The Right of Speech of Xi Jinping's in Governing Thought
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Chinese Foreign Relation Strategies Under Mao and Deng: a Systematic and Comparative Analysis
Chinese Foreign Relation Strategies Under Mao and Deng: A Systematic and Comparative Analysis JOSEPH YU-SHEK CHENG AND FRANKLIN WANKUN ZHANG During the past half-century, Chinas foreign relations strategies evolved in an uneven way. Undeniably, both Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping made significant impact on the evolution of Chinas foreign relations strategy and established their own models in their respective eras in effect dividing the history of Chinese foreign policy into two. In the shadow of the Cold War, Chinese foreign relations shifted between the United States and the Soviet Union as the future superpower struggled to safeguard national security, guarantee sovereignty and territorial integrity and enhance its international status under Mao. In the last two decades Chinese foreign relations strategies were less geared towards survival and security as Deng presided over the pursuit of the Four Modernizations and the establishment of a new international political and economic order in a framework of peace and non-alliance. As its impact on the shaping of world affairs grows, China's foreign relations strategies will continue to evolve in the next century when it becomes truly capable of an "overthrow of the planetary balance". The 20th century has witnessed Chinas rise from a weak, economically backward country to an important actor in the international system. From the founding of the Peoples Republic of China (PRC). In 1949, Mao Zedong attempted to break the bipolar system and make China an independent and important strategic power. The reform and opening to the outside world policy program, also known as China's second revolution,1 initiated by Deng Xiaoping in late 1978, laid the foundation for Chinas spectacular economic growth and enabled it to become an effective actor in the international system. -
Issue 1 2015
ISSUE 1 · 2015 《中国人大》对外版 NPC National People’s Congress of China THE NATIONAL PEOPLE’S CONGRESS ADVANCES RULE OF LAW Ethnic minority deputies wave farewell on March 15 when the Third Session of the 12th National People’s Congress (NPC) comes to an end at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing. Chen Wen The National People’s Congress 6 advances rule of law Contents Special Report 15 Streamlining administration is 25 ‘Internet Plus’ to fuel innova- government’s self-reform tion, development 6 The National People’s Congress 16 China sanguine on economy advances rule of law under new normal Diplomacy and Defense Report on the work of the Stand- 8 18 Pooling strength on ing Committee of the National Peo- 26 China eyes bigger global role ‘Belt and Road’ strategy ple’s Congress (excerpts) with Chinese solutions Free trade zone strategy in Zhang Dejiang stresses imple- 22 28 Defense budget 2015 lowest 13 speedy implementation mentation of ‘Four Comprehensives’ growth in 5 years 23 Prudent monetary policy still Judicial Reform in place Reform and Development China vows harsher punish- 23 Fertile soil provided for foreign 29 ment for corruption, terrorism investment 14 Slower growth target, tough- er environmental protection benefit Self-reproach is the right atti- Yuