ in the first syllable would result in an unacceptable initial consonant cluster:
ho.mok ‘to pity’ homokon default affixation with-on homkon syncope hom.kon final syllable structure ‘to pity someone’
Additional examples are included in Table 1.12:
Table 1 .12 . Syncope of V /o/ Co Co(C). roots
Root Affix Resulting Form English ho.gop -an hog.pan entrance po.hod -on poh.don to like/want/love s.t. or s.o. do.ngol -on dong.lon to listen to s.t.
However, when roots of the form Co.Co(C) are circumfixed (CV- -VC), the first syllable syncope rule takes precedence.
po.hod ‘to like’ kipohodan affixation withki- -an kiphodan syncope kip.ho.dan22 final syllable structure ‘benefit’23
Additional examples are included in Table 1.13:
Table 1.13. Syncope of V /o/ in Co.Co(C) roots with circumfixes
Root Affix Resulting Form English ko.do mi--an mik.do.wan to be asked for s.t. do.ngol mi--an mid.ngo.lan to be influenced
3 Reduplication and gemination processes
Reduplicant morpheme forms . There are two types of morphemes that may be reduplicated: roots and affixes. Reduplication morphemes have the following four syllable patterns:
22 It is of interest to note that the resulting sequence of /p/ and /h/ across syllable boundaries does not conform to the Sonority Dispersion Principle, although that is the principle which can be proposed to account for the “avoid onsetless syllables” resyllabification seen widely in the preceding examples. (Clements 1990) 23 The meaning of this form is not predictable from the sum of its parts. Chapter 1: Morphophonology 13
1. CV 2. CVC 24 3. CV.C2 4. CV(C).CV
It might appear to be possible to combine the CVC and CV.C2 types of reduplication; however, the reduplicants are not only different in form, they are different in meaning. They encode two different aspects, and co-occur with different root classes. In addition, CVC reduplication requires non-morphological gemination if there is not already a CVC available to be reduplicated (as discussed in Chapter 1, 3.2.1 and elsewhere).
Reduplicant and geminate morphemes and their meanings . Reduplicant and geminate morphemes encode aspect, modality or quantitative meaning. The same forms have multiple meanings.25 Disambiguation of meaning is contextual, that is, the meaning of any given form is related to the lexical category or the semantic sub-class of co-occurring roots, and/or the co-occurring affixes. However, in general, reduplicants encode aspect and geminates encode modality. Only two cases of meaningless gemination have been identified (cf. Chapter 1, 3.2.1 and 3.2.4). Geminants never occur as independent morphemes; they always occur in conjunction with other morphemes. Nevertheless, the combination of affixation and gemination together is meaningful. As mentioned earlier, there are nine lexical categories in Tuwali Ifugao: verbs, nouns, adjectives, adjuncts, demonstrative and personal pronouns, determiners, conjunctions and linkers. Of those nine classes, only verbs, nouns and adjectives allow the reduplication process to operate.26
Table 1.14. Examples of lexical categories and CV reduplication
Root Meaning Category Reduplication - CV Meaning bu.nut cast lots verb bu.bu.nut multiple action ta.gu person noun ta.ta.gu plural – people o.ngal big adjective o.o.ngal big – plural things
Disambiguation of meaning based on lexical categories, semantic sub-classes of roots and co-occurrence of affixes will be described further in the following sections related to different forms of reduplicants and geminates.
Gemination. Which consonant of the root, the initial, medial or final, is geminated relates to other phenomena such as:
• Co-occurrence with reduplicant forms • The difference in meaning of reduplicants based on whether or not there is consonant gemination • Co-occurrence with affix forms only, with no reduplication • Co-occurrence with different root classes and/or affixes
It should be noted that, in addition to the gemination process, there are roots containing consecutive homophonous consonants. These have the syllable pattern CVC.CV(C) and, therefore, block the gemination process (cf. Chapter 1, 3.3.2). Evidence for homophonous consonants in roots are: (1) there are a large number of roots with homophonous consonants that do not undergo the gemination process, (2) these roots never occur without the homophonous consonant sequence, and (3) there are roots that differ only on the basis of a single medial consonant vs. a cluster of homophonous consonants, for example, tudu ‘to teach’ vs. tuddu ‘to appoint’.
24 C2 symbolizes the onset C of the second syllable of a root. 25 Instead of postulating multiple meanings for the forms, one could instead postulate homophonous reduplicant and geminate forms. 26 There are, however, three exceptions. These are the existential predicate, wada, its negative counterpart, maid, and the negation form, adi, which may all be reduplicated. Chapter 1: Morphophonology 14
3 .1 CV reduplication
The basic meaning of CV reduplication is augmentative, either in the number of entities involved (Chapter 1, 3.1.1 and 3.1.4), or in the intensity of the action being conveyed (Chapter 1, 3.1.2). Another meaning of the CV reduplication is continuative aspect when co-occurring with derived verbs (Chapter 1, 3.1.3).
3.1.1 Action verbs and CV reduplication with no gemination
• The roots are Class 4 action verbs. • There is no gemination. • The CV reduplication encodes a plurality of the agent-subject. The co-occurring muN- prefix cross- references the subject-agent.
Forms are derived most easily if the reduplication is carried out first, then the affixation of muN-. In this way the reduplication can be characterized as a reduplication of the initial CV of the form, without regard to any affixation it carries:
bu.nut ‘to draw lots’ bubunut CV reduplication muNbubunut affixation ofmuN - mumbubunut nasal assimilation mum.bu.bu.nut final syllable structure ‘drawing lots’
Additional examples are included in Table 1.15:
Table 1 .15 . CV, verbs, no gemination
Root English muN- CV English gu.bat war mung.gu.gu.bat warring gu.lu disturb mung.gu.gu.lu disturbing tu.tut argue mun.tu.tu.tut arguing
3.1.2 Emotion verbs and CV reduplication with C1 gemination
• The roots are Class 2 emotion verbs.
• The CV reduplication, along with the C1 gemination, encodes intensity of emotion. • The co-occurring -um- (non-past) or -imm- (past) infixes cross-reference the subject-experiencer.
ta.kut ‘to fear’ tatakut CV reduplication timmatakut affixation by-imm-
timmattakut gemination of C1 of the root tim.mat.ta.kut final syllable structure ‘to fear greatly’
Additional examples are included in Table 1.16: Chapter 1: Morphophonology 15
Table 1 .16 . CV, verbs, gemination
Root English -um- CV C1 English hi.ngit hate hu.mih.hi.ngit hate intensely a.mo jealous u.ma.a.mo very jealous
A topic of theoretical interest with regard to required rule ordering should be pointed out here:
• CV reduplication must precede -um- or -imm- affixation because the forms are infixed after the reduplicated consonant.
• CV reduplication must precede C1 gemination because C1 gemination yields a CC-initial form that fails to match the CV template that is reduplicated.
• To apply C1 gemination late in the derivation, however, requires that any other affixation occurring must not obliterate the root boundaries, because these boundaries are crucial to identifying the consonant to be
geminated; we will see this again below with regard to C3 gemination.
3.1.3 Derived verbs and CV reduplication, no gemination
• The roots are nouns, derived into Class 1 verbs with durative aspect. • There is no gemination. • The CV reduplication encodes continuative aspect. • The muN- prefix cross-references the agent-subject.
da.la ‘blood’ dadala CV reduplication muNdadala affixation withmuN- mundadala nasal assimilation mun.da.da.la final syllable structure ‘bleeding’
Additional examples are included in Table 1.17:
Table 1 .17 . CV, derived verbs, no gemination
Root English muN- CV English bi.yag* life mum.bi.bi.yag living da.lang flame mun.da.da.lang flaming kulabut cloud mung.ku.ku.la.but cloudy, continuing
*biyag is borrowed from Ilocano,27 but fits the Tuwali Ifugao pattern.
3.1.4 Nouns and CV reduplication with no gemination
• The roots are nouns. • There is no gemination. • The CV reduplication is inflectional, encoding plurality. • There is no co-occurring affix.
27 The Ilocano language is the lingua franca of the Tuwali Ifugao language area. Chapter 1: Morphophonology 16
ta.gu ‘person’ tatagu CV reduplication ta.ta.gu final syllable structure ‘people’
Additional examples are included in Table 1.18:
Table 1 18. . CV, nouns, no gemination
Root English CV English u.nga child u.u.nga children ba.ka cow ba.ba.ka cows ba.nga pot/pan ba.ba.nga pots/pans
3 .2 CVC reduplication
There are two types of CVC reduplication; one involves a phonological process that geminates the medial consonant when the root form is CV.CVC, and the other is simply a reduplication process when the root form is CVC.CVC.
3.2.1 CVC reduplication and medial consonant gemination
The CVC reduplication form shown in the data below has the meaning of “continuative” and is constrained by the following features of co-occurring roots and affixes:
• The co-occurring roots must be activities or derivable as Class 1 activities, that is, taking place over a period of time. For example, the verb root dopap illustrated below is a member of Class 4. • The prefixes muN- ‘non-past tense’ and nuN- ‘past tense’ are the required co-occurring affixes, cross- referencing the subject. • In order for the CVC reduplication process to operate most elegantly, the medial consonant of the root must be geminated if the root is of the shape CV.CV(C). In this case, the gemination process is meaningless; it simply provides the syllable pattern necessary for the CVC reduplication.
do.pap ‘to wrestle’ doppap gemination of medial C dopdoppap CVC reduplication muNdopdoppap affixation withmuN- mundopdoppap nasal assimilation mun.dop.dop.pap final syllable structure ‘continuative wrestling (two or more persons)’
Additional examples are included in Table 1.19: Chapter 1: Morphophonology 17
Table 1 .19 . muN- CVC reduplication and root medial C gemination
Root English muN- CVC English da.lan walk mun.dal.dal.lan walking da.sal pray mun.das.das.sal praying di.nol trust mun.din.din.nol trusting ka.li speak mung.kal.kal.li speaking ko.do beg mung.kod.kod.do begging to.pol fast mun.top.top.pol fasting
3.2.2 Examples with muN- prefix and no reduplication
All of the roots shown in Table 1.20 have the form CV.CVC. When they co-occur with the prefix muN- a simple durative, not continuative, activity is expressed. In this case, there is no gemination process needed because, as noted above, that is necessary only for providing a CVC syllable in the root for reduplication, and there is no reduplication in these forms:
do.pap ‘to wrestle’ muNdopap affixation withmuN- mundopap nasal assimilation mun.do.pap final syllable structure ‘to wrestle as an activity’
Additional examples are included in Table 1.20:
Table 1 .20 . muN- examples
Root English muN- da.lan walk mun.da.lan da.sal pray mun.da.sal di.nol trust mun.di.nol ka.li speak mung.ka.li ko.do beg mung.ko.do to.pol fast mun.to.pol
3.2.3 Medial gemination blocked with CVC reduplication
As might be expected, gemination of the medial consonant is blocked when the root form already has the shape CVC.CVC. Also, as pointed out previously, this syllable pattern is the one needed for the CVC reduplication, and if already present in the root is available for the reduplication process.
pap.tok ‘to care for’ pappaptok CVC reduplication muNpappaptok affixation withmuN- mumpappaptok nasal assimilation mum.pap.pap.tok final syllable structure ‘(someone) is continually caring for (someone or something)’
Additional examples are included in Table 1.21: Chapter 1: Morphophonology 18
Table 1 21. . CVC reduplication with CVC CVC. root pattern
Root English muN- CVC English nom.nom think mun.nom.nom.nom thinking hol.tap suffer mun.hol.hol.tap suffering bad.dang help mum.bad.bad.dang helping
3.2.4 CVC reduplication and other affixes
The data in the following table shows the CVC reduplication pattern with the meaning of “comparative” when occurring with adjective roots. In this case, the first two roots shown are of the CVC.CV(C) pattern, and do not require gemination. However, note that the roots duke, tike, ongal and itay all manifest the CV.CV(C) pattern and therefore require medial consonant gemination in order to provide the first syllable pattern necessary for the CVC reduplication morpheme. These forms give more evidence that this gemination process is purely phonological, and that the geminate itself is meaningless in contrast to the geminate morpheme that encodes the modal meaning “intensive” discussed in Chapter 1, 3.5.2, 3.5.3, and 3.5.4:
du.ke ‘long’ dukke gemination of medial C dukdukke CVC reduplication andukdukke affixation with an- an.duk.duk.ke final syllable structure ‘longer’
du.ke ‘long’ dukke gemination of medial C dukdukke CVC reduplication kadukdukkean affixation withka- -an kadukdukkeyan consonant insertion kadukdukkayan vowel harmony [e -> a]28 ka.duk.duk.ka.yan final syllable structure ‘longest’
Additional examples are included in Table 1.22:
Table 1 .22 . CVC, comparative and superlative adjectives
Root English Prefix + CVC English Circumfix + CVC English ak.hop low na.ak.ak.hop lower ka.ak.ak.ho.pan lowest tag.e high na.tag.tag.e higher ka.tag.tag.a.yan highest ti.ke short an.tik.tik.ke shorter ka.tik.tik.ka.yan shortest o.ngal big ong.ong.ngal bigger ka.ong.ong.nga.lan biggest i.tay small it.it.tay smaller ka.i.it.ta.yan smallest
28 Vowel harmony is not a common phonological process in Tuwali Ifugao. The only instances of the process are verbal roots ending in /e/ that allow the attachment of suffix–an . Chapter 1: Morphophonology 19
3 .3 CV .C2 reduplication
3.3.1 Action verbs, CV.C2 reduplication, no gemination
• The CV.C2 reduplicant morpheme when the second C is the onset of the following syllable encodes the iterative aspect, that is, actions that happen again and again. The semantic root sub-classes that co-occur with this reduplicant are Classes 4 and 5; these classes have default affixes-on and -an that cross-reference objects. The time aspect inherent in the roots tends to be “punctiliar,” that is, the beginning and the end are conceptualized as part of a single action. The iterative meaning with these affixes generally implies plural objects that are being cross-referenced. • There is no gemination of the medial consonant with this iterative reduplicant morpheme.
ba.liw ‘to change’
balbaliw CV.C2 reduplication balbaliwan affixation with-an bal.ba.li.wan final syllable structure ‘to change something again’
Additional examples are included in Table 1.23:
Table 1 23. . CV .C2, verbs with suffixes -an or -on, no gemination
Root English CV.C + -on or -an English ba.yad pay bay.ba.ya.dan pay for s.t. again da.pa touch/feel for s.t. dap.da.pa.on feel for s.t. again a.dal learn ad.a.da.lon learn s.t. again
• Such actions may refer to an action that is distributive over time when co-occurring with the muN- prefix. In these cases, it is the agent-subject that is cross-referenced. This is a derivative process, signified by the change to durative time and agent-subject cross-referencing triggered by the prefix.
ba.liw ‘to change’
balbaliw CV.C2 reduplication muNbalbaliw affixation withmuN- mumbalbaliw nasal assimilation mum.bal.ba.liw final syllable structure ‘to change again’
Additional examples are included in Table 1.24:
Table 1 .24 . CV .C2, verbs with muN- prefix, no gemination
Root English muN- CV .C English ba.yad pay mum.bay.ba.yad pay again da.pa touch/feel for s.t. mun.dap.da.pa feel for s.t. again a.dal learn mun.ad.a.dal learn again
• When the roots co-occur with muN- only, with no reduplication, the aspect tends to be durative with a single agent-subject that is cross-referenced (see examples in Table 1.20). Chapter 1: Morphophonology 20
3.3.2 Action verbs, -an- infix, no gemination
Roots with the form CVC.CVC that are members of Classes 4 and 5 block CV.C2 reduplication. In order to express the iterative aspect, the form -an- is infixed. In the forms below, this infix co-occurs with the infix-in- and the circumfix-in- -an. An object is cross-referenced with the default infix,-in- and circumfix,-in- -an for Classes 4 and 5, respectively; both affixes encode past tense.
hol.tap ‘to suffer’ hanoltap affixation with-an- hinanoltap affixation with-in- hi.na.nol.tap final syllable structure ‘(someone) caused (someone) to suffer again and again’29
bad.dang ‘to help’ banaddang affixation with-an- binanaddangan affixation with-in--an bi.na.nad.da.ngan final syllable structure ‘(someone) helped (someone) again and again’
• Here by ordering -an- infixation before -in- infixation, the language shows evidence that infixes can consistently be inserted following the initial consonant of a structure. This has been seen also for the infixes-um- and -imm- in Chapter 1, 3.1.2.
Additional examples are in Table 1.25:
Table 1 .25 . Action verbs, -an- infix, -in-/-in--an, no gemination
Root English -an- -in-/-in--an English tam.tam taste ti.na.nam.ta.man tasted again and again hop.lat beat/strike hi.na.nop.lat beaten again and again
3 .4 CV(C) CV. reduplication
This form of reduplication co-occurring with verb roots encodes habitual aspect. If the root is of the form CV(C).CV then the full root appears to be reduplicated. However, the reduplication process does not include the final C of a root with the form CV(C).CVC30 This particular aspect reduplication form does not appear to be constrained in its co-occurrence with active verb root classes; it may co-occur with default or non-default affixes, but it will always have the meaning of “habitual.”
tu.kal ‘to be awake’ tukatukal CV(C).CV reduplication muNtukatukal affixation withmuN- muntukatukal nasal assimilation mun.tu.ka.tu.kal final syllable structure ‘to be always awake’
29 There is no explicit causative morpheme on the verb. 30 It is enticing to characterize these forms as full stem reduplication with subsequent simplification of the resulting consonant clusters. This seems to us unlikely, however, because in some monomorphemic forms comparable clusters are allowed, for example, alte ‘liver’, hongba ‘to broil’). It is still possible that there are different constraints operative on clusters that are derived from those that are lexical and thus non-derived, but we do not pursue that hypothesis here. Chapter 1: Morphophonology 21
Additional examples are included in Table 1.26:
Table 1 26. . Verbs and CV(C) CV. reduplication
Root English Co-occurring affixes CV(C) .CV English tu.gal gamble maki- ma.ki.tu.ga.tu.gal always gambling bu.tong drink muN- mum.bu.to.bu.tong always drinking ti.bo see -in- ti.ni.bo.ti.bo* always seeing ka.li talk -um- ku.ma.li.ka.li* always talking pa.te kill -um pu.ma.te.pa.te* always killing
As shown in the derivation, the three verbs marked with asterisks illustrate the ordering of morphophonological rules, that is, (1) reduplication and (2) affixation (infix). The infix is placed within the reduplicated form.
ti.bo ‘to see’ tibotibo CVC.CV reduplication ‘habitually seeing’ tinibotibo infixation with-in- ti.ni.bo.ti.bo final syllable structure ‘to always be seeing something’
3.5 Gemination and affixes
In this section, we will describe the meaningful gemination process that co-occurs with affixation only, rather than involving any form of reduplication. As mentioned earlier, there are three possible gemination types:
• Gemination of the initial consonant of the root • Gemination of the medial consonant of the root • Gemination of the final consonant of the root
The accurate analysis of the gemination process is dependent on an understanding of lexical semantics related to verb root classification, the specific co-occurring affixes, and sentence structure. Natural language contexts are needed for disambiguation of the meaning of these morphophonological phenomena.
3.5.1 paka- and paka- i- and no gemination
The basic meaning of this pattern is abilitative.
• There is no gemination. • The prefixes encode the meaning that an agent-subject has the ability to do the action that is referred to by the verb root. • A co-occurring negative form in the syntax negates the ability to do the action. • The choice of specific prefix is dependent on the semantic root class. The paka- prefix co-occurs with Class 4 and Class 5 verb roots (see examples in Table 1.24). The paka- and i- combination co-occurs with Class 3 verb roots (Table 1.25):
pa.nu ‘to arbitrate’ pakapanu affixation withpaka- pa.ka.pa.nu final syllable structure ‘to be able to arbitrate’ Chapter 1: Morphophonology 22
Additional examples are included in Table 1.27:
Table 1 .27 . paka-, no gemination
Root English paka- English a.dug guard pa.ka.a.dug able to guard do.ngol hear pa.kad.ngol able to hear ti.bo see pa.ka.ti.bo able to see
ka.li ‘to speak’ pakaikali affixation withpaka- and i- pa.ka.i.ka.li final syllable structure ‘to be able to speak (about something)’
Additional examples are included in Table 1.28:
Table 1 .28 . paka-i-, no gemination
Root English paka- and i- English tu.lid courage pa.ka.i.tu.lid have courage to do s.t. at to do pa.ka.i.at able to do s.t. bug.hul to open pa.ka.i.bug.hul able to open s.t.
3.5.2 paka- i- and gemination of initial C
• The prefix paka- and i- combination co-occurs with Class 3 verb roots; this is the same combination of affixes stated above. • The gemination of the initial C of the root encodes intensity, that is, it intensifies the ability of the agent‑subject, thereby encoding that the agent has not only the ability to do something (as indicated by the affixation), but the expertise to do something very well or completely.
bo.bod ‘to tie’ pakaibobod affixation withpaka- and i- pakaibbobod gemination of initial C of root pa.ka.ib.bo.bod final syllable structure ‘to be able to tie (something) very well’
As seen in Chapter 1, 3.1.2, here again the gemination process is sensitive to the root boundary, supporting the hypothesis that the affixation does not obliterate that boundary. Additional examples are included in Table 1.29:
Table 1 .29 . paka- i- and gemination of initial C of root
Root English paka- and i- English ba.lo revenge pa.ka.ib.ba.lo revenge s.t. well bi.lang count pa.ka.ib.bi.lang count s.t. well ka.gu concern pa.ka.ik.ka.gu* very concerned about s.t. or s.o. Chapter 1: Morphophonology 23
In the last example, marked with the asterisk, the gemination of the initial C encodes intensity, and the i- prefix cross-references the object, but thepaka- appears to lose its “ability” meaning and simply signals that there is an agent-subject present in the transitive sentence structure.
3.5.3 paka- -on or paka- -an and gemination of medial C
• These two circumfixes co-occur with Class 4 verb roots paka-( -on) and Class 5 verb roots (paka- -an). • The prefix part paka- encodes the ability to perform an action. • The suffix part-on or -an cross-reference objects in a sentence. • The gemination of the medial C of the root encodes intensity; that is, it intensifies the ability of the agent-subject, thereby encoding the information that the agent has the expertise to do something very well or completely.
ta.kut ‘to fear’ pakatakut affixation withpaka- pakatakutan affixation with-an pakatakkutan gemination of medial C of root pa.ka.tak.ku.tan final syllable structure ‘to be able to frighten someone with expertise’
Here, applying gemination early in the derivation will not cause any problems elsewhere, but in order to maintain the symmetry between all three types of gemination, we choose to order C2 gemination after affixation, just as we do for C1 and C3 gemination, which must be ordered late. Additional examples are included in Table 1.30:
Table 1 .30 . paka--on and paka--an and medial C gemination
Root English paka--on or -an English a.dug guard pa.ka.ad.du.gan guard s.t. well a.dal learn pa.ka.ad.da.lon learn s.t. well da.yaw praise/honor pa.ka.day.ya.won honor s.o. well
3.5.4 paka- -on and gemination of final C
• The paka- -on form co-occurs with Class 4 verb roots. • The prefix part paka- encodes the ability to perform an action. • The suffix part-on cross-references the object in a sentence. • The gemination of the final C of the root encodes intensity; however, in these examples, the gemination of the final consonant of the root does not intensify the ability of the agent-subject; instead, it encodes the intensification of the action or emotion.
ba.law ‘to dislike’ pakabalaw affixation withpaka- pakabalawon affixation with-on pakabalawwon gemination of root final C pa.ka.ba.law.won final syllable structure ‘to intensely hate someone’
As seen with C1 gemination, C3 gemination also must occur relatively late in the derivation, but it must make reference to the root boundary, suggesting that the suffixation does not obliterate that boundary. Additional examples are included in Table 1.31: Chapter 1: Morphophonology 24
Table 1 .31 . paka--on and gemination of final C of root
Root English paka- and -on English da.dag destroy pa.ka.da.dag.gon totally destroy s.t. pi.hul scorn pa.ka.pi.hul.lon totally scorn s.t. to.bal accept/approve pa.ka.to.bal.lon totally accept s.t. or s.o.
3.5.5 maka- -an and gemination of medial C
The circumfix maka- -an and medial C geminate appear to be a unified combination encoding “intensive.” The co-occurring roots are members of Class 6 statives or passives derived from Class 5, danag and awat.
da.nag ‘to worry’ dannag gemination of medial C makadannagan affixation withmaka- -an ma.ka.dan.na.gan final syllable structure ‘to worry intensely (about something)’
Additional examples are included in Table 1.32:
Table 1 .32 . maka--an and gemination of the medial C
Root English maka- and -an English a.gang hungry ma.ka.ag.ga.ngan very hungry u.wo thirsty ma.ka.u.u.wo* very thirsty a.wat understand ma.ka.aw.wa.tan understand s.t. very well
*The u vowel blocks the gemination of the medial w and it requires the maka- prefix only.
3.5.6 maka- and gemination of medial C
The prefix maka- and the medial C geminate also appear to be a unified combination encoding “intensive.” The co-occurring roots are derived statives from nouns or in some instances derived passives, as in the case of dadag (Class 4) in Table 1.33.
da.num ‘water’ dannum gemination of medial C makadannum affixation ofmaka- ma.ka.dan.num final syllable structure ‘to be full of water’
Additional examples are included in Table 1.33:
Table 1 .33 . maka- and gemination of the medial C of root
Root English maka- English a.hin salt ma.ka.ah.hin very salty ba.yag long time ma.ka.bay.yag very long time da.dag to destroy ma.ka.dad.dag completely destroyed Chapter 1: Morphophonology 25
3 .6 Syncope of vowel /o/ and reduplication
We mentioned above (Chapter 1, 2.4) that the vowel /o/ is subject to deletion in certain contexts. The CVC intensifying reduplication process is applied following this morphophonological rule of syncope of the vowel /o/ in roots.
po.hod ‘to like’ mapohod affixation withma- maphod syncope mapmaphod CVC reduplication map.map.hod final syllable structure ‘very likeable (very good)’
ko.ga ‘to cry’ kumoga affixation with-um- kumga syncope kumkumga CVC reduplication kum.kum.ga final syllable structure ‘to cry and cry’
po.hod ‘to want/like/love’ pinohod affixation with-in- pinhod syncope of /o/ pinpinhod CVC reduplication pin.pin.hod final syllable structure ‘for someone to continually like/love something’
Additional examples are included in Table 1.34:
Table 1 .34 . Syncope of V /o/ in CoCV(C) syllable pattern and reduplication CVC
Root English Affix + CVC English ho.mok to pity s.o. mah.mah.mok very pitiful* do.ngol to listen ding.di.ngol** listened again and again
*someone is to be intensely pitied
**This is the CV.C2 reduplication process
3.7 CVC reduplication of affixes
There are some constructions in which the CVC reduplication process applies to prefixes and infixes rather than roots, indicating that affixation has operated first. This specification in rule ordering appears to be restricted to two phonological rules: (1) assimilation and reduction of C1 of the root; and (2) syncope of /o/ in Syllable 1 of a root. The result is that the CVC reduplication applies to the stem output of these morphophonological rules.
kap.ya ‘to make s.t.’ maNkapya affixation withmaN- mangkapya assimilation
mangapya reduction of C1 mangmangapya CVC reduplication mang.ma.ngap.ya final syllable structure ‘(someone) is continually making (something)’ Chapter 1: Morphophonology 26
u.bun ‘to sit’ maNubun affixation withmaN- mangubun assimilation
mangubun reduction of C1 mangbun syncope of V /u/ mangmangbun CVC reduplication mang.mang.bun final syllable structure ‘(someone) is continually sitting’
4 . Stress placement31
Tuwali Ifugao consistently manifests penultimate stress, irrespective of the morphological structure of the word. It appears, therefore, that stress assignment is delayed until word construction is completed; there is no indication of stress being assigned earlier and leaving evidence in terms of secondary stress or segmental allophones. The examples in this section illustrate these facts of stress placement.
4 .1 Penultimate syllable stress on monomorphemic words
The following examples show penultimate stress on monomorphemic words:
Penultimate syllable stress in di-syllabic words CV.CVC 'ma.nuk chicken CV.CVC 'ba.ket old woman CV.CVC 'da.lit eel CVC.CVC 'ab.lan loom CVC.CVC 'gaw.wang crow
Penultimate syllable stress in tri-syllabic words CV.CV.CV a.'ba.de shawl CVC.CV.CV dud.'du.ti dragonfly CVC.CV.CVC bak.'ku.kul turtle CVC.CVC.CV bul.'yag.go light brown color of hair CVC.CVC.CVC gul.'ling.ngay pipe for smoking
Penultimate syllable stress in quadri-syllabic words CV.CV.CV.CVC ba.la.'ki.bak bark of tree CV.CV.CVC.CVC gi.na.'let.get woven skirt CVC.CV.CVC.CVC ik.i.'king.ngan little finger CVC.CV.CVC.CVC gaw.ga.'wa.an middle finger
4 .2 Movement of stress
4.2.1 Movement of stress with suffixation
As might be expected, prefixation, reduplications and gemination do not invoke movement of stress. The fact that these processes do not affect stress placement implies that any addition of syllables or resyllabification to the left of roots will not invoke stress movement. Suffixation, however, adds a syllable to the right of a root and in so doing, invokes stress movement to the right to preserve the pattern of penultimate stress. Any circumfix with a suffix as part of the form will invoke stress movement also. For example:
31 Stress is symbolized by the single straight quote mark. Chapter 1: Morphophonology 27
'ak.hop ‘low’ kaakakhopan circumfix applied ka.ak.ak.ho.pan final syllable structure ka.ak.ak.'ho.pan stress placement
Additional examples are included in Table 1.35:
Table 1.35. Movement of stress with suffixation
Root English Prefixation Reduplication Suffixation ba.liw change mum.'ba.liw mum.bal.'ba.liw ba.'li.wan ba.yad pay mum.'ba.yad mum.bay.'ba.yad ba.'ya.dan da.pa touch mun.'da.pa mun.dap.'da.pa da.'pa.on a.dal learn mun.'a.dal mun.ad.'a.dal a.'da.lon
4.2.2 Movement of stress with enclitic pronouns
Monosyllabic pronouns that become enclitics when attached to verbs ending with the front mid vowel /e/ invoke stress movement to the right to preserve penultimate stress. There are two exceptions to this movement rule: the monosyllabic pronouns ku ‘I’ and mu ‘you’ become enclitics that lose the /u/ and therefore, do not add a syllable; instead, the onset consonants of the two pronouns become coda consonants of the final syllable of a word:
pi.'na.te ‘killed someone’ pi.na.'te.da ‘they killed someone’
But: pi.'na.tek ( Additional examples are included in Table 1.36: Table 1 .36 . Movement of stress with enclitic pronouns Word English Enclitic pronouns English ma.'ki.e go with s.o. ma.ki.'e.yak I will go with s.o. 'tak.le hand tak.'le.na his hand 5 Conclusion Finally, the account proposed in this chapter suggests at least the following concerns for the theory of morphology: 1. As pointed out repeatedly in this chapter, the proposed analysis requires that affixation not obliterate root boundaries. In Chapter 1, 3.1.2, for example, we show examples in which CV reduplication, infixation, and gemination of the initial consonant of the root all occur. Because the affix-imm- is inserted following the reduplicated consonant, that affixation must follow CV reduplication. In addition, because CV reduplication in its most prototypical form requires C and V as consecutive segments, it must precede gemination as well because gemination of the initial consonant yields CC as the initial sequence of the root. Further, even if the CV reduplication is treated as template driven (Marantz, 1982), with the proviso that the template can skip over non-complying segments to find the next complying segment, the result of applying gemination early in the derivation yields a CC-initial form that is not found in the language. This Chapter 1: Morphophonology 28 is not a fatal flaw, of course, because there is no requirement that intermediate forms be pronounceable, but it would be a surprising derivational strategy for a language that is so insistent on enforcing CV and CVC syllable patterns. Comparable patterns are found also in Chapter 1, 3.5.2 and 3.5.4. 2. An interesting pattern is evident with reference to rules deleting the vowel /o/ (discussed in Chapter 1, 2.4). Here, in roots containing two /o/ vowels, there is one process that deletes the first /o/, and a different process that instead deletes the second /o/. In that the deletion of the vowel inquestion regularly yields a closed syllable in the penultimate position (which is ultimately the syllable that receives stress), it may be possible to motivate these vowel deletion processes on phonological grounds. The fact that forms containing circumfixes (described in Chapter 1, 2.4.3) delete instead the /o/ that results in the antepenultimate syllable being closed argues against this analysis, but there may be conditioning factors yet to be discovered. 3. There are two reduplication patterns that make reference to reduplicating a CVC sequence. In the first of these (discussed in Chapter 1, 3.2), the pattern requires that the second C be the coda consonant of the input syllable (enforcing gemination of the medial root consonant if there is no coda consonant already in that position). In the second (discussed in Chapter 1, 3.3.), the reduplication process requires that the second C be the onset consonant of the following syllable. Formally, these two processes could be combined, but the fact that these are two different morphemes (CVC is an inflectional morpheme conveying the continuative aspect, CV.C is an inflectional morpheme conveying iterative aspect), coupled with the fact that CVC reduplication requires gemination of the medial consonant if there is no coda consonant on the syllable to be reduplicated, supports an analysis that keeps these two reduplication processes distinct. 4. The analysis of lexical categories and root classes has been the basis for understanding affix combinations. It has been proposed in this discussion that there are morpheme combinations that function as a single morpheme while appearing to consist of morpheme forms that may occur independently in other contexts. For example, the circumfix -in- -an is the default past tense affix form for Class 5 verb roots. However, the infix -in- may occur independently as the past tense default affix form of Class 4 verb roots, and the suffix-an may occur independently as the non-past default affix form for Class 5 verb roots. The circumfix combination -in- -an, though, relates only to Class 5 verb roots. Another example of a morpheme combination that functions as a single morpheme, but consists of affixes that relate to different root classes is the prefix mangi-. The prefix maN- functions independently with Classes 5 and 6 verb roots, while the i- prefix functions independently as the non-past default affix form for Class 3 verb roots. The combination prefixmangi- relates only to Class 3 verb roots. Some examples are even more convincing. In Chapter 1, 3.2.4, we show the affix combinationka- -an, along with the CVC reduplication. This combination functions to express the superlative modal. In this case, neither the prefix ka- or the suffix -on suffix can occur independently with a modal meaning. Also, the ka- -an combination cannot co-occur with verb roots and therefore, has no relationship to verb root classes. The circumfix co-occurs only with the lexical category, adjective. A final example for underlining the need for understanding root classes are the circumfixes i- -an (non-past) and iN- -an (past). These two circumfixes function to cross-reference a beneficiary-object; in this case, the prefixes i- and iN- are the default affixes for Class 3, and the suffix -an is the non-past default affix for Class 5, but as a combination single morpheme, the circumfixes may cross-reference a beneficiary-object for any class that has the potential for having a beneficiary semantic role. 2 Verbal morphology, cross-referencing, and NP positioning in Tuwali Ifugao 1 Introduction The purpose of Chapter 2 is to demonstrate, with a small amount of data, the importance of correlating the verb morphology discussed in Chapter 1 and the syntactic positioning of the NP arguments of clauses with the system of discourse-pragmatic cross-referencing. The canonical order of constituents in the Tuwali Ifugao clause is verb-subject-direct object-indirect object. Sentence (1) is a typical example of the canonical word order: (1) Inha-ad Maria nan makan hi malukung. iN- ha-ad Maria nan makan hi malukung P.O place Maria DET food DET bowl Maria placed the food in a bowl. Example (1) has the basic word order for a sentence with a ditransitive verb: V-S-DO-IO. The prefixiN - cross- references the definite NP nan makan ‘the food’ which is the conveyed direct-object. The NP hi malukung ‘a bowl’ is an indirect-object expressing the indefinite site. The terms “subject,” “direct-object,” and “indirect-object” used in the canonical word order statement are grammatical relations postulated for the language. As mentioned in Chapter 1, these three grammatical relations have been analyzed and defined on the basis of (a) word order, (b) the contrastive semantic roles thateach encodes, (c) the cross-referencing of NP arguments by verbal affixes, and (d) the operation and function of syntactic processes related to them. While there is some debate as to whether these traditional grammatical terms are appropriate in the description of Philippine-type languages, we believe that our definitions and use of the terms provide the largest number of generalizations for discourse-pragmatic strategies, as well as the morphosyntactic processes of the Tuwali Ifugao language. We also believe that the terms allow for a more theory-neutral description of the natural use of the language. As illustrated in Chapter 1,Tuwali Ifugao is a polysynthetic language with concomitant fusion of morphosyntactic features in the morphemes. While some words can be easily segmented into their morphological components, other words are observed to have achieved a more complete fusion process and no one-to-one relationship can be established between the segments of the form and their morphosyntactic features. Verbs have the most extensive and complex range of morphological variety, making use of affixation, reduplication, and gemination. Also, crucial to the discussion in this chapter, the affixes occurring with the verb root serve in part to grant special referential status to one of the NPs in the clause. The result is that this NP and others, which are not granted special status, occur with particular determiners, especially as relating to definiteness; word order may vary from the canonical order as well. We refer to this correlation of the verb with the particular NP to which it grants special status as cross-referencing, and it is this topic to which we direct our attention in this chapter, for the most part ignoring verb morphology having to do with tense, modal, and aspect variations (limiting our examples to past-tense forms, for example). 2 Verbal morphology A more thorough discussion of verbal morphology is presented in Chapter 1. However, for the convenience of the reader, the main elements are repeated here. There are four features relevant to verbal morphology that relate to the two other topics of this chapter, cross-referencing and NP positioning. These are classification of verb roots, lexical valence and semantic role sets, default affixes, and aspect. 29 Chapter 2: Verbal Morphology 30 2.1 Classification of verb roots There are six classes of verb roots in Tuwali Ifugao, categorized grammatically and semantically on the basis of their inherent semantic components, their grammatical-function components, and the relationship of these components to morphosyntactic processes. Three of these six classes are transitive, two are intransitive, and one is stative. Sub-classes can be identified on the basis of the same three criteria mentioned above. This chapter will focus on members of Class 3 for illustrative purposes, although we will cite additional forms as needed. Roots of this class are inherently transitive and have the core meaning component of movement of an object away from the agent. The particular root chosen for our primary data illustration is ha-ad ‘move and place something somewhere else’. 2.2 Lexical valence and semantic role sets Each member of the verbal root classes has an established number of valents and a set of semantic roles that match them. The six classes of verb roots and their sub-classes are classified as monovalent, bivalent, or trivalent. There are a total of ten semantic roles that can be matched to the number of valents for each verb root class. Many of the members of Class 3 verb roots are trivalent. The root we have chosen for illustration, ha-ad, is a trivalent root with the semantic roles of agent, conveyed-object, site-object. These semantic roles are encoded in the grammatical relations: subject, direct-object, and indirect-object. 2.3 Default affixes Each verbal root class has a default inflectional affix that matches certain inherent verbal root class components relating to aspect, modal and spatial notions, and cross-references a definite NP bearing a particular semantic role. Class 3 has the default affix set i- (non-past)/ iN- (past) and cross-references the conveyed direct-object, nan makan ‘the food’, as in (2). (2) Inha-ad Maria nan makan hi malukung. iN- ha-ad Maria nan makan hi malukung P.O place Maria DET food DET bowl Maria placed the food in a bowl. When a non-default affix co-occurs with a verb root, that affix either modifies the expression of the inherent components of the root, or cross-references a different semantic role, or does both. 2 .4 Aspect Each verbal root class has an inherent aspect component, either punctiliar or durative, which is the aspect characteristic of the form with the default affix. If a non-default affix co-occurs with a verb root, the verb may take on a marked aspect that differs from the inherent aspect of the verb root. All members of Class 3 verb roots have an inherent punctiliar aspect. However, some members of the class can derive durative aspect with the prefix set nuN- (past)/ muN- (non-past). This set also cross-references the subject agent. Our illustrative verb root ha-ad cannot take the nuN- affix that derives a durative aspect, however. Therefore, if the subject agent is to be cross-referenced, a different affix must be used (See Chapter 2, 3 below). Nevertheless, the durative-aspect derivation can be illustrated instead with the root tanom ‘plant’, as in (3). This root is also a member of Class 3; it has the same default affix set (the prefix seti- and iN-), and it also has an inherent punctiliar- aspect component: (3) Intanom Maria nan kaiw hi dola. iN- tanom Maria nan kaiw hi dola P.O plant Maria DET tree DET outside Maria planted the tree outside (in the yard). Chapter 2: Verbal Morphology 31 In (4), the prefix nuN- occurs instead of the default affix iN-. As a result, the verb now cross-references the agent subject Maria; the aspect is durative, referencing an activity that took place over a period of time; the object, kakaiw ‘trees’ is plural and indefinite, marked as such by the determiner hi. Note that the determiner hi is homophonous. In this example, it marks a proper name that is cross-referenced by the verbal affix, and it also marks an indefinite direct-object. Disambiguation of the use of homophonous determiners is through the cross- referencing system, the order of constituents, and in the case of hi, the occurrence of proper vs. common nouns. We return to this topic in the discussion of example (15) in Chapter 2, 3.2. (4) Nuntanom hi Maria hi kakaiw. nuN- tanom hi Maria hi CV- kaiw P.S plant DET Maria DET PL tree Maria planted trees. 3 Cross-referencing system Affix selection and cross-referencing in Tuwali Ifugao is a complex system. Pragmatic-discourse reference is closely integrated with verbal morphology, deictic forms (personal and demonstrative pronouns and determiners), and the positioning of NPs in clauses. 3.1 Affixation Tuwali Ifugao has a very large number of affixes and affix combinations. As for all classes of verbs in the language, only subjects, direct and indirect-objects can be cross-referenced by the inflectional affixes. We illustrate these possibilities with examples of the verb root dikhal ‘to split wood’, a member of Class 4. In (5), the prefix nuN- encodes past tense, a durative activity and cross-references the agent subject. The determiner hi marks Jose as the NP argument that is cross-referenced and the determiner ad marks a non-cross- referenced time NP. The lexeme kaiw ‘log/tree/wood’ does not need to be expressed explicitly in the clause because it has indefinite reference and is understood by the use of this particular verb. (5) Nundikhal hi Jose ad nakugab. nuN- dikhal hi Jose ad nakugab P.S split DET Jose DET yesterday Jose split (wood) yesterday. In (6), -in- cross-references the definite patient object kaiw. (6) Dinikhal na nan kaiw. dikhal -in- na nan kaiw split P.O 3.NF.S DET tree He split the log/tree. In (7), impa- cross-references the direct-object, nan ongal an kaiw ‘the big log’. Maria is the causative agent (in the subject position), and Pedro is the agent, that is, the one doing the action (in the indirect-object position). Other affixes allow for the cross-referencing of the causative agent or the agent. (7) Impadikhal Maria nan ongal an kaiw ke Pedro. impa- dikhal Maria nan ongal an kaiw ke Pedro P.O split Maria DET big LK tree DET Pedro Maria had Pedro split the big log. Chapter 2: Verbal Morphology 32 3.1.1 Affixes indicating the semantic role of the grammatical relation that they cross-reference Table 2.1 shows the default affixes as they occur with verb roots in canonical-word-order sentences without other syntactic processes such as changes in word order, or augmentation or reduction of syntactic valence such as causative and passive operations. These default inflectional affix forms are multi-functional; their co-occurrence selectional possibilities relate to discourse-pragmatic reference and lexical semantics. For example, the default affix i- with Class 3 roots cross- references the conveyed-object, which is encoded in direct-object position; when this same prefix i- co-occurs with a sub-class of Class 4 verbal roots whose members have an instrument within their semantic role sets, the prefix can cross- reference an instrument semantic role. Therefore, postulating default affixes for the verbal root classes does not negate the fact that the same inflectional affix forms can and do co-occur with other verbal root classes. However, when they do, they encode different meanings and functions. It is important to point out that the non-default usage of thei- prefix noted above implies that a unique instrument is more pragmatically significant in the context than the default patient direct-object. Table 2.1. Verbal root classes and default affixes Semantic role Default affix Verbal root class Grammatical relation Non-past Past Agent muN- nuN- Class 1 Subject Agent/Experiencer -um- -imm- Class 2 Subject Conveyed i- iN- Class 3 Direct-object Patient -on -in- Class 4 Direct-object Site -an -in- -an Class 5 Direct-object 3.1.2 Affix cross-referencing with the root ha-ad As mentioned above, like all other classes of Tuwali Ifugao verb roots, members of Class 3 verb roots allow the cross-referencing of either subjects or objects. The particular affix chosen indicates which of the possible grammatical relations is cross-referenced and its semantic role. 3.1.2.1 Basic valents and semantic roles In (8), the prefixiN - cross-references the direct-object nan makan ‘the food’, a conveyed-object. (8) Inha-ad Maria nan makan hi malukung. iN- ha-ad Maria nan makan hi malukung P.O place Maria DET food DET bowl Maria placed the food in a bowl. In (9), the discontinuous affix -in- ... -an cross-references a site-object that is usually encoded as an indirect- object with this particular root (8). Use of the -in- ... -an affixation has four effects: (a) it cross-references the site- object; (b) the site-object as a consequence must be definite (shown by the determiner nan, which can mark only definite arguments); (c) the conveyed-object argument must here be indefinite (shown by the determiner hi); (d) the definite site NP,nan malukung, is promoted from an indirect-object to a direct-object whereas the indefinite site NP, hi makan, is demoted from a direct-object to an indirect-object. (9) Hina-adan Maria nan malukung hi makan. ha-ad -in- -an Maria nan malukung hi makan place P.O Maria DET bowl DET food Maria placed food in the bowl. Chapter 2: Verbal Morphology 33 The verb ha-ad in (10) occurs with the non-default affixnangi -. This affix identifies the verb root as belonging to Class 3 (other classes of verbs use different affixes), and it cross-references the subject, rather than the direct- object. However, when a subject is cross-referenced with Class 3 verbs that do not allow a durative aspect (cf. Chapter 2, 2.4), the subject NP must be preposed and if it is a proper name, it is marked with the determiner hi. The linker di (manifested as its allomorph -y here) indicates that the subject-agent is a preposed constituent of the following clause. (10) Hi Mariay nangiha-ad hi makan nah malukung. hi Maria di nangi- ha-ad hi makan nah malukung DET Maria LK P.T.S place DET food DET bowl Maria was the one who placed food in the bowl. Examples (8)–(10) illustrate nicely the correlation between verb affixation, cross-referencing, and word order within the clause. 3.1.2.2 Augmentation and reduction of valents In addition to the lexical argument structure of predications, the Tuwali Ifugao language allows for the augmentation and reduction in the number of valents allowed. For example, many of the verb classes may include causative agents within their semantic role sets. The syntactic encoding of this semantic role is an augmentation of the core valents of the verbs. However, although the number of valents can be augmented to four for a single verb, there is a preference for keeping the number of NPs in the syntax to a maximum of three. If more than three roles and/or times and places must be specified, these are encoded in complex constructions of two or more clauses. The impa- prefix in (11) cross-references the promoted indirect-object nan malukung ‘the bowl’; the pa- formative of the prefix indicates that a causative agent is involved, but the prefix does not cross-reference that semantic role which is encoded in the subject grammatical relation. Note that in (11), reference to the person (agent) who actually did the placing of the food is omitted here syntactically, although it is semantically present. This illustrates the preference for no more than three arguments in any given clause. For a case where the agent is overtly manifested, along with the causative agent, see (18) in Chapter 2, 3.3.3. (11) Impaha-ad Maria nan malukung hi makan. impa- ha-ad Maria nan malukung hi makan CAUS place Maria DET bowl DET food Maria had food placed in the bowl. The passive construction in Tuwali Ifugao is an example of the reduction of a valent. For example, with trivalent roots, like ha-ad, the subject-agent valent may be reduced. However, both the direct- and indirect-object valents may be maintained and either of these objects may be cross-referenced. The choice of affix, determiner marking, and NP position indicate which object is more significant in the context. In (12), the prefix ni- cross-references the conveyed direct-object nan makan, which is definite. It occurs in the subject position of the passive construction. Although the site-object, nah malukung, is also definite, indicated by the determiner nah, it is of less significance in the context and so it is placed in the non-subject position and is not cross-referenced. (12) Niha-ad nan makan nah malukung. ni- ha-ad nan makan nah malukung PASS place DET makan DET bowl The food was placed in the bowl. Chapter 2: Verbal Morphology 34 In (13) the circumfixna- ... -an cross-references nan malukung; such a site-object must be definite and promoted to the subject position in a passive construction, and the default conveyed-object hi makan must be indefinite (hence the determiner hi) and demoted to the non-subject position. (13) Naha-adan nan malukung hi makan. na--an ha-ad nan malukung hi makan PASS place DET bowl DET food The bowl had food placed in it. 3 .2 Deictic forms As seen in the examples above, sets of determiners correlate with affix selection to mark the NPs that are cross-referenced by verbs. Personal and demonstrative pronouns are also correlated with affix selection. Here again, Tuwali Ifugao has a complexity of forms and functions. There are four sets of personal pronouns, five sets of demonstrative pronouns, and seven determiners. Some members of each of the deictic sets have multiple functions. However, the affixes and the deictic forms are correlated to indicate the semantic role, grammatical relation, and referential features of each NP in the clause. We include a few additional examples here to illustrate. See Hohulin and Hohulin (A Communicative Grammar, forthcoming) for details. In (14), the pronoun form na ‘3.SG’ is a member of Set 1 pronouns. This set encodes a non-cross-referenced subject-agent. (Set 1 may also encode possession. The structural position of the pronoun forms disambiguates this multiple function.) The definite determinernan marks kaiw ‘tree’ as the definite tree being talked about. The prefix iN- cross-references the direct-object nan kaiw ‘the tree’ and indicates that it was conveyed (moved) to a site hi dola ‘outside’. The indefinite determiner hi marks ‘outside’ as the indefinite indirect-object-site. (14) Intanom Maria nan kaiw hi dola. iN- tanom Maria nan kaiw hi dola P.O plant Maria DET tree DET outside Maria planted the tree outside (in the yard). In (15), the pronoun form hiya ‘3.SG’ is a member of Set 4 pronouns. This set encodes a cross-referenced, preposed subject-agent. The prefix, nangi-, cross-references the preposed subject-agent. As mentioned earlier, the di morpheme is a linker that is required when the subject agent is preposed (the allomorph =y attached to the pronoun hiya). (Set 4 pronouns may also encode non-cross-referenced direct or indirect-objects. The structural position of the pronoun forms, along with the co-occurrence of the ke determiner with the non-cross-referenced object pronouns, disambiguates this multiple function.) The determiner hi marks makan ‘food’ as an indefinite direct-object NP. The determiner nah marks the indirect-object, malukung ‘bowl’, as definite. Nouns marked as definite with nah are never cross-referenced by affixes while nan (see numerous examples above) marks definite nouns that are cross-referenced. (15) Hiyay di nangiha-ad nan makan hi malukung. hiya di nangi- ha-ad nan makab hi malukung 3.SG.T LK P.T.S place DET food DET bowl Maria was the one who placed the food in a bowl. 3 .3 Change of NP positions in a clause In the examples above, we have shown that the NP constituents of a clause may be moved from the canonical word order positions as a part of the cross-referencing system. Chapter 2: Verbal Morphology 35 3.3.1 Moving a site NP from an indirect-object position to a direct-object position When a site NP is definite and cross-referenced by the affix on the verb, the constituent is moved from an indirect-object position to a direct-object position, and marked with the definite determiner nan, as in (16). This was noted earlier in discussions related to (9) and (11). (16) Hina-adan Maria nan malukung hi makan. ha-ad -in-an Maria nan malukung hi makan place P.O-S Maria DET bowl DET food Maria placed food in the bowl. 3.3.2 Preposing the subject-agent constituent As mentioned in Chapter 2, 2.4, a subject agent can be cross-referenced through the use of the prefix nuN- with some of the members of Class 3. However, the prefixnuN- not only cross-references the subject-agent for such verbs, but also changes the aspect from the inherent punctiliar aspect for this class to the derived durative aspect. It is also the case that, when a member of the root class uses the nuN- prefix to derive the durative aspect and to cross-reference the subject-agent, the direct-object must be indefinite. As discussed earlier, the particular member of this class that we have chosen to illustrate, ha-ad, does not allow a durative aspect. In other words, ‘place an object’ always has the punctiliar aspect, so that both the beginning and the end of the action are seen as points on a time line. However, the subject agent can still be cross-referenced with the ha-ad root, if that NP is preposed before the verb which is marked by a different affix, as in (10) and (17). This particular operation is used primarily when the direct-object or indirect-object is definite, but for pragmatic reasons, it is the subject agent that needs to be cross-referenced. (17) Hi Mariay nangiha-ad nan makan hi malukung. hi nangi- ha-ad nan makab hi malukung DET P.T.S place DET food DET bowl Maria was the one who placed the food in a bowl. 3.3.3 Moving an agent when a causative agent is present Example (18) should be compared with (11). The verb ha-ad ‘to place’ in (11) is lexically a three-argument verb, so when a fourth argument is introduced by the use of the affix impa-, one argument is omitted as a result of the Tuwali Ifugao preference for restricting the number of overt arguments in a single clause to three. The verb dikhal in (18), however, is lexically a two-argument verb, so when its valence is increased by impa-, all three arguments can still occur overtly in the clause. The distribution of the arguments is worth noticing, however. The causative agent Maria is in the subject-agent position; the person who is caused to do the action Pedro is placed in the indirect-object position; and the cross-referenced object nan ongal an kaiw is placed in the direct-object position. The agent Pedro is marked by the determiner ke. One of the functions of this determiner is to mark proper names and pronouns that are non-cross-referenced direct or indirect-objects. (18) Impadikhal Maria nan ongal an kaiw ke Pedro. impa- dikhal Maria nan ongal an kaiw ke Pedro P.O plant Maria DET big LK tree DET Pedro Maria had Pedro split the big log. Chapter 2: Verbal Morphology 36 4 Summary and conclusions In Chapter 2 we have focused our attention on patterns of correlation between verb morphology, the distribution of determiners with NP arguments, and word order, using the Class 3 trivalent verb ha-ad ‘move and place something somewhere else’ as our major illustrative example. This intricate system of correlation serves to highlight a specific argument for special attention, a pattern that we refer to as cross-referencing. Class 3 verbs by default select the conveyed-object NP as the argument to highlight. However, the site argument can be highlighted if it is definite in reference by the use of alternative verb morphology and placement of that NP to direct-object position. And a definite agent-subject NP can be highlighted by the use of different alternative verb morphology and placement of that NP to a position preceding the verb. The result is an intricate interweaving of morphology and syntax that yields a delicately textured array of alternative expressions for the same propositional content. 3 The rhetorical function of morphosyntactic variation in Tuwali Ifugao narrative 1 Introduction In Chapter 3 we will describe and explain the rhetorical functions of the various syntactic constructions and the cross-referencing patterns of verbal affixation described in Chapter 2, as manifested in the text structure of a particular text, Hanadan Adi Matibo ‘The (things that are) Unseen’. Our analytical methodology is based on the notion that morphosyntactic constructions, in the end, must be analyzed within larger contexts. This approach allows for a more accurate interpretation of the interaction between lexical semantics and grammatical relations, and of the changes in the constituent word order in sentences within texts.1 Also, it results in a clearer understanding of particular construction choices motivated by the pragmatic issues of identifiability, significance and appropriateness of information in context. We will occasionally reference information included in the first two chapters, but briefly; the reader is referred to those chapters for full discussion. 1.1 Text introduction We have classified the text used in this analysis as a descriptive expository text with four embedded narratives. (The interlinearized version of the portions of the text analyzed in this chapter appears in Appendix C.) The first eight sentences introduce the main participants of the text, the Ifugao people, who believe in ‘things that are not seen’. The characteristics of a particular group of these unseen supernatural beings is described, and then, the author relates four different narratives illustrating the interaction of these spirit beings with people. The individuals involved in these stories are personally known to the narrator. The traditional religious system of the Ifugao is very complex, including rituals involving every aspect of life — birth, death, betrothal and marriage, the agricultural cycle, divination and sacrifices. All of the rituals involve interaction with the spirit world. Some anthropologists have estimated that the members of the Ifugao classes of gods and spirits number in the thousands. There are also divination and sacrificial rituals that involve providing for the needs of the spirits of deceased kin.2 The author of the text and narrator of the stories is Pedro Dulawan,3 a college-educated man employed by the provincial government. The particular class of spirits involved in each narration is that referred to by the Ifugao as the bibiyo, and in one case the bumdang. In the first narration, Mr. Dulawan was one of the participants. In the second narration, he is familiar with the site of the events, and some of the participants. The third narrative is not included in this chapter for reasons related to protecting the privacy of the individual involved and his family members; although not a part of this family, Mr. Dulawan had first-hand knowledge of one of the events narrated in that section. In the fourth and final narrative, Mr. Dulawan describes the impact of his father’s encounter with beings of this spirit class. 1 Our investigation is directly related to theoretical concerns of case; “The notion of case employed in theories of syntax is an abstract notion which is used to characterize the interaction between verbal lexical semantics, grammatical relations and word order.” (Butt 2006:11) Nevertheless, rather than enter into the continuing debate about whether Philippine languages should be classified as nominative-accusative or absolutive-ergative case-oriented languages, we are attempting to show in this discussion that it may be more revealing to examine the grammatical structure of such languages by analyzing contexts larger than the sentence. We will, however, address two morphosyntactic issues that relate to the typical case classification of Philippine languages, that is, affix cross-referencing, and the pre-positional forms that occur preceding nouns, building on the introduction provided in Chapter 2. 2 Cf. Barton, R. F. 1946. The religion of the Ifugao. American Anthropologist 48(4.2); Dulawan, Lourdes S. 1985. Ifugao Baki (Rituals for man and rice culture). Journal of Northern Luzon XV(1-2). Nueva Vizcaya, Philippines: Saint Mary’s College of Bayombong. 3 The narrator also did the English free translation and we have kept his work in Appendix C. However, in some of the sentence illustrations, we have added a more literal translation to help the reader understand the morphosyntactic constructions. 37 Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 38 Text Summary. Expository Introduction, sentences 1–8, that is S1–S8. This section introduces the idea of the existence of spiritual beings, of which there are various types. Most important to the text are the bibiyo; these spirits can take hold of a person’s life and cause that person to become ill, with healing possible only by means of a traditional religious ritual. Narrative 1, S9–S21. Pablo Botal is introduced as a person who can see the bibiyo (not all Ifugao are able to do so). One day, as he was traveling with his friends, he saw a girl sitting on a rock by a spring and recognized her presence as indicating that someone was ill; those with him could not see her. They continued on and came to a group of houses near that spring and there Pablo recognized that one of the children was the girl he had seen, and that she was ill. He urged her parents to send for a shaman for the rituals to be performed, and when they did, the child was healed. Narrative 2, S22–S35. The narrator reports that when he was a child, there was a collection of large boulders at the same spring where the houses in the preceding narrative were located. At that time, the government constructed a road there, and an engineer came to place the explosives to remove the boulders. When the engineer had lit the fuses, he ran for cover but was knocked down and he felt that he was being held so that he could not get up. One of the workers came to his aid and prayed over him, and then they both ran for cover from the explosion. Witnesses were sure that a bibiyo had been holding the engineer’s feet. Narrative 3, S36–S67. As mentioned above, this particular narrative is omitted from the discussion here for privacy reasons. Narrative 4, S68–S90. The narrator reports an experience of his father, now deceased. One day, after a night of drinking, he returned home with his clothes torn and his body bruised. He reported that as he was returning home in the middle of the night, as he passed the spring where bibiyo live, he heard voices. He didn’t see anyone, but his torch was extinguished, and he was directed to go along a different path. He traveled with hisbibiyo abductors for a long way before he was left alone beside a river. At daylight he recognized where he was, and a passerby helped him to find his way home. 1 .2 Analytical framework In carrying out this research we have taken ideas from three different but compatible sources, which, though dated, have continued to have an influence on discourse analysis. The first two of these are Grimes’ “kinds of information” (1975)4 and Prince’s “taxonomy of given/new information” (1981).5 The third notion we have exploited in our analysis is that of distinguishing introduction of participants from tracking and contrasting participants as discussed in the Tuwali Ifugao communicative grammar (Hohulin & Hohulin, forthcoming). Before discussing the rhetorical structure of the text with reference to the Grimes and Prince notions, in this first section of this chapter we will center our attention on the variation of morphosyntactic structures that are related to two Tuwali Ifugao organizational and intelligibility rhetorical strategies. These two rhetorical strategies fit within the Tuwali Ifugao communication framework design that is based on four communicational principles:6 • Quantity: A speaker/writer will give the amount of information needed for interpretation of meaning by the hearer/reader. • Quality: The information given will be of high quality, that is, true. • Relevance: The information will be significant, that is, relevant. • Appropriate: The information and style of communication will be appropriate for the situation. The Tuwali Ifugao focusing rhetorical strategy is a referential discourse strategy that relates to the intelligibility of a text. The strategy traces and clearly presents identifiable participants and props based on old (textually definite) and/or shared (extra-textually specific) information vs. the introduction of new information. As such, 4 Joseph Grimes (1975) describes this type of discourse analysis, using so-called Thurman charts to illustrate and to facilitate analysis, in Chapter 6 of his book, The thread of discourse. Austin Hale further developed and described this type of analysis in his paper “Kinds of information in discourse: Comments on the Thurman Chart (Band Analysis): A technique for seeing how various kinds of information are marked in discourse.” The first author, Lou Hohulin, adapted Grimes’ and Hale’s work as described in “Text and discourse analysis: A manual for a linguistic-translation workshop,” and it is this adaptation that has been largely used in the analysis of the text. 5 Prince proposes that seven types of referential relationships can be identified as encoding the information flow within a text. 6 The Tuwali Ifugao principles are based on the conversational maxims defined by Grice (1975). Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 39 focusing is a largely cohesion strategy and is accomplished through cross-referencing affixes on verbs and deictic lexical categories. There is an additional component of this discourse strategy that involves the rhetorical function of prominence. When a verb root co-occurs with an affix that is not the default affix for the verb root class to which it belongs, the NP that is cross-referenced has marked prominence in discourse. This type of affixation process is both a cohesive and prominence strategy. This means that a speaker may both trace and give prominence to different participants in discourse by choosing the affix that cross-references a particular NP that syntactically encodes a valent matched to a semantic role from the lexical valence set for a given verb root. This choice indicates his intent to identify a significant referent in his discourse. The second Tuwali Ifugao rhetorical strategy to be demonstrated in this section is the topicalizing rhetorical strategy. This strategy involves changing the constituent word order in a clause, thus changing a construction syntactically. The topicalizing strategy functions as an intelligibility strategy to provide a cohesive organization of participant and prop information by introducing, reintroducing or contrasting them. Coincidentally, it functions as a significance strategy by indicating the prominence ranking of participants and props in a section of the discourse, that is, a topical entity. The topicalizing strategy functions at a higher level than the focusing strategy and may do one or more of the following: • introduce a major participant or prop in a narration or the major topic of other types of discourse • indicate the topic of a new paragraph • separate sets of events into episodes on the basis of a different participant or set of participants, a different time or a different place • change the participant or prop references for contrast or reintroduction. There are three types of syntactic structures that are employed with this rhetorical strategy. • Left dislocation: The left dislocation structure preposes a NP constituent before the verb, and has a co- referring pronoun in its normal position in a clause. • Fronting of the subject: The subject of an equational clause occurs in first position followed by the predicate; there is no co-referring pronoun. • Relative clause: There is co-reference of an NP in the main clause and its relative clause. Each of the rhetorical strategies described above has its own set of affixes that cross-reference a particular noun phrase in a construction. Charts of these affixes may be found inAppendix A.There are also sets of affixes in Tuwali Ifugao related to the augmentation or reduction of arguments in a clause. However, only those affixes used in the Hanadan Adi Matibo text will be described in this chapter. As introduced in Chapter 2, related to the complex morphology of Tuwali Ifugao are the pre-positional forms occurring with noun phrases that have frequently been analyzed as case markers. The existence of the alternative forms of these pre-positional forms has resulted in debates about the case typology of the languages. Some linguists have simply called the forms “noun markers.” In this chapter, we make the claim that the critical function of the forms is pragmatically referential, and therefore, they are considered to be a part of the deictic system of Tuwali Ifugao; thus we will classify them as determiners. However, that is not to say that the notion of case is non-existent in some of these forms as well as the other deictic categories.There will be a brief discussion of the particular forms that relate to the explanation of verbal affix cross-referencing patterns in illustrative data. Charts of the determiners and personal and demonstrative pronouns can be found in Appendix B. 2 Morphosyntactic variation and morphology It is critical to understand Tuwali Ifugao morphology in order to be able to describe and explain the variation of syntactic constructions in text. As discussed in Chapter 1, roots, words, affixes, reduplicates and geminates are different types of morphemes in the language and are distinguished by form, position within words and distinctive syntactic and semantic features. Morphemes themselves may be decomposed into semantic and functional components. The semantic components of morphemes are defined as those that are correlated with the features of referents in the Ifugao Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 40 referential world and differentiate one lexical unit from another. These semantic components also distinguish primary, secondary and figurative senses of lexemes and are also the basis for semantic categorization. Some closed classes of words, that is, function words, tend to have some conventionalized semantic components. The functional components of morphemes are those that relate to feature assignment, selectional restrictions, and inflectional and derivational potential. It is these functional components that distinguish the morphosyntactic characteristics of lexical categories, predict and explain affix selection possibilities, and constrain which words can co-occur within phrases, clauses and sentences. In this section, we will center our attention on certain aspects of the morphology: verb roots, their affixes and their relationship to the cross-referencing strategy used by speakers to create intelligible and natural communcation. 2.1 Verb root classes and default affixes As discussed in Chapter 1, there are two classes of intransitive verbal roots, and each has a default affix set that cross-references the subject of a clause. The default affix set of Class 1 verb roots has the non-past formmuN- and the past form nuN-. The default affix set of Class 2 verb roots has the non-past form -um- and the past form -imm-. In addition, there are three classes of transitive verb roots. The default affix set of Class 3 verb roots has the non-past form i- and the past form iN-. The default affix set of Class 4 verb roots has the non-past form -on and the past form -in-. The default affix set of Class 5 verb roots have the non-past form -an and the past form -in- -an. Recall that the components of the default affix sets • match the inherent aspect and spatial components of the root class • cross-reference either the subject or object in a construction • clarify, along with the root, the semantic role encoded in the cross-referenced grammatical relation. 2.2 Affixation and cross-referencing Each verb root class (in addition to having a default set of affixes) also has a set of primary (core) and secondary (non-core) semantic roles, that are encoded in the “subject,” “object,” and oblique arguments of a clause. The default affixes of Tuwali Ifugao verb root classes cross-reference the core semantic roles encoded in the subject NP of intransitive clauses and the object NP in transitive clauses. Nonetheless, the agent-subject can be cross-referenced morphosyntactically in a construction using an inherently transitive verb root, and an object with a different semantic role can be cross-referenced in a construction using an inherently intransitive verb root. Also, the secondary, non-core semantic roles that are part of a given lexical set can be cross-referenced. Discourse pragmatics motivates these differences on the basis of the introduction or the tracing of a participant or prop for accurate identifiability or increasing its prominence contextually. There are a total of 41 sentences and 141 clauses in the three narratives from which we will excerpt data to support our claims. The active verbal predicates in the clauses have a total of 78 different lexical roots, 45 transitive and 33 intransitive. Our explanation of morphosyntactic variation will concentrate on the 17 verbs that occur in the text with non-default affixes. The clauses with these verbs will be used to explain the rhetorical focusing strategy that highlights the NPs cross-referenced by these non-default affixes. 2.3 Non-default affixation contrasted with default affixation In the discussion that follows we provide examples of verbs occurring with default vs. non-default affixation to show the rhetorical significance of this important difference. In several instances the same verb is used in the text with these two types of affixation, which makes the significance readily apparent. a . The transitive verbal root bungbung ‘explode’ is a member of Class 5. The default affix set is the suffix-an encoding non-past tense, and the circumfix-in- -an encoding past tense. The circumfix co-occurs with the verb root in S25, and cross-references the site-object NP am-in dadiyen babatu ‘all those rocks’. The demonstrative form dadiye back-references the rocks that have been mentioned previously in the text. In this case, the rhetorical focusing strategy is used for tracing information. Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 41 (1) ya binungbungan dan am-in dadiyen babatu. 25Han1 .1 .25 ya bungbung -in--an da an am-in dadiye an CV- bat'u and explode P.O 3.PL.S LK all DEM3 LK PL rock they blasted all those rocks (using dynamite). In S26, the same verbal root bungbung ‘explode’ occurs, but this time with the non-default affixpuN- -an. This affixation cross-references the time NP kediyen algo ‘that day’ and nominalizes the verbal root. (In Tuwali Ifugao grammar, this particular construction with the pronoun is a clausal nominalization in contrast to the unaffixed root bungbung occurring as a conveyed-object noun ‘explosive’ in the relative clause following inhinyero ‘engineer’.) The cross-referencing of the time NP functions rhetorically to introduce the set of events forming the core episode of the second narrative and reflects the pragmatically high level rhetorical topicalizing strategy. Thekediye demonstrative marks algo ‘day’ as related to the generic time setting in S24. (2) Kediyen algon pumbungbungan da ya immali on inhinyeron kediye an algo an puN- -an bungbung da ya ali -imm- on inhinyero an DEM5 LK day LK NP.T.T explode 3.PL.S LK come P.S DET engineer LK mangiha-ad hi bungbung. 25Han1 .1 .26 mangi- ha-ad hi bungbung NP.T.S place DET explosive That day when they blasted the rocks (lit. the day of the blasting), an engineer came to put dynamite sticks. b . The intransitive verbal root datong ‘arrive’ is a member of Class 2. In S12, the default past tense infix-imm- cross- references the agent-subject pronoun da ‘they’. Once again, the rhetorical focusing strategy is simply tracing previously introduced participants in the narration. The arrival site is marked as definite by the determinernah , but at this point in the narrative, it is not cross-referenced as the most significant NP. (3) Dimmatong da nah ob-ob an nih-up nah boble ya tinibo datong -imm- da nah ob-ob an ni- hu-up nah boble ya tibo -in- arrive P .S 3.PL.S DET spring LK PASS bring near DET village and see P.O na on golang 25Han1 .1 .12 na on golang 3.SG.S DET child When they reached the spring which was near the community of Patukan (lit. near that village), he (Pablo) saw a small girl As seen in S12, the default infix-imm- is used to cross-reference the agent-subject. When a site is particularly significant in context, a transitive verbal clause can be syntactically derived by using a non-default affix on the verb root. That is the case in S16. Here the same verbal root datong ‘arrive’ occurs, but in this example, the suffix -an cross-references the site object nadan babale ‘those houses’. The demonstrative nadan marks the houses as referentially definite. Within this narrative, the importance of arriving at these particular houses is related to the fact that they are near the spring-home of the bibiyo spirit that the main participant, Pablo, saw. For Pablo, his vision of the spirit indicated that someone was sick. The narrator, by using a non-default affix, focuses attention on the arrival site as highly significant information. As mentioned earlier, significant information can be made prominent by highlighting through the affix cross-referencing of the rhetorical focusing strategy. (4) Imme-ele da ot datngan da nadan babalen -imm- e-ele da ot datong -an da nadan CV- bale an P.S move away 3.PL.S and then arrive NP .O3.PL.S those PL house LK Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 42 nihag-on nah ob-ob 25Han1 .1 .16 ni- hag-on nah ob-ob PASS beside DET spring They went further and reached the houses near/beside the spring c . The intransitive verbal root e ‘go’ is a member of Class 2. In S32 the default infix-um- cross-references the agent- subject encoded in the 3rd person singular pronoun ‘he’ that in this example is a null morpheme. Here again, the rhetorical focusing strategy traces the participant, one of the workers, who had been introduced in S31. (5) ot umeh kad-an diyen inhinyero ot waday ot -um- e hi kad-an hidiye an inhinyero ot wada di and then NP .S go DET near DEM3 LK engineer and then there is LK imadmad na. 25Han1 .1 .32 i- madmad na NP.O invoke 3.SG.S so he went to murmur some prayers over him. In S10, the same root, e ‘go’, has the non-default prefixnaki- and the reduplicant, CV-, that is, ki- encoding an added syntactic argument, that of additional accompanying participants in the action. The prefix cross-references the main participant who was introduced in S9. Again, the null 3rd person, singular pronoun morpheme ‘he’ encodes the rhetorical tracing of this participant. Should the narrator have wanted to highlight the companion participants making them more significant than the main participant, Pablo, he would have referred to the main participant with the pronoun form ke hiya (rather than using a null form of reference), which would follow the noun phrase referring to his friends, and the demonstrative in that noun phrase would take the demonstrative form nadan, rather than nadah. In S10 the constituent order and the pronoun deictics disambiguate the rhetorical cross- referencing without the help of the verbal affix. (6) Handih pun-iskulanad Ifugao Academy ya handi hi puN--an iskul na ad Ifugao Academy ya DEM1 DET NMLZ attend school 3.SG.S DET Ifugao Academy LK naki-ki-e nadah gagayyum na 25Han1 .1 .10 naki- CV(C)- e nadah CV- gayyum na PART CONT go DET.PL PL friend 3.SG.POSS When he was a high school student at the Ifugao Academy, he went with his friends d . In S30, the transitive verbal root pudon ‘to hold’ is a member of Class 3. A non-default prefix, nangi-, is used in S30. A new participant is introduced by an existential predicate and the null morpheme, 3rd person singular pronoun, is cross-referenced by the affix. The prefix,nangi- , is a member of the set of affixes associated with the rhetorical topicalizing strategy.This strategy is utilized because a new agent-subject participant is introduced that is more significant than the object,hi hukina ‘his legs/feet’ that by the possessive na ‘his’ traces the engineer. (7) Hay nunggibok na ya kay waday nangipudon hi hukina hay nuN- gibok na ya kay wada di nangi- pudon hi huki na DET P.DA.S aware 3.SG.S LK like there is LK P .TM hold.S DET leg 3.SG.POSS Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 43 ot adina ipae, kinali adi pakataddog. 25Han1 .1 .30 ot adi na ipa e kinali adi paka- taddog and then not 3.SG.S CAUS go that’s why not MOD stand up He felt like someone grabbed both of his feet and refused to let go, so he couldn’t stand. In S35, the default prefix, iN-, is used with the same verbal root, pudon, to cross-reference the feet of the engineer. Some other events are reported in the intervening sentences, and so the legs of the engineer are cross- referenced to trace the reason for his falling over. In this sentence, the people say that a bibiyo held his legs so that he could not stand up (S29 and S30). (8) Hay kanan nadan tatagun nanibon diyen naat ya impudon hay kanan nadan CV tagu an naN- tibo ke hidiyen na- at ya iN- pudon DET say DET.PL PL person LK P.T.S see DET DEM3 PASS was done LK P .O hold di bibiyoy hukin nan inhinyero kinali natui. 25Han1 .1 .35 di bibiy'o di huki an nan inhinyero kinali na- tui DET fairy DET leg LK DET engineer that’s why PASS push over The people who witnessed the incident were sure that a bibiyo was the culprit (lit. held his legs/feet). There are two other non-default affixes in S30, repeated here for clarity. The intransitive verb rootse ‘go’ and taddog ‘stand up’ are members of Class 2. The default affix set for this class is -um-/-imm-. The non-default prefix ipa- attached to e is a causative affix that cross-references the agent encoded by the null morpheme, the 3rd person singular pronoun,7 rather than the causative agent encoded by the 3rd person singular pronoun na attached to the negative adi. The paka- prefix attached to the roottaddog is an abilitative modal prefix cross-referencing the agent- subject encoded by the null morpheme, the 3rd person singular pronoun. In both cases the main participant, the engineer, is being traced by the cross-referencing affixes associated with the rhetorical focusing strategy. (9) Hay nunggibok na ya kay waday nangipudon hi hukina ot hay nuN- gibok na ya kay wada di nangi- pudon hi huki na ot DET P.DA.S aware 3.SG.S LK like there is LK P.TM.S hold DET leg 3.SG.POSS and then adina ipae kinali adi pakataddog. 25Han1 .1 .30 adi na ipa e kinali adi paka- taddog not 3.NF.S CAUS go that’s why not MOD stand up He felt like someone grabbed both of his feet and refused to let go, so he couldn’t stand up. e . The transitive verbal root, tibo ‘to see’, is a member of Class 4. In S31, the past tense default infix, -in-, cross- references the patient-object that is encoded in the null morpheme, 3rd person singular pronoun ‘him/it’; the pronoun refers to what happened to the engineer in S30. The rhetorical focusing strategy continues tracing the engineer participant. (10) Tinibon nan ohan nadah mungngunu ya inila na tibo an -in- nan oha an nadah muN- ngunu ya inila na see LK P .O DET one LK DET.PL NP.DEV.S work and know 3.SG.S 7 The 3rd person singular pronoun occurs as a null morpheme only when it is cross-referenced by an affix on the verb. Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 44 moy naat 25Han1 .1 .31 mo di na- at now LK PASS was done One of the workers (lit. saw him and) immediately knew what went wrong (lit. what was done/had happened) Also, in S17, the default affix-in- occurs with the same verbal root and also cross-references the patient-object. The object is marked as definite-specific by the determiner nan, even though a new participant is introduced. The significance of the information is the fact that this child is understood to be related to the bibiyo spirit that Pablo had seen at the spring (S16). This is another instance in which information is highlighted by the rhetorical focusing strategy. Also, by using the definite determiner nan, the narrator indicates that this new participant information is contingent on information previously given, that is, Pablo stated that the appearance of a spirit at the spring indicated that someone was sick. (11) ya tinibon Pablo nan ohan imbabalen Miguel Pumihic 25Han1 .1 .17 ya tibo an -in- Pablo nan oha an imbabale an Miguel Pumihic and see LK P .O Pablo DET one LK child LK Miguel Pumihic and when Pablo saw one of Miguel Pumihic’s children, In S35, the past tense non-default prefix, naN- occurs with the same verbal root tibon and cross-references the agent-subject tatagu. The people referred to are new participants, but marked as definite by the demonstrative nadan by the narrator because within the cultural context it would be known that there would have been groups of people, probably including workmen, watching the placing of the dynamite. The rhetorical topicalizing strategy is used here because new participants are being introduced, rather than traced. (12) Hay kanan nadan tatagun nanibon diyen naat ya impudon hay kanan nadan CV tagu an naN- tibo ke hidiyen na- at ya iN- pudon DET say DET.PL PL person LK P .T .Ssee DET DEM3 PASS was done LK P.O hold di bibiyoy hukin nan inhinyero kinali natui. 25Han1 .1 .35 di bibiy'o di huki an nan inhinyero kinali na- tui DET fairy DET leg LK DET engineer that’s why PASS push over The people who witnessed (lit. saw) the incident were sure that a bibiyo was the culprit (lit. held his legs/feet). The non-past, non-default affix, maN- occurring with the same verbal root tibo ‘to see’ in S9 cross-references the subject kabaelanan ‘his ability’. The rhetorical topicalizing strategy is used because there is an introduction of new information about the main participant. Note that the non-default affixes naN- and maN- used in S35 and S9 are members of the set of affixes associated with that strategy. (13) Wada din hi Pablo Botal ad Hingyon an waday kabaelanan wada din hi Pablo Botal ad Hingyon an wada di kabaelan na an there is that person DET Pablo Botal DET Hingyon LK there is LK ability 3.SG.POSS LK maniboh bibiyo. 25Han1 .1 .9 maN- tibo hi bibiy'o NP T. .S seeDET fairy There was a certain Pablo Botal from Hingyon who was able to see the bibiyo. Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 45 The narrator again uses the non-default topicalizing affix naN- to cross-reference a new participant, an unidentified passerby, as the agent-subject of a transitive verb in S90. (14) Indani udot ya wada on tagun nanibon hiya ot indani udot ya wada on tagu an naN- tibo ke hiya ot later expressing perplexity LK there is DET person LK P .T .S seeDET 3.SG.O and then baddanganan ianamut hi nunhituwan mid baddang -an na an i- anamut hi nuN--an hitu mi ad help O 3.SG.S LK NP.O return home DET DEV-NMLZ DEM4 1.PL.EXCL.POSS DET Longnga. 25Han1 .1 .90 Longnga Longnga Fortunately, a man was passing by and saw him and brought (lit. he helped to return) him to our house in Longnga. The significant information in S15 is the fact that Pablo’s companions were unable to see the child that he said he saw (S14). The non-default prefixpaka- encodes the modal abilitative (negated syntactically in this clause) and cross-references the agent-subject encoded in the tracing pronoun, da ‘they’. (15) Mu hanada ken ibbana ya adida pakatibo kediyen mu hanada ke an ibba na ya adi da paka- tibo kediye an but DEM1 ADJU LK companion 3.SG.S LK not 3.PL.S MOD see DEM5 LK golang an kalyonan tinibo na. 25Han1 .1 .15 golang an kali -on na an tibo -in- na child LK say something NP.O 3.SG.S LK see P.O 3.SG.S But his friends/companions couldn’t see the child that he was talking about (lit. said he had seen). In S78, the non-default prefix iN- encodes the modal notion of the manner of looking, that is, looking in a particular direction; the prefix cross-references the clause translated ‘where they were pushing him’, whichis embedded in the grammatical object and marked by the determiner nan. (16) Intibon ama nah pottok nan pumpangituludan iN- tibo an ama nah pottok na an puN- pangi--an tulud P O. look toward LK father DET direction 3.SG.POSS LK DISTR NP.T-P push dan hiya ya inang-ang na 25Han1 .1 .78 da ke hiya ya -in- ang-ang na 3.PL.S DET 3.SG.O and P.O look 3.SG.S My father looked in the direction where they were pushing him and he saw/looked f . The intransitive verb root dalan ‘to walk’ is a member of Class 1. The default affix set is muN-/nuN-. In S79, dalan occurs unaffixed and is interpreted as a noun with the gloss ‘path’, that is, a place to be walked on. In that same clause it also occurs with the non-default suffix -on that derives a transitive verb and cross-references the demonstrative hidi. This demonstrative refers back to the good path, maphod an dalan, introduced in the first clause of S79. Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 46 (17) on maphod an dalan an nadilagan, ot hidiy on ma- pohod an dalan an na-an dilag ot hidi di LK STA good LK path LK PASS use light and then DEM4 LK dalanona. 25Han1 .1 .79 dalan -on na walk on NP .O 3.SG.S a nice lighted path so he followed there (lit. there is where he walked). In S80, the non-default suffix -on again co-occurs with the root dalan, and cross-references the adjective adukkey ‘long’ that implies ‘a long way’. This cross-referencing, along with describing walking a long way, is significant information in the context because Pedro’s father was led to an unfamiliar place where he saw unusual things (S81). The walking a long way is expressed with the infix -an- ‘iterative’, that is, walking, walking. (18) Nikuyug nadah adi matibon iibbana ot ni- kuyug nadah adi ma- tibo an CV- ibba na ot PASS take someone with one DET.PL not PASS see LK PL companion 3.SG.S and then adukkey danallanon da. 25Han1 .1 .80 aN- dukke di dalan -an- -on da ADJM long LK path repeatedly NP .O 3.PL.S He traveled with his unseen companions for a long way. (lit. He was led by his companions that could not be seen and they walked and walked on it a long way.) In S81, the past tense form -in- of the non-default suffix-on is used with this same verb. The infix cross-references the demonstrative hanah that refers to the path that has been traced since being first introduced in S79. (19) Hanah dinalan da ya wada on i-itay an babalen hanah dalan -in- da ya wada on CV(C)- ittay an CV- bale an DEM walk by P .O 3.PL.S LK there is LK INT little LK DIM house LK lina-uwan dan wadaday i-itay bon la-u -in--an da an wada da di CV(C)- ittay bo an pass by P.O. 3.PL.S LK there is QUAN.PL LK INT little also LK tatagun numpumbaleh di. 25Han1 .1 .81 CV- tagu an nuN- puN- bale hi hidi DIM person LK P.S DISTR house DET DEM4 On that (path) they walked, they passed some small huts with small people living in them. It is interesting to note that in each of these sentences (S79, S80, and S81), we have non-default affixes cross-referencing significant information, but in each case, the rhetorical focusing strategy also functions to trace information. g . The transitive verb root, tulud ‘to push’ is a member of Class 3. The default affix set isi-/iN- . In S77, the default affix i- is combined with the prefix puN-. The puN- prefix changes the aspect from punctiliar to durative while the i- cross-references the conveyed-object ‘him’, that is, the main participant, Pedro’s father, expressed by the null morpheme, the 3rd person, singular pronoun. Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 47 (20) Indop da tut-uwa ahan ot indani ya pun-itulud dan -in- odop da tut-uwa ahan ot indani ya pun-i- tulud da an P.O extinguish 3.PL.S truly ADJU and then later LK ASP .O push 3.PL.S LK kalyon day Hidi ay di dalan! 25Han1 .1 .77 kali -on da di hidi ay di dalan say something NP.O 3.PL.S DET DEM4 yes DET path True enough, one of them put out his torch and then, they began pushing him, saying “There’s the way!” In S78, there is another affix combination occurring with the same verbal root, the prefix puN- expressing durative aspect, and the circumfix pangi- -an cross-referencing a place, that is, the path introduced in S77, which is understood without an explicit reference in this clause. (21) Intibon ama nah pottok nan pumpangituludan -in- tibo an ama nah pottok na an puN- pangi--an tulud P.O look toward LK father DET direction 3.SG.POSS LK ASP NP .T-P push dan hiya ya inang-ang na 25Han1 .1 .78 da ke hiya ya -in- ang-ang na 3.PL.S DET 3.SG.O and P.O look 3.SG.S My father looked in the direction where they were pushing him and he saw h . The transitive verb root ayag ‘call for’ is a member of Class 5. The default affix set is -an/-in- -an. In S19, the non-default infix-um- is used to cross-reference the agent-subject da ‘they’, tracing the parents of the sick child. The site object hi mamakkot ‘a shaman’ is indefinite, and thus cannot be cross-referenced. (22) Matibon mundogo, ot ibagana nadah aammod nan ma- tibo an muN- dogo ot i- bag'a na nadah aamm'od na an PASS see LK NP.DEV.S sick and then NP.O tell 3.SG.S DET.PL parents 3.SG.POSS LK umayag dah mamakkot 25Han1 .1 .19 ayag -um- da hi mamakko ta call for NP .P/IA .S 3.PL.S DET shaman so that She was not evidently in good health (lit. it was seen that she was sick). So he advised the parents to call for a mamakko We conclude this section with examples of non-default affixation occurring on verbs that in this particular text do not occur with default affixation. i . The transitive verb root kapya ‘make’ is a member of Class 4. The default affix set is-on/-in- . Because the patient- object is indefinite in S24, the agent-subject is treated as more significant, and is cross-referenced by the prefix maN-. (The agent-subject gubilnuh ‘government’ is also new information rather than traced.) This prefix is a member of the class of affixes that is used by the rhetorical topicalizing strategy. (23) Mu indanit mala-uy kaatnan toon ot mangapyay mu indani ta ma- la-u di kaatna an toon ot maN- kapya di but later so that STA passing LK how much/many LK year and then NP .T .S makeLK Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 48 gubilnuh kalatah di, 25Han1 .1 .24 gubilnu hi kalata hi hidi government DET road DET DEM4 Years later however, when the government constructed a road passing the area (lit. there), j . In S26 the agent-subject inhinyero ‘engineer’ is cross-referenced by the -imm- infix co-occurring with the verbal root ali ‘come’ which is the default affix for that root. The default affix for the transitive verb rootha-ad ‘place’ in the relative clause of S26 is the prefixi- which would cross-reference the object NP. However, the agent-subject inhinyero is instead cross-referenced because the object is indefinite, and the relative clause agent-subject is co- referent with the agent-subject in the main clause. The engineer is highly significant information since he is the main participant of this narrative. (24) Kediyen algon pumbungbungan da ya immali on inhinyeron kediye an algo an puN- -an bungbung da ya ali -imm- on inhinyero an DEM5 LK day LK NP.T.T explode 3.PL.S LK come P.S DET engineer LK mangiha-ad hi bungbung. 25Han1 .1 .26 mangi- ha-ad hi bungbung NP.T.S place DET explosive That day when they blasted the rocks, an engineer came to put dynamite sticks. (lit. The engineer who will place dynamite sticks came.) k . The transitive verb root kuyug ‘take along’ is a member of Class 3. The default affix set is i-/iN-. In S82, the non-default prefix nangi- is used to reintroduce his unseen companions after the digression in S81 describing what had been seen on the path. The prefix set mangi- (S26) and nangi- (S82) are, along with maN- (S24), members of the class of affixes used in the rhetorical topicalizing strategy, generally used for reintroducing or contrasting information. (25) Indani ya ena imama-uwan ya maid mo nadan e indani ya e na -imm- CV(C)- ma-uwan ya maid mo nadan e later LK go 3.SG.S P.S INT awareness LK nothing now DET.PL go nangikuyug ke hiya, an wada nin an alas kuwatro nangi- kuyug ke hiya an wada nin an alas kuwatro P T. S. take someone with one DET 3.SG.O LK there is maybe LK hour four mon diye. 25Han1 .1 .82 mo an hidiye now LK DEM3 Then, at about 4:00 am he suddenly noticed that he was left alone by his abductors (lit. those who were taking him did not exist now). l . The transitive verb root nomnom ‘to think’ is a member of Class 4. The default affix set is -on/-in-. In S22, the non-default abilitative modal affixma- expresses the idea of remembering. What the speaker thinks/remembers is placed in a full clause following the linker ya. (26) Manomnom kun handi keh kau-unga mi ya ma- nomnom ku an handi ke hi ka- CV- unga mi ya ABL think 1.SG.S LK DEM2 ADJU DET RENOM PL child 1.PL.EXCL.POSS LK Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 49 wadaday nihag-on kediyen ob-ob hi o-ongal an wada da di ni- hag-on kediye an ob-ob hi CV(C)- ongal an there is QUAN.PL LK PASS beside DEM5 LK spring DET INT big LK batu. 25Han1 .1 .22 bat'u rock I remember that when we were children, there were big rocks beside the same spring. Summary: Morphosyntactic variation and morphology in text The analysis of verbal semantics, the semantic role of arguments, and affix selection in the text indicates that: the subject of intransitive verbs will be cross-referenced unless • A non-core semantic role such as a site, path, participatory, or benefactive is significant. In this case, a transitive clause will be derived so that the grammatical object reflecting these roles can be cross- referenced. cf. S16 (site); S79, S80 and S81 (path) • A preposed time or place is used to introduce a new episode in a narrative. The time or place will be cross- referenced with a different set of affixes though neither will have a subject or object grammatical relation to the verb. cf. S10, S26 the object of transitive verbs will be cross-referenced unless • An object is indefinite and non-specific. cf. S19 • A durative aspect is important, and in this case too, the object is indefinite and non-specific. cf. 78 • In a relative clause, the subject-agent of the verb is co-referenced in the main clause; in this case the co- referenced NP can be either a subject or an object in the main clause. cf. S90 • A subject-agent is introduced into the context. cf. S9, S30, S35 • A subject-agent is reintroduced into the context. cf. S82 • In passivization, an object becomes the subject NP (see below) • A modal affix describes a characteristic of a subject-agent. cf. S15, S30 In these instances where the object of a transitive verb is not cross-referenced, it is the subject that is cross-referenced. 3 Morphosyntactic variation and information In the first section of this chapter, we described the role that non-default affixes play in morphosyntactic variation in constructions to indicate the relative rhetorical status of participants and props, using examples from the text being analyzed to illustrate. In this section, we will describe the results of our analytical research in terms of information structure, using Grimes’ “kinds of information” (1975), and Prince’s “taxonomy of given/ new information” (1981). We will also explicitly distinguish morphosyntactic strategies used for introduction of participants from those used for tracking and contrasting participants, based on discourse principles described in the Tuwali Ifugao grammar. Although a detailed account would take us too far afield, a brief summary of each of these notions will be helpful to understanding the discussion to follow. 3 .1 Kinds of information Grimes is not alone in arguing for different levels of information in discourse (see, for example, Hopper (1979), Longacre (1996)), but we have found the seven categories he sets forth to be particularly useful. Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 50 • Events: Event information is expressed in the verbal predications of a narrative and is considered to be the backbone of a discourse holding the other kinds of information together and moving the narrative forward in time. • Participants and Props: Participant and prop information is expressed in noun phrases of various types and indicates the roles played in relation to the events in a narrative. • Settings: Setting information expresses the times and places related to the occurrences of the events being talked about. • Background: Background information is a type of information that is given for the hearer’s benefit for the purpose of ensuring understanding of the text. This type of information typically expresses purposes, results, or implications. • Evaluations: Evaluative information, more than any other type of information, expresses a narrator’s perspective of events, participants and props. • Collateral: Collateral information tells about events that might have happened but didn’t, or about events that might happen but haven’t yet. Grimes claims that collateral information is expressed in such surface forms as negatives, futures, modals, questions, predictions and quotations. • Performative: Performative information expresses such things as promises, declarations, and other verbal assertions that perform an action. Most crucial to any narrative discourse is the series of Events. Participants and Props are also important because they are the entities that are involved in the Events. Although it is undoubtedly the case that patterns relevant to verb morphology and patterns of cross-referencing and the concomitant forms of NPs can be found in predications classified by some of the less salient categories, we have limited our attention to Events, their associated Participants and Props, and Settings of the episodes, with only occasional forays into the other areas. 3 .2 Given and new information The proposals of Prince, although also dated chronologically, are relevant to this analysis as well. Prince proposes that seven types of referential relationships can be identified as encoding the information flow within a text. We summarize those categories here by way of introduction. BN = brand new (=new to the reader/hearer) BNa = brand-new anchored (=new, but associated with an entity already introduced) U = unused (=likely in reader/hearer’s knowledge bank, now activated) TE = textually evoked (=introduced earlier in the text); this one is the most common SE = situationally evoked (=tied to speech-act context, generally 1st and 2nd person references or other deictically-related forms) CI = containing inferrable (=reference to a part of an entity already introduced—for example, given reference to a car earlier, the engine might be mentioned) NCI = non-containing inferrable (=reference to an entity related to one already introduced but not part of it—for example, perhaps given reference to “meat”, “broth” might be mentioned). 3 .3 Application of the Grimes and Prince notions Events, participants and props, and settings are the three types of information demonstrated and discussed in this section. In Chapter 3, section 3.3.4, evaluation and background information will be demonstrated and discussed in relation to passive constructions in the text. 3.3.1 Event information There are a total of 141 clauses in the analyzed text. Of those 141 clauses, just 37 encode events. Other kinds of information are encoded in the remaining 104 clauses. The events in each of the three narratives, as reported, are contrasted with non-events in the following six ways: Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 51 • the events are encoded in active transitive or intransitive verbs (as contrasted to stative and passive verbs, and non-verbal predicates) • the events are characterized as having actually occurred (as opposed to negatives, questions, modals, and verbs in projected time) and the verbs are affixed with past tense forms To illustrate these two characteristics, note S12. The verb dimmatong is intransitive and in the past tense; the verb tinibo is transitive and is also in the past tense. (27) Dimmatong da nah ob-ob an nih-up nah boble ya tinibo datong -imm- da nah ob-ob an ni- hu-up nah boble ya tibo -in- arrive P .S 3.PL.S DET spring LK PASS bring near DET village and see P .O na on golang. 25Han1 .1 .12 na on golang 3.SG.S DET child When they reached the spring which was near the community of Patukan (lit. that village), he(Pablo) saw a small girl. • the events occur at the “now” point on the time line (as opposed to flashbacks and previews) • the events are chronologically sequenced on a time line, expressing the primary storyline (Longacre, 1996)8 (as opposed to events of less importance, or habitual or script-preditable events) As an example of information that is not included among the events, consider S24–25: (28) Mu indanit mala-uy kaatnan toon ot mangapyay mu indani ta ma- la-u di kaatna an toon ot maN- kapya di but later so that STA passing LK how much/many LK year and then NP .T .S makeLK gubilnuh kalatah di, 25Han1 .1 .24 gubilnu hi kalata hi hidi government DET road DET DEM4 Years later however, when the government constructed a road passing the area (lit. there), (29) ya binungbungan dan am-in dadiyen babatu. 25Han1 .1 .25 ya bungbung -in--an da an am-in dadiye an CV- bat'u and explode P.O 3.PL.S LK all those LK PL rock they blasted all those rocks (using dynamite). S24 and S25 are a preview of the main event involved in the second embedded narrative and follow S22 and S23 that serve as a transitional setting from the first embedded narrative to the second. The preview events, then, in S24 and S25 serve as the setting for the set of events following, which form an episode that involves the interaction of humans with the bibiyo. The two verbs, mangapyay and binungbungan have the characteristics of verbs that encode events; however, they are not on the main time line, and are not chronologically sequenced with the events expressing the primary storyline and therefore, are analyzed as preview events. The first event on the main time line of this second narrative is in S26, immali on inhiryeron ‘an engineer came’. The main time line is signaled by the setting kediyen 8 Longacre (1996:27) describes three types of storyline, primary, secondary, and tertiary, found in the analyses of different languages. The three types tend to be distinguished in the morphosyntax of verbs. Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 52 algon pumbungbungan da ‘on that day of their blasting/exploding (of those rocks)’; this specific setting refers back to the preview in S24–25. (30) Kediyen algon pumbungbungan da ya immali on inhinyeron kediye an algo an puN- -an bungbung da ya ali -imm- on inhinyero an DEM5 LK day LK NP.T.T explode 3.PL.S LK come P.S DET engineer LK mangiha-ad hi bungbung. 25Han1 .1 .26 mangi- ha-ad hi bungbung NP.T.S place DET explosive That day when they blasted the rocks, an engineer came to put dynamite sticks. • the events form the backbone of each narrative and function as one of the main cohesive devices • three classes of events are distinguished in this text: action, perceptual and speech To illustrate these classes of events, consider S12 in example (27) and S14 in example (31): In S12 the verb dimmatong encodes an action event and the verb tinibo encodes a perceptual event. In S14 the verb kanan encodes a speech event. The conjunction ot ‘and then’ encodes a sequential time meaning the speech event followed the perceptual event in S12. (31) Ot kananay Dehtuy golang hitu, wada boy ot kanan na di dehtu di golang hitu wada bo di and then say 3.SG.S LK DEMPRED LK child DEM4 there is again LK mundogo. 25Han1 .1 .14 muN- dogo NP.DEV.S sick And he commented “There’s a child (sitting) here, somebody must be sick again.” 3.3.2 Setting information Information regarding spatial or temporal settings is important to identifying episodes consisting of a series of events. • The introduction of an episode is often marked by a temporal expression. The main participant of the first narrative is introduced in S9. The setting for the episode is given in S10. The demonstrative handi, which occurs in the first position of S10, belongs to the Class 2 demonstrative setthat commonly mark times or places encoded in NPs or embedded nominalized clauses. The handi form in S10 marks a nominalized clause, and the di formative of the demonstrative encodes the time component of “distant past” in relation to the time of the narration. (32) Wada din hi Pablo Botal ad Hingyon an waday wada din hi Pablo Botal ad Hingyon an wada di there is that person DET Pablo Botal DET Hingyon LK there is LK kabaelanan maniboh bibiyo. 25Han1 .1 .9 kabaelan na an maN- tibo hi bibiy'o ability 3.SG.POSS LK NP.T.S see DET fairy There was a certain Pablo Botal from Hingyon who was able (lit. there is his ability) to see the bibiyo. Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 53 (33) Handih pun-iskulanad Ifugao Academy ya naki-ki-e handi hi puN--an iskul na ad Ifugao Academy ya naki- CV(C)- e DEM2 DET NMLZ attend school 3.SG.S DET Ifugao Academy LK PART CONT go nadah gagayyum na 25Han1 .1 .10 nadah CV- gayyum na DET.PL PL friend 3.SG.POSS When he was a high school student at the Ifugao Academy, he went with his friends • A change in temporal setting usually indicates a new grouping of events. (34) Indani ya kanan nan ohan diday Odpon yu indani ya kanan nan oha an dida di odop -on yu later LK say DET one LK 3.PL.O/IO LK extinguish NP.O 2.PL.S dilag na! 25Han1 .1 .76 dilag na light 3.SG.POSS Then, one of them said, “Put out his torch!” In S76, the adverb indani encodes the meaning ‘brief passing of time’ and usually functions as a transition from one episode to another. This particular adverb functions at a high level in the discourse in the sense that its scope, which begins here extends to S82, covers all of the events in between. This episode is part of the narrative that was begun in S68. In this instance, the narrator does not use a time or place setting. Instead, he indicates a new narrative by introducing a different main participant, his father. The only time element involved is to indicate that this happened sometime in the past when his father was still alive. The din formative of the demonstrative is used to indicate that at the time of the narration the main participant was no longer living. (35) Hi ke aman din hi Dulawan ya waday ad-adin inat hi ke ama an din hi Dulawan ya wada di ad-adi an -in- at DET DET father LK DEM DET Dulawan LK there is LK bad LK P.O do di bumdang ke hiya. 25Han1 .1 .68 di bumdang ke hiya DET roaming spirit DET 3.SG.O As for my late father, Dulawan, he had a very bad experience with the bumdang. S22 sets the stage for the second narrative. In that sentence the demonstrative handi is used with the formative di indicating “distant past.” In S26 the demonstrative kediye, which belongs to the Class 5 demonstrative set, marks a head noun with a nominalized relative clause. The main difference between Set 2 and Set 5 is that Set 2 has exophoric reference, that is, extratextual, and Set 5 has endophoric reference, that is, anaphoric textual reference. So the S26 setting refers back to the setting that introduces the second narrative, but also signals the beginning of an episode within that narrative with an event time line. Note that the presence of the same di formative gives cohesion to the “distant past” time. (36) Manomnom kun handi keh kau-unga mi ya ma- nomnom ku an handi ke hi ka- CV- unga mi ya ABL think 1.SG.S LK DEM2 ADJU DET RENOM PL child 1.PL.EXCL.POSS LK Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 54 wadaday nihag-on kediyen ob-ob hi o-ongal wada da di ni- hag-on kediye an ob-ob hi CV(C)- ongal there is QUAN.PL LK PASS beside DEM5 LK spring DET INT big an batu 25Han1 .1 .22 an bat'u LK rock I remember that when we were children, there were big rocks beside the same spring (37) Kediyen algon pumbungbungan da ya immali on inhinyeron kediye an algo an puN- -an bungbung da ya ali -imm- on inhinyero an DEM5 LK day LK NP.T.T explode 3.PL.S LK come P.S DET engineer LK mangiha-ad hi bungbung 25Han1 .1 .26 mangi- ha-ad hi bungbung NP.T.S place DET explosive That day when they blasted the rocks, an engineer came to put dynamite sticks • A change in spatial setting usually indicates a new group of events Although the analysis of place changes in other texts has indicated that they do function at a higher level than clauses and indicate transitions to new episodes leading to the statement of that principle here, the particular constructions that encode these place changes have not been found in this particular text. Instead, in this text, rather than place settings marking episodes, places and place changes are critical to the understanding of the main topic of the text, that is, unseen spirits, the places where they live and where they interact with humans. (38) Hanadan bibiyo ya miha-ad da kanuh liyang, nah buddalan hanada an bibiy'o ya mi- ha-ad da kanu hi liyang nah bud'al -an DEM1 LK fairy LK PASS place 3.PL.S reportedly DET cave DET exit DEV-N di ob-ob 25Han1 .1 .4 di ob-ob DET spring These bibiyo stay or live in caves, near the springs (39) ya hanah puun di o-ongal an kakaiw . 25Han1 .1 .5 ya hanah puun di CV(C)- ongal an CV- kaiw and DEM2 base of s.t. LK INT big LK PL tree/wood and those under big trees. In S4 and S5, it is stated that the bibiyo live in caves, near springs, and at the base of big trees. Interestingly, within this text, each narrative of encounters with bibiyo are all at or near the Patukan spring. Each of the three places enumerated is encoded in a clausal constituent NP of the passive verbal predicate miha-ad ‘living/staying (lit. placed)’. The first clause, hanah dinalan da, in S81 is an event setting for the single event that follows; it does not introduce a new episode. It does not encode a change of place (the demonstrative hana from Set 2 refers back to the path dalan that was introduced in S79), and the construction is different, too, since the demonstrative is an object that is cross-referenced by the derived active verb dinalan. Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 55 (40) Hanah dinalan da ya wada on i-itay an babalen hanah dalan -in- da ya wada on CV(C)- ittay an CV- bale an DEM2 walk by P .O 3 .PL S. LK there is LK INT little LK PL house LK lina-uwan dan wadaday i-itay bon la-u -in--an da an wada da di CV(C)- ittay bo an pass by P.O 3.PL.S LK there is QUAN.PL LK INT little also LK tatagun numpumbaleh di. 25Han1 .1 .81 CV- tagu an nuN- puN- bale hi hidi DIM person LK P.S DISTR house DET DEM4 There on that path they walked on, they passed some small huts with small people living in them. 3.3.3 Participant and prop information Role relations relate to the participants and props in the reported events. We are using the term “props” to refer to inanimate things. The spirit beings bibiyo in the narratives are considered to be participants. In Tuwali Ifugao narrative texts, there is a variation in morphosyntactic structure depending on whether participants and props are being introduced, traced, or contrasted. The structural devices for keeping identities clear are verbal cross-referencing, determiners and pronominalization with the use of both personal and demonstrative pronouns. These structural devices are the encoding of the rhetorical strategies described earlier. Our analysis and description integrates Prince’s classification of given/new information with this variation in morphosyntactic structure. 1) Introductory identification of participants and props There are four constructions used to introduce participants and props. a) Existential sentences Existential sentences are the most common construction for introducing participants and props. Consider S9: In S9, the existential predicate wada introduces Pablo Botal. He is brand-new unanchored information (BN), and is the main participant involved in Narrative 1. In the relative clause marked by the linker an, the existential predicate is again used to introduce a prop, kabaelanan ‘his ability’. Because this prop is associated with the participant just introduced, it is brand-new anchored information (BNa). The noun bibiyo ‘fairy’ is textually evoked information (TE) since reference to such entities was introduced in the preceding expository section of the text. (41) Wada din hi Pablo Botal ad Hingyon an waday wada din hi Pablo Botal ad Hingyon an wada di there is that person DET Pablo Botal DET Hingyon LK there is LK kabaelanan maniboh bibiyo. 25Han1 .1 .9 kabaelan na an maN- tibo hi bibiy'o ability 3.SG.POSS LK NP.T.S see DET fairy There was a certain Pablo Botal from Hingyon who was able (lit. there is his ability) to see the bibiyo. In S14, a demonstrative dehtu is substituted for the existential predicate in order to indicate a directional hitu ‘here’, but the existential is then used in the second clause to introduce the fact that someone is sick. The dehtu demonstrative form is used only in direct speech when the speaker expresses the existence of something near him. Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 56 (42) Ot kananay Dehtuy golang hitu, wada boy ot kanan na di dehtu di golang hitu wada bo di and then say 3.SG.S LK DEMPRED LK child DEM4 there is again LK mundogo. 25Han1 .1 .14 muN- dogo NP.DEV.S sick And he commented “There’s a child sitting here, somebody must be sick again.” b) Rhetorical focusing strategy As discussed and illustrated in detail above, the rhetorical focusing strategy uses active intransitive or transitive clauses with an affix on the verb that cross-references either a subject or object NP. The strategy is most commonly used for tracing participants or props that have already been introduced, that is, textually evoked (TE), but as we will demonstrate below, it may also be used to signal the introduction of a new highly significant participant or prop even though the reference appears to be indefinite. (43) Dimmatong da nah ob-ob an nih-up nah boble ya tinibo datong -imm- da nah ob-ob an ni- hu-up nah boble ya tibo -in- arrive P.S 3.PL.S DET spring LK PASS bring near DET village and see P .O na on golang 25Han1 .1 .12 na on golang 3.SG.S DET child When they reached the spring which was near the community of Patukan (lit. that village), he (Pablo) saw a small girl (lit. young child) In S12, the clause following the conjunction ya ‘and’ the infix -in- of the verb tinibo cross-references the object NP on golang. This NP appears to encode brand new unanchored information (BN). Although the on determiner indicates that this is an indefinite, non-specific reference, the cross-referencing indicates the significance of this participant. Another factor to be considered here is that a functional component of the determiner on is notional contingency.9 This means that the narrator has used this particular determiner to signal that the introduction of this referent is notionally contingent on something he has previously said. When he introduced the main participant Pablo in this narration, he said that Pablo could see the unseen spirits called bibiyo (cf. S9). Also, in the introductory expository section of the text, he explained that these spirits lived in caves near springs (cf. S4). This means that this golang ‘child’ is contingently anchored information (BNa), related to spirits that live in springs. Evidence is given for this in S15 where the child is textually evoked information (TE), traced with the demonstrative kediye and the narrator states that Pablo’s companions could not see that child. (44) Mu hanada ken ibbana ya adida pakatibo kediyen mu hanada ke an ibba na ya adi da paka- tibo kediye an but DEM1 ADJU LK companion 3.SG.S LK not 3.PL.S MOD see DEM5 LK golang an kalyonan tinibo na. 25Han1 .1 .15 golang an kali -on na an tibo -in- na child LK say something NP.O 3.SG.S LK see P.O 3.SG.S But his friends/companions couldn’t see the child that he was talking about (lit. said he had seen). 9 Longacre (1996) introduces the concept of notional structure underlying surface structures in language. In Ballard, Conrad and Longacre (1971) a contingency sentence type is postulated for Ibaloi, an Austronesian language spoken in the Philippines. This sentence type encodes a notional contingency interclausal relation. Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 57 The same rhetorical focusing strategy is used in S26 to introduce a significant participant, the engineer who is the main participant in this second narrative. Here again he is introduced with the determiner form on, which marks an indefinite participant, but one that is notionally contingent on information that has preceded the introduction. In this instance, the notional contingency is related to the preview of events in S24 and S25 in which dynamite is used for removing rocks in order to build a road. The use of dynamite implies that an engineer would need to be available to place the dynamite. After his introduction, the engineer is traced with pronouns and in S32 referred to as ‘that engineer’ (back reference) diyen inhinyero. Diye is a shortened form of hidiye. From a grammatical contextual point of view, the reference to him has become definite, but he is only identified by his role in the events. He may be classified as NCI, that is, non-containing inferrable information, since an engineer would be the one to handle explosives. (45) Kediyen algon pumbungbungan da ya immali on inhinyeron kediye an algo an puN- -an bungbung da ya ali -imm- on inhinyero an DEM5 LK day LK NP.T.T explode 3.PL.S LK come P .S DET engineer LK mangiha-ad hi bungbung 25Han1 .1 .26 mangi- ha-ad hi bungbung NP.T.S place DET explosive That day when they blasted the rocks, an engineer came to put dynamite sticks (46) nadah linokongan dan babatu. 25Han1 .1 .27 nadah lokong -in--an da an CV- bat'u DET.PL bore hole P.O 3.PL.S LK PL rock in the holes that they drilled in those rocks. (47) ot umeh kad-an diyen inhinyero ot waday ot -um- e hi kad-an hidiye an inhinyero ot wada di and then NP.S go DET near DEM3 LK engineer and then there is LK imadmad na. 25Han1 .1 .32 i- madmad na NP.O invoke 3.SG.S so he went to murmur some prayers over him. In S17, the narrator again uses the rhetorical focusing strategy to introduce a new participant by an affix that cross-references an object NP, but in this case the determiner nan indicates a particular child of Miguel Pumihic and marks the child as definite. The referent can be classified as unused information (U), that is, in the reader’s knowledge bank, since both the father’s name and the fact that his house was located near the spring where the bibiyo spirit lived would be known to all readers/hearers of the narration. Then, in S18, the new participant is traced with the pronoun hiya and the following phrase containing the demonstrative hidiye back references the textually evoked (TE) child that Pablo had seen sitting on the rock by the spring. (48) ya tinibon Pablo nan ohan imbabalen Miguel Pumihic 25Han1 .1 .17 ya tibo an -in- Pablo nan oha an imbabale an Miguel Pumihic and see LK P.O Pablo DET one LK child LK Miguel Pumihic and when Pablo saw one of Miguel Pumihic’s children, Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 58 (49) ot immatunanan hiyah diye nan ungan tinibo ot immatun -an na ke hiya hi hidiye nan unga an tibo -in- and then recognize NP.O 3.SG.S DET 3 .SG .O DET DEM3 DET child LK see P.O nan um-umbun nah ob-ob. 25Han1 .1 .18 na ke CV(C)- -um- ubun nah ob-ob 3.SG.S DET CONT NP.S sit down DET spring he recognized her as the same child he saw sitting on the rock at the spring. c) Existential predicate together with rhetorical focusing strategy At the beginning of the text (the first clause), the topic of the belief in the existence of unseen beings is introduced with the existential predicate wada, but the existential clause itself is embedded as the cross-referenced object NP of the main clause. The rhetorical focusing strategy is used to highlight brand new (BN) significant information; the information is not traced or notionally contingent on preceding information. In the next three sentences (S1, S2, S3) there is further discussion regarding the unseen beings, who are identified as being of different types. It is important to note, however, the rhetorical focusing strategy is used in conjunction with the existential introductory strategy. The -on suffix on the main clause verbs cross-references these unseen beings. (50) Ditakun tatagu ya kulugon takun wadaday ditaku an CV- tagu ya kulug -on taku an wada da di 1.PL.INCL.S LK PL person LK believe NP .O 1.PL.INCL.S LK there is QUAN.PL LK mundallanan weno muntayyapan an adi matibo. 25Han1 .1 .1 muN--an dalan weno muN--an tayyap an adi ma- tibo NP.DISTR.S walk or NP.DISTR.S fly LK not PASS see It is a common belief (lit. we people believe) that there are unseen beings who are either walking around or flying in the air. (52) Ditaku ken Ipugaw ya kulugon takun wadaday ditaku ke an Ipugaw ya kulug -on taku an wada da di 1.PL.INCL.S ADJU LK Ifugao LK believe NP .O 1.PL.INCL.S LK there is QUAN.PL LK bibiyo weno pinading 25Han1 .1 .2 bibiy'o weno pinading fairy or spirit We Ifugaos believe that there are bibiyo spirits or pinading spirits (53) ya wadaday kalyon takun bumdang ya wada da di kali -on taku an bumdang and there is QUAN.PL LK say something NP .O 1.PL.INCL.S LK roaming spirit weno mabdang. 25Han1 .1 .3 weno mabdang or roaming spirit and there are the ones we call bumdang spirits or the mabdang spirits. Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 59 d) Definite-determiner marking The determiner nan marks a definite, specific participant or prop. In S31, a new participant, ‘one ofthe workmen’, is introduced. He is marked as definite, specific because he would be within the reader/hearer’s knowledge bank since workmen would be involved in the episode of removing rocks near the spring; therefore, this NP would be classified as U (unused information). Unlike the child introduced in S17 above, marked by the determiner nan, the new participant in S31 is not cross-referenced by the affix on the verb. The fact that the narrator does not utilize the rhetorical focusing strategy implies that the workman is not being traced and in this context is not as significant as the event he saw which is cross-referenced by the affix on the verb and encoded in the null morpheme, 3rd person singular pronoun. (54) Tinibon nan ohan nadah mungngunu ya inila na tibo an -in- nan oha an nadah muN- ngunu ya inila na see LK P.O DET one LK DET.PL NP.DEV.S work and know 3.SG.S moy naat 25Han1 .1 .31 mo di na- at now LK PASS was done One of the workers immediately knew what went wrong (lit. One of the workers saw it and he knew what was done/happened.) 2) Tracing identification Tracing strategies are: • Cross-referencing affixes on the verbal roots • Pronominalization: personal and demonstrative pronouns Both of these strategies are seen in S9–S10. Because Pablo is textually evoked information (TE), introduced in S9, he is traced with the pronoun na ‘he’ in the first clause in S10. In the second clause, the null morpheme, 3rd person singular, refers to him, and he is cross-referenced by the verbal prefix naki-, a non-default affix, meaning participatory and allowing for an added argument in the construction. The added argument gagayyum ‘friends’ encodes brand-new information (BNa) that is anchored to the known entity Pablo, indicated by the possessive pronoun. The demonstrative nadah encodes definiteness. (55) Handih pun-iskulanad Ifugao Academy ya naki-ki-e handi hi puN--an iskul na ad Ifugao ya naki- CV(C)- e then DET NMLZ attend school 3.NF.S DET Ifugao LK PART S-PL go nadah gagayyum na 25Han1 .1 .10 nadah CV- gayyum na those PL friend 3.POSS When he was a high school student at the Ifugao Academy, he went with his friends In S11, the pronoun da encodes the textually evoked participants (TE), Pablo and his companions, introduced in S9 and S10.They are traced with the rhetorical focusing strategy by cross-referencing with the prefix muN- on the verb. Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 60 (56) ot e da mun-ay-ayyam ad Patukan. 25Han1 .1 .11 ot e da muN- CV- ayyam ad Patukan and then go 3 .PL S. NP S. PL play DET Patukan and they went to visit in Patukan, which is about two kilometers from Poblacion, Kiangan. As a second example, consider S12. Pablo and his companions, as textually evoked participants (TE), are traced with the pronoun da ‘they’ and the rhetorical focusing strategy. The infix-imm- cross-references them. (57) Dimmatong da nah ob-ob an nih-up nah boble ya tinibo datong -imm- da nah ob-ob an ni- hu-up nah boble ya tibo -in- arrive P.S 3 .PL S. DET spring LK PASS bring near DET village and see P.O na on golang 25Han1 .1 .12 na on golang 3 NF. S. DET child When they reached the spring which was near the community of Patukan, he (Pablo) saw a small girl S15 exemplifies the use of a demonstrative to trace a participant. The child is textually evoked information (TE), and the tracing is encoded in the demonstrative pronoun kediye. Although the demonstrative is definite, the NP is not cross-referenced; the ke formative in the demonstrative indicates that the NP is an object that is not cross-referenced. (58) Mu hanada ken ibbana ya adida pakatibo kediyen mu hanada ke an ibba na ya adi da paka- tibo kediye an but DEM1 ADJU LK companion 3.SG.S LK not 3.PL.S MOD see DEM5 LK golang an kalyonan tinibo na. 25Han1 .1 .15 golang an kali -on na an tibo -in- na child LK say something NP.O 3.SG.S LK see P.O 3.SG.S But his friends couldn’t see the child he was talking about. This strategy employing an NP marked as definite is common when the participant has been removed from the stage for a period of time, or when there is another candidate participant on the scene that requires that the exact referent be unambiguously identified. As a second example consider S31–S32. The engineer was introduced in S26, and then was traced in the following sentences with personal pronouns until a new participant (an unidentified worker) was involved in events S31 and S32. At that point the engineer was then reintroduced, but with a demonstrative pronoun along with his role, diyen inhinyero. (59) Tinibon nan ohan nadah mungngunu ya inila na moy tibo an -in- nan oha an nadah muN- ngunu ya inila na mo di see LK P.O DET one LK DET.PL NP.DEV.S work and know 3.SG.S now LK naat 25Han1 .1 .31 na- at PASS was done One of the workers immediately knew what went wrong Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 61 (60) ot umeh kad-an diyen inhinyero ot waday ot -um- e hi kad-an hidiye an inhinyero ot wada di and then NP.S go DET near DEM3 LK engineer and then there is LK imadmad na. 25Han1 .1 .32 i- madmad na NP.O invoke 3.SG.S so he went to the engineer to murmur some prayers over him. As noted earlier, this worker is introduced by marking the phrase with the determiner nan and in S32 is textually evoked information (TE), traced with the null morpheme, 3rd person, singular pronoun, and cross- referenced by the infix -um- on the verb. In S25, the narrator again employs the rhetorical focusing strategy to trace information by using the default circumfix -in- -an to cross-reference the site object ‘all those rocks’ am-in dadiyen babatu. This is textually evoked information (TE), marked as definite by the use of the demonstrative dadiye which functions to refer back to the prop babatu ‘rocks’ introduced in S22. (61) ya binungbungan dan am-in dadiyen babatu. 25Han1 .1 .25 ya bungbung -in--an da an am-in dadiye an CV- bat'u and explode P.O 3.PL.S LK all those LK PL rock they blasted all those rocks using dynamite. 3) Contrastive identification of participants and props The topicalizing rhetorical strategy is employed for contrastive identification of participants. For example, in S15, hanada ken ibbana ‘his friends’ are contrasted with Pablo. The construction is classified as an equational sentence. With this sentence type, the subject NP is preposed and linked to the predicate constituent by ya. As discussed earlier, this is one type of syntactic structure belonging to the topicalizing rhetorical strategy. It is used for introducing participants, reintroducing participants or contrasting a participant with one that has been referred to in a preceding sentence. In this case, the participants are contrasted with Pablo who spoke about what he had seen in S14. (62) Mu hanada ken ibbana ya adida pakatibo kediyen mu hanada ke an ibba na ya adi da paka- tibo kediye an but DEM1 ADJU LK companion 3.SG.S LK not 3.PL.S MOD see DEM5 LK golang an kalyonan tinibo na. 25Han1 .1 .15 golang an kali -on na an tibo -in- na child LK say something NP.O 3.SG.S LK see P.O 3.SG.S But his friends couldn’t see the child he was talking about. Note that the same topicalizing strategy is used in both S1 and S2. In S1, the equational construction is used to introduce the participants in the narratives that follow. Ditakun tatagu ‘we people’ are brand new information (BN). In S2 ditaku ken Ipugaw ‘we Ifugao’ are brand new anchored information (BNa). The Ifugao are contrasted with the generic people introduced in S1. Also, the narrator adds the adjunct ke to express contrast. (63) Ditakun tatagu ya kulugon takun wadaday ditaku an CV- tagu ya kulug -on taku an wada da di 1.PL.INCL.S LK PL person LK believe NP.O 1.PL.INCL.S LK there is QUAN.PL LK Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 62 mundallanan weno muntayyapan an adi matibo. 25Han1 .1 .1 muN--an dalan weno muN--an tayyap an adi ma- tibo NP.DISTR.S walk or NP.DISTR.S fly LK not PASS see It is a common belief (lit. we people believe) that there are unseen beings who are either walking around or flying in the air. (64) Ditaku ken Ipugaw ya kulugon takun wadaday ditaku ke an Ipugaw ya kulug -on taku an wada da di 1.PL.INCL.S ADJU LK Ifugao LK believe NP.O 1.PL.INCL.S LK there is QUAN.PL LK bibiyo weno pinading 25Han1 .1 .2 bibiy'o weno pinading fairy or spirit We Ifugaos believe that there are bibiyo spirits or pinading spirits 4) Summary of syntactic variation in participant and prop information We found what appeared to be 10 new unanchored participants or props (BN) in the text; all but four are introduced with an existential construction, and three of those four that are not are introduced by affix cross- referencing (12c golang ‘a child’, S26 inhinyero ‘engineer’, 79a maphod an dalan ‘a good path’). The fourth participant is a rooster crowing (84b). Each of these four is contingency anchored. As noted in the examples given earlier, the former three are marked with the on, the contingency information determiner. The last is notionally contingent (U) and anchored to the preceding clause ‘he knew that it was becoming dawn’. Everyone understands that roosters crow at dawn. All four participants are cross-referenced by default affixes. The rhetorical focusing strategy is used primarily for tracing participants and props. Personal pronouns are used with the cross-referencing affixes associated with the focusing strategy. When tracing is involved, but the participant or prop is not cross-referenced, demonstratives mark nouns as definite. The rhetorical topicalizing strategy was primarily used for reintroducing or contrasting participants. 3.3.4 Evaluation and background information Throughout our research, we attempted to account for morphosyntactic variation from the point of view of analyzing the rhetorical function of syntactic structures. We were able to analyze and describe many of the variations by examining kinds of information and the flow of given and new information related to Tuwali Ifugao rhetorical strategies. Because of the large number of passive constructions in this text (20) it is important to give special attention to the way in which the narrator uses them. There are linguists who relate passive and anti-passive constructions to topicality. For example, Givón (1989) states in regard to Chamorro discourse “When the topicality of the agent in clauses is radically low, the clause is coded as passive. When the topicality of the patient is radically low, the clause is coded as anti-passive.” Givón goes on to discuss subject, object and transitivity in relation to both referential predictability and referential importance. We already knew that there were three functions for the Tuwali Ifugao passive construction: subject demotion, object promotion, and a descriptive function (Hohulin and Hohulin Communicative Grammar, forthcoming). We also knew that subject demotion and object promotion are related to referential predictability and referential importance. Those two functions can be used for explaining some of the passive constructions related to participant and prop information in the text; however, additional insight can be gained by examining the descriptive function of the passives as it related to evaluation and background information in the text. 1) The morphosyntax of Tuwali Ifugao passive constructions As might be expected, the passive verb in Tuwali Ifugao takes a different affix than the default affix of a transitive root class. Each of the three transitive root classes has a different affix set for the passive verb. The passive affix set Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 63 for Class 3 roots is ni-/mi-; the passive affix set for Class 4 roots isna-/ma- 10 and the passive affix set for Class 5 isna- -an/ma- -an. These affixes cross-reference the object NP that has been promoted to the subject grammatical relation. 2) Evaluation information We repeat here Grimes’ definition of evaluation information: Evaluative information, more than any other type of information, expresses a narrator’s perspective of events, participants and props. In Evaluation in text, the editors, Hunston and Thompson, state that evaluation needs to be accounted for in a full description of the meanings of texts (p. 2), and they also identify what they believe to be the functions of evaluation in text (p. 6): 1. to express the speaker’s or writer’s opinion, and in doing so to reflect the value system of that person and their community; 2. to construct and maintain relations between the speaker or writer and hearer or reader; 3. to organize the discourse. Applying these notions in the analysis of passive constructions in this text reveals that instead of presenting information in the morphosyntactic form appropriate for relating events, an active verb form, the author chose to use passive constructions to express his opinion about events or to give explanations of events. In this way, according to Hunston and Thompson, he was reflecting his own value system as well as that of his community, that is, the Ifugao believe in unseen beings and their interaction with humans. The passive construction and evaluative information In S29, the passive verb natu-i expresses evaluative information. The event that is related is that the engineer fell flat on his face; the narrator then adds the information that this was because he was pushed over. No agent- subject is expressed, and yet, the reader/hearer shares information about the highly significant spirit beings that are believed to live in the rocks by the spring. Later, in S35, the same passive verb is used. The evaluation in that recounting is given by those who saw what happened, and they explicitly attributed the ‘engineer being pushed over’ to a bibiyo who held his leg. So in these examples the rhetorical function of the passive is an integration of referential predictability and referential importance attached to the agent, bibiyo (unspecified in S29), rather than reduced topicality. (65) ya maid maptok ya nunhakkubun natu-i. 25Han1.1.29 ya maid ma- potok ya nuN- hakkubu an na- tu-i and nothing PASS certain LK P.S fall flat on face LK PASS push and topple but suddenly fell flat on his face as he was pushed over. (66) Hay kanan nadan tatagun nanibon diyen naat ya hay kanan nadan CV- tagu an naN- tibo ke hidiyen na- at ya DET say those PL person LK P.S.T see DET that one PASS was done LK impudon di bibiyoy hukin nan inhinyero kinali iN- pudon di bibiy'o di huki an nan inhinyero kinali P.O hold DET fairy DET leg LK DET engineer that’s why 10 This is the same set of affixes that stative verbs take. The only evidence for classifying some verbs as stative and others as passive is that passives are derived from active transitive verbs, and statives are not. Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 64 natu-i. 25Han1 .1 .35 na- tu-i PASS push over The people who witnessed the incident were sure that a bibiyo was the culprit; that was why he was pushed over. As another example, consider S18. In S18 it is stated that Pablo recognized the little girl as the spirit that he had seen at the spring. In S19, we now have a passive ‘that she was sick could be seen’. Although his companions could not see the spirit at the spring, the passive here is evaluative information included by the narrator, that is, anybody could see that this child was sick. This effectively dramatizes the contrast that anyone could see the sick girl though only Pablo was able to see the spirit at the spring and predict that someone was sick. (67) Matibon mundogo, ot ibagana nadah aammod nan ma- tibo an muN- dogo ot i- bag'a na nadah aamm'od na an PASS see LK NP.DEV.S sick and then NP.O tell 3.SG.S DET.PL parents 3.SG.POSS LK umayag dah mamakkot 25Han1 .1 .19 ayag -um- da hi mamakko ta call for NP.P/IA.S 3.PL.S DET shaman so that She was not evidently in good health (lit. that she was sick could be seen). So he advised the parents to call for a mamakko 3) Background information Grimes’ definition of background information is repeated here: Background information is a type of information that is given for the hearer’s benefit for the purpose of ensuring an understanding of the text. This type of information typically expresses purposes, results, or implications. The passive construction and background information Consider S12: Here with the passive construction, the narrator is giving background information that has an implication involved. Pablo and his companions are going to a village that is near a spring where spirits live. The function of the passive is purely descriptive here; there is no implication that any event had ever brought the village near the spring nor are any of the participants or props in the narrations involved in such an event. (68) Dimmatong da nah ob-ob an nih-up nah boble ya datong -imm- da nah ob-ob an ni- hu-up nah boble ya arrive P.S 3.PL.S DET spring LK PASS bring near DET village and tinibo na on golang 25Han1 .1 .12 tibo -in- na on golang see P.O 3.SG.S DET child When they reached the spring which was near the community of Patukan, he (Pablo) saw a small girl In S28, the function of the passive construction is descriptive, and is an explanation of why the engineer ran after lighting the explosive; he wanted to be protected from falling rocks. An event is not in view. (69) Ginal-anan tinolgan nadan pumbungbung da ot galgala -in--an na an tolgan -in- nadan puN- bungbung da ot quickly TACR 3.NF.S LK light fire P.O those NMLZ explosive 3.PL.S and then Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 65 bumtik an e mihani, 25Han1 .1 .28 butik -um- an e mi- hani run NP.S LK go PASS be covered After he quickly lighted the dynamite sticks, (he) ran for cover/to be covered, Summary: Morphosyntactic variation and information in text Longacre (1976, 1983, 1996) has for many years advocated the notion that there is something that can be identified as “the grammar of discourse.” He has suggested that there is a notional structure of discourse that can serve as a framework for identifying the pragmatic functions of surface structures in the languages of the world. In analyzing and describing the variation in the morphosyntactic structure and types of information in the Hanadan Adi Matibo text, we have concluded that it is important to consider that a notional structure of discourse is related to intentions and goals in storytelling. Schank (1990) states that there are three categories of intention in storytelling: • There are Me-goals with respect to oneself. • There are You-goals with respect to others. • There are Conversational goals with respect to the conversation itself. (p. 41) Schank also states that there are five possible specific goals for You-goal stories: • to illustrate a point • to make the listener feel some way or another • to tell a story that transports the listener • to transfer some piece of information in our head into the head of the listener • to summarize significant events. (p. 48) According to Schank (1990:217), “People think in terms of stories. They understand the world in terms of stories that they have already understood. New events or problems are understood by reference to old previously understood stories and explained to others by the use of stories.” In relating the stories in this text to Schank’s categories, we have concluded that these stories can be categorized as having You-goals. The reasons for this categorization are: • The first author of this e-book asked Mr. Dulawan to write a text for use in the analysis of Tuwali Ifugao morphosyntactic structure. No topic or specific instructions were given to him. He was free to choose the type of text and how he would construct it. • By introducing his stories with a descriptive-expository section, we believe his goal in telling the stories was to illustrate the point that Ifugao believe in unseen spirits, and to dramatically express the interactive characteristics of a particular class of unseen spirits, the bibiyo. • In our analysis of the text, it was clear that Mr. Dulawan knew that there was some information that was known to the first author, for example, she was familiar with the spring ob-ob where the bibiyo involved in the three stories lived, but his stories explain more clearly the Ifugao belief in unseen spirits. By using insights from various analytical frameworks, we were able to gain insights into Mr. Dulawan’s goals, as well as an understanding of the rhetorical functions of the morphosyntactic variations he used to make his text intelligible, significant and appropriate to the situation invoked by the request for a suitable text to analyze. Appendix A: Affix Charts Basic Cross-Referencing (CR) Affixes Tense Subject CR Object CR Class 1 Class 2 Class 3 Class 4 Class 5 beneficiary instrument past nuN- -imm- in- -in- -in- -an in- -an in- non-past muN- -um- i- -on -an i- -an i- The Basic Cross-Referencing Affixes are those used with the rhetorical focusing strategy. Topicalizing-Question-Relative Clause Tense Fronted Object Fronted Subject-Agent Class 3 Class 4 Class 5 Class 3 Class 4 Class 5 past in- -in- -in- -an nangi- naN- maN- non-past i- -on -an mangi- maN- maN- Tense Instrument past impun- non-past pun-/pun- -an The Topicalizing-Question-Relative Clause Affixes are those used with the rhetorical topicalizing strategy. Note that the default affixes for transitive roots are used in both rhetorical strategies. 66 Appendix B: Determiners, Personal and Demonstrative Pronouns Determiners Cross-referencing ------Fronted NP Su DO IO Oblique TOP Def Ind Def Ind Def Ind Ti Pl Def Ind Person* hi hi ke hi Common nan di nan di nah hi* ad ad hanan hay Personal Pronouns Set 1 Set 2 Set 3 Set 4 Gram . Rel . Subj ./Poss . Subj . DO DO/IO Subj . Reference Non-CR CR CR Non-CR CR 1 sg . ku ak ak ke ha-on ha-oy* 2 sg . mu ka daka ke he-a he-a 3 sg . na 0 0 ke hiya hiya 1,2 sg . (dual) ta ta dita ke dita dita 1,2 pl. (excl) mi kami dakami ke dakami dakami 1,2 pl (incl) taku taku ditaku ke ditaku ditaku 2 pl yu kayu dakayu ke dakayu dakayu 3 pl da da dida ke dida dida *Some speakers prefer the ha-on form when the following word begins with an alveolar consonant. Demonstrative Pronouns Set 1 Set 2 Set 3 Set 4 Set 5 hantun hantuh hituwe hitu ketuwen hanan hanah hinae hina kenaen handin handih hidiye hidi kediyen 67 Appendix C: Hanadan Adi Matibo Text Transcribed by Tessie Dulawan as told by Pedro Dulawan, husband of Tessie Expository Introduction 25Han1 .1 1–8. (1) Ditakun tatagu ya kulugon takun wadaday ditaku an CV- tagu ya kulug -on taku an wada da di 1.PL.INCL.S LK PL person LK believe NP.O 1.PL.INCL.S LK there is QUAN.PL LK mundallanan weno muntayyapan adi matibo. muN--an dalan weno muN--an tayyap adi ma- tibo NP.DISTR.S walk or NP.DISTR.S fly not PASS see It is a common belief that there are unseen beings who are either walking around or flying in the air. (2) Ditaku ken Ipugaw ya kulugon takun wadaday ditaku ke an Ipugaw ya kulug -on aku an wada da di 1.PL.INCL.S ADJU LK Ifugao LK believe NP.O 1.PL.INCL.S LK there is QUAN.PL LK bibiyo weno pinading bibiy'o weno pinading fairy or spirit We Ifugaos believe that there are bibiyo spirits or pinading spirits (3) ya wadaday kalyon takun bumdang ya wada da di kali -on taku an bumdang and there is QUAN.PL LK say something NP.O 1.PL.INCL.S LK roaming spirit weno mabdang. weno mabdang or roaming spirit and there are the ones we call bumdang spirits or the mabdang spirits. (4) Hanadan bibiyo ya miha-ad da kanuh liyang, nah hanada an bibiy'o ya mi- ha-ad da kanu hi liyang nah DEM1 LK fairy LK PASS place 3.PL.S reportedly DET cave DET buddalan di ob-ob bud'al -an di ob-ob exit DEV-N DET spring These bibiyo or pinading accordingly stay or live in caves, near the springs 68 Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 69 (5) ya hanah puun di o-ongal an kakaiw. ya hana hi puun di CV(C)- ongal an CV- kaiw and DEM1 DET base of s.t. LK INT big LK PL tree/wood and those under big trees. (6) Datuwen bibiyo ya damanan ipkod day tagu. datuwe an bibiy'o ya damana an i- pokod da di tagu DEM5 LK fairy LK possible LK NP.O hold 3.PL.S DET person They can take hold of a person’s life. (7) Hana ken tagun inipkod di bibiyo ya mundogoh hana ke an tagu an iN- pokod di bibiy'o ya muN- dogo hi DEM1 ADJU LK person LK P.O hold DET fairy and NP.DEV.S sick DET dogon adi maagahan di doktor. dogo an adi ma--an aga di doktor sickness LK not STA treat medically DET doctor And a person whose life is held by a bibiyo gets sick with an illness that cannot be cured by a doctor’s prescription. (8) Mahapul an ibakiyan ya ahi pinumhod. mahapul an i--an baki ya ahi pohod -inum- necessity LK NP.O offers sacrifice and ASP recover P.S Instead a pagan priest has to perform a ritual to make him well. Narrative 1 25Han1 .1 9–21. (9) Wada din hi Pablo Botal ad Hingyon an waday kabaelanan wada di an hi Pablo Botal ad Hingyon an wada di kabaelan na an there is DET LK DET Pablo Botal DET Hingyon LK there is LK ability 3.SG.POSS LK maniboh bibiyo maN- tibo hi bibiy'o NP.T.S see DET fairy There was a certain Pablo Botal from Hingyon who was able to see the bibiyo. (10) Handih pun-iskulanad Ifugao Academy ya naki-ki-e handi hi puN--an iskul na ad Ifugao Academy ya naki- CV(C)- e DEM2 DET NMLZ attend school 3.SG.S DET Ifugao Academy LK PART CONT go nadah gagayyum na nadah CV- gayyum na DET.PL PL friend 3.SG.POSS When he was a high school student at the Ifugao Academy, he went with his friends Chapter 3: Rhetorical Function 70 (11) ot eda mun-ay-ayyam ad Patukan. ot e da muN- CV- ayyam ad Patukan and then go 3.PL.S NP.S PL play DET Patukan to visit in Patukan, which is about two kilometers from Poblacion, Kiangan. (12) Dimmatong da nah ob-ob an nih-up nah boble ya tinibo datong -imm- da nah ob-ob an ni- hu-up nah boble ya tibo -in- arrive P.S 3.PL.S DET spring LK PASS near DET village and see P.O na on golang na on golang 3.SG.S DET child When they reached the spring which was near the community of Patukan, he (Pablo) saw a small girl (13) an um-umbun nah tap-on nan ohan ongal an batu. an CV(C)- -um- ubun nah tap-o an nan oha an ongal an bat'u LK CONT NP.S sit down DET upper-place LK DET one LK big LK rock sitting on top of a big rock. (14) Ot kananay Dehtuy golang hitu, wada boy mundogo. ot kanan na di dehtu di golang hitu wada bo di muN- dogo and then say 3.SG.S LK DEMPRED LK child DEM4 there is again LK NP.DEV.S sick And he commented “There’s a child sitting here, somebody must be sick again.” (15) Mu hanada ken ibbana ya adida pakatibo kediyen mu hanada ke an ibba na ya adi da paka- tibo kediye an but DEM1 ADJU LK companion 3.SG.S LK not 3.PL.S MOD see DEM5 LK golang an kalyonan tinibo na. golang an kali -on na an tibo -in- na child LK say something NP.O 3.SG.S LK see P.O 3.SG.S But his friends couldn’t see the child he was talking about. (16) Imme-ele da ot datngan da nadan babalen -imm- e-ele da ot datong -an da nadan CV- bale an P.S move away 3.PL.S and then arrive NP.O 3.PL.S DET.PL PL house LK nihag-on nah ob-ob ni- hag-on nah ob-ob PASS beside DET spring They went further and reached the houses nearby (17) ya tinibon Pablo nan ohan imbabalen Miguel Pumihic ya tibo an -in- Pablo nan oha an imbabale an Miguel Pumihic and see LK P.O Pablo DET one LK child LK Miguel Pumihic and when Pablo saw one of Miguel Pumihic’s children, Appendix C 71 (18) ot immatunanan hiyah diye nan ungan tinibo ot immatun -an na ke hiya hi hidiye nan unga an tibo -in- and then recognize NP.O 3.SG.S ADJU 3.SG.O DET DEM3 DET child LK see P.O nan um-umbun nah ob-ob. na ke CV(C)- -um- ubun nah ob-ob 3.SG.S ADJU CONT NP.S sit down DET spring he recognized her as the same child he saw sitting on the rock in the spring. (19) Matibon mundogo, ot ibagana nadah aammod ma- tibo an muN- dogo ot i- bag'a na nadah aamm'od PASS see LK NP.DEV.S sick and then NP.O tell 3.SG.S DET.PL parents nan umayag dah mamakkot na an ayag -um- da hi mamakko ta 3.SG.POSS LK call for NP.S 3.PL.S DET shaman so that She was not evidently in good health. So he advised the parents to call for a mamakko (20) mumbaki dat waday aton nan golang an muN- baki da ta wada di at -on nan golang an NP.DEV.S performs rituals 3.PL.S so that there is LK do NP.O DET child LK umanamut. -um- anamut NP.S return home or a pagan priest to perform a ritual so she can come home. (21) Inun-unud day imbagan Pablo ot ahi pumhod -in- CV(C)C- unud da di iN- bag'a an Pablo ot ahi pohod -um- P.O CONT follow 3.PL.S DET P.O tell LK Pablo and then ASP recover NP.S nan unga. nan unga DET child They did so and the child got well. Narrative 2 25Han1 .1 22–35. (22) Manomnom kun handi keh kau-unga mi ya ma- nomnom ku an handi ke hi ka- CV- unga mi ya ABL think 1.SG.S LK DEM2 ADJU DET RENOM PL child 1.PL.EXCL.POSS LK wadaday nihag-on kediyen ob-ob hi o-ongal an batu wada da di ni- hag-on kediye an ob-ob hi CV(C)- ongal an bat'u there is QUAN.PL LK PASS beside DEM5 LK spring DET INT big LK rock I remember that when we were children, there were big rocks beside the same spring Appendix C 72 (23) ya wada bo on nidallom an liyang hidi. ya wada bo on ni- dalluyu an liyang hidi and there is also DET PASS deepen LK cave DEM4 and there was a deep cave there. (24) Mu indanit mala-uy kaatnan toon ot mu indani ta ma- la-u di kaatna an toon ot but later so that STA passing LK how much/many LK year and then mangapyay gubilnuh kalatah di maN- kapya di gubilnu hi kalata hi hidi NP.T.S make LK government DET road DET DEM4 Years later however, when the government constructed a road passing the area, (25) ya binungbungan dan am-in dadiyen babatu. ya bungbung -in--an da an am-in dadiye an CV- bat'u and explode P.O 3.PL.S LK all DEM5 LK PL rock they blasted all those rocks using dynamite. (26) Kediyen algon pumbungbungan da ya immali on inhinyeron kediye an algo an puN- -an bungbung da ya ali -imm- on inhinyero an DEM5 LK day LK NMLZ explode 3.PL.S LK come P.S DET engineer LK mangiha-ad hi bungbung mangi- ha-ad hi bungbung NP.T.S place DET explosive That day when they blasted the rocks, an engineer came to put dynamite sticks (27) nadah linokongan dan babatu. nadah lokong -in--an da an CV- bat'u DET.PL bore hole P.O 3.PL.S LK PL rock on the holes that they drilled on those rocks. (28) Ginal-anan tinolgan nadan pumbungbung da ot galgala -in--an na an tolgan -in- nadan puN- bungbung da ot quickly P.O 3.SG.S LK light fire P.O DET.PL NMLZ explosive 3.PL.S and then bumtik an e mihani butik -um- an e mi- hani run NP.S LK go PASS be covered After quickly lighting the dynamite sticks, he ran for cover, (29) ya maid maptok ya nunhakkubun natu-i. ya maid ma- potok ya nuN- hakkubu an na- tu-i and nothing PASS certain LK P.S fall flat on face LK PASS push and topple but suddenly fell flat on his face. Appendix C 73 (30) Hay nunggibok na ya kay waday nangipudon hi hukina hay nuN- gibok na ya kay wada di nangi- pudon hi huki na DET P.S aware 3.SG.S LK like there is LK P.T.S restrain DET leg 3.SG.POSS ot adina ipae, kinali adi pakataddog. ot adi na ipa-- e kinali adi paka- taddog and then not 3.SG.S CAUS.NP.O go that’s why not MOD stand up He felt like someone grabbed both of his feet and refused to let go, so he couldn’t stand. (31) Tinibon nan ohan nadah mungngunu ya inila na moy tibo an -in- nan oha an nadah muN- ngunu ya inila na mo di see LK P.O DET one LK DET.PL NP.DEV.S work and know 3.SG.S now LK naat na- at PASS was done One of the workers immediately knew what went wrong (32) ot umeh kad-an diyen inhinyero ot waday ot -um- e hi kad-an hidiye an inhinyero ot wada di and then NP.S go DET near DEM3 LK engineer and then there is LK imadmad na. i- madmad na NP.O invoke 3.SG.S so he went to murmur some prayers over him. (33) Hingkatang ya ammunay nala-u ya timmaddog nan inhinyero hingkatang ya ammuna di na- la-u ya taddog -imm- nan inhinyero immediately LK only LK STA pass by and stand up P.S DET engineer ot eda mo mihanin duwat ot e da mo mi- hani an duwa ta and then go 3.PL.S now PASS obstruct LK two so that The engineer was able to stand seconds after the worker finished praying so they both went to seek cover (34) adida mag-ahan nadah batun mungkakag-a. adi da og'a ma--an nadah bat'u an mungka- CV(C)C- og'a not 3.PL.S drop something PASS DET.PL rock LK PROC.S CONT fall where they can be safe from the falling pieces of rocks. (35) Hay kanan nadan tatagun nanibon diyen naat ya hay kanan nadan CV- tagu an naN- tibo ke hidiye an na- at ya DET say DET.PL PL person LK P.T.S see ADJU DEM3 LK PASS was done LK Appendix C 74 impudon di bibiyoy hukin nan inhinyero kinali natui. iN- pudon di bibiy'o di huki an nan inhinyero kinali na- tui P.O hold DET fairy DET leg LK DET engineer that’s why PASS push over The people who witnessed the incident were sure that a bibiyo was the culprit. Narrative 4 25Han1 .1 68–90. (68) Hi ke aman din hi Dulawan ya waday ad-adin hi ke ama an di an hi Dulawan ya wada di ad-adi an DET ADJU father LK DET LK DET Dulawan LK there is LK bad LK inat di bumdang ke hiya. -in- at di bumdang ke hiya P.O do DEM roaming spirit DET 3.SG.O As for my late father, Dulwan, he had a very bad experience with the bumdang. (69) Hiya ke ya dakol di pakin-kin-um nan gagayyum hiya ke ya dakol di paki- CV(C)C- inum nan CV- gayyum 3.SG.S ADJU LK many LK participatory CONT drink DET PL friend na nah Poblacion na nah Poblacion 3.SG.POSS DET Poblacion He had a lot of drinking buddies in the Poblacion (70) ta hin-uddum on gawan di hilong on ahi immanamut. ta hiN- uddum on gawan di hilong on ahi -imm- anamut and so UNIFIER other LK middle LK night LK ASP P.S return home so he would sometimes come home in the middle of the night. (71) Naminghan ya immanamut hi ohan biggatna ya naminghan ya -imm- anamut hi oha an biggatna ya once LK P.S return home DET one LK morning and nungkabibik-iy bulwatina. nungka- CV(C)- bik-i di bulwati na PROC INT tear apart DET clothing 3.SG.S One morning he came home with his clothes torn in several places. (72) Nungkaladladan di aadol na ya linumbag di nungka*an ladlad di CV- adol na ya lob'ag -inum- di PROC.P.DISTR bruise DET PL body 3.SG.POSS and swell up P.S DET Appendix C 75 huhukina. CV- huki na PL leg 3.SG.S He had bruises all over his body and his feet were swollen. (73) Hay kalyona ya, kediyen hilong an manganamut, hay kali -on na ya kediye an hilong an maN- anamut DET say something NP.O 3.SG.S LK DEM5 LK night LK NP.DUR return home an gawan mon di hilong. an gawan mo an di hilong LK middle now LK LK night He explained to us that the night before while he was on his way home at about midnight (74) ya mungkala-un nah ob-ob ad Patukan ya waday ya mungka- la-u an nah ob-ob ad Patukan ya wada di and ASP pass by LK DET spring DET Patukan and there is LK dingngol nan munhuhummangan. dongol -in- na an muN--an CV(C)C- humang listen P.O 3.SG.POSS LK NP.DISTR.S CONT converse he was passing by the spring in Patukan when he heard voices. (75) Naka-ih-up dan hiya mu adi pakatibon dida. naka- i- hu-up da ke hiya mu adi paka- tibo ke dida MOD NP.O near 3.PL.S ADJU 3.SG.O but not MOD see ADJU 3.PL.O/IO They were talking near him but he could not see them. (76) Indani ya kanan nan ohan diday Odpon yu dilag na! indani ya kanan nan oha an dida di odop -on yu dilag na later LK say DET one LK 3.PL.O/IO LK extinguish NP.O 2.PL.S light 3.SG.POSS Then, one of them said, “Put out his torch.” (77) Indop da tut-uwa ahan ot indani ya pun-itulud dan -in- odop da tut-uwa ahan ot indani ya pun-i- tulud da an P.O extinguish 3.PL.S truly ADJU and then later LK DISTR.DO push 3.PL.S LK kalyon day Hidi ay di dalan! kali -on da di hidi ay di dalan say something NP.O 3.PL.S DET DEM4 yes DET path True enough, one of them put out his torch and then, they began pushing him, saying “There’s the way!” (78) Intibon ama nah pottok nan pumpangituludan -in- tibo an ama nah pottok na an puN- pangi--an tulud P.O look toward LK father DET direction 3.SG.POSS LK DISTR NP.T-P push Appendix C 76 dan hiya ya inang-ang na da ke hiya ya -in- ang-ang na 3.PL.S ADJU 3.SG.O and P.O look 3.SG.S My father looked in the direction where they were pushing him and he saw (79) on maphod an dalan an nadilagan, ot hidiy on ma- pohod an dalan an na-an dilag ot hidi di LK STA good LK path LK PASS use light and then DEM4 LK dalanona. dalan -on na walk on NP.O 3.SG.S a nice lighted path so he followed there. (80) Nikuyug nadah adi matibon iibbana ot ni- kuyug nadah adi ma- tibo an CV- ibba na ot PASS take someone with one DET.PL not PASS see LK PL companion 3.SG.S and then adukkey danallanon da. aN- dukke di dalan -an- -on da ADJM long LK path repeatedly NP.O 3.PL.S He traveled with his unseen companions for a long way. (81) Hanah dinalan da ya wada on i-itay an babalen hana hi dalan -in- da ya wada on CV(C)- ittay an CV- bale an DEM1 DET walk by P.O 3.PL.S LK there is LK INT little LK PL house LK lina-uwan dan wadaday i-itay bon tatagun la-u -in--an da an wada da di CV(C)- ittay bo an CV- tagu an pass by P.O 3.PL.S LK there is QUAN.PL LK INT little also LK DIM person LK numpumbaleh di. nuN- puN- bale hi hidi P.S DISTR house DET DEM4 They passed some small huts with small people living in them. (82) Indani ya ena imama-uwan ya maid mo nadan e indani ya e na -imm- CV(C)- ma-uwan ya maid mo nadan e later LK go 3.SG.S P.S INT awareness LK nothing now DET.PL go nangikuyug ke hiya, an wada nin an alas kuwatro nangi- kuyug ke hiya an wada nin an alas kuwatro P.T.S take someone with one DET 3.SG.O LK there is maybe LK hour four mon diye. mo an hidiye now LK DEM3 Then, at about 4:00 am he suddenly noticed that he was left alone by his abductors. Appendix C 77 (83) Magibok nan wadan nah pingngit di wa-el mu adina ma- gibok na an wada an nah pingngit di wa-el mu adi na PASS aware 3.SG.POSS LK there is LK DET edge LK creek but not 3.SG.S maibaga nu daan hidiy kad-ana te mun-hihhilong mai- bag'a nu daan hidi di kad-an na te muN- CV(C)C- hilong PASS tell if where DEM4 LK near 3.SG.POSS because NP.S CONT night ni-an. ni-an not yet He could sense that he was by a river but he couldn’t tell exactly where he was as it was still dark. (84) Mu inilanan mungkabigat te muntatalan-uy mu inila na an mungka- big'at te muN- CV(C)C- talan-u di but know 3.SG.S LK PROC.S dawning because NP.S CONT crow DET manuk nah boblen nih-up hidi. manuk nah boble an ni- hu-up hidi chicken DET village LK PASS near DEM4 He could tell the time (becoming dawn) by the cocks crowing in the nearby village. (85) Mu nahimong uggena inila nu ngannen bobley mu na- himong ugge na inila nu nganne an boble di but STA confused NEG.P 3.SG.S know if what LK village LK kawad-ana, ot nomnommonan had-onay ka- -an wada na ot nomnom -on na an hood -on na di NMLZ whereabouts 3.SG.S and then think NP.O 3.SG.S LK wait NP.O 3.SG.S DET kabiggatana. kabiggatana morning But he had completely lost his sense of direction so he decided to wait until daylight. (86) Indani ya magibok nan mahakit am-in di adol na, ya indani ya ma- gibok nan ma- hakit am-in di adol na ya later LK PASS aware DET STA pain all LK body 3.SG.POSS and nakakkaktol. naka- CV(C)- kotol MOD INT cold Later, he felt pain all over his body and he began to feel the cold. (87) Handih matibo na nuppey kawad-ana, ya handi hi ma- tibo na nuppe di ka- -an wada na ya DEM2 DET PASS see 3.SG.S certainly LK NMLZ whereabouts 3.SG.S and Appendix C 78 inang-ang nan dehdin nah pingngit di wa-el ad Bae. -in- ang-ang nan dehdi an nah pingngit di wa-el ad Bae P.O look DET there it is LK DET edge LK creek DET Bae When he was finally able to see where he was, he discovered that he was beside the brook in Bae. (88) Hay kadinawwinah nah ob-ob ad Patukan ya umeh hay dawwi na hi nah ob-ob ad Patukan ya -um- e hi DET distant 3.SG.POSS DET DET spring DET Patukan LK NP.S go DET tuluy kilometro tulu di kilometro three LK kilometer The distance from the spring in Patukan was about 3 kilometers (89) an hidiy nanammuwanan nadah bumdang kediyen hilong. an hidi di nan an dammu na an nadah bumdang kediye an hilong LK DEM4 LK TACR meet 3.SG.S LK DET.PL roaming spirit DEM5 LK night from where he had encountered the bumdang the night before. (90) Indani udot ya wada on tagun nanibon hiya indani udot ya wada on tagu an naN- tibo ke hiya later expressing perplexity LK there is DET person LK P.T.S see ADJU 3.SG.O ot baddanganan ianamut hi nunhituwan ot baddang -an na an i- anamut hi nuN--an hitu and then help O 3.SG.S LK NP.O return home DET DEV-NMLZ DEM4 mid Longnga. mi ad Longnga 1.PL.EXCL.POSS DET Longnga Fortunately, a man was passing by and saw him and brought him to our house in Longnga. 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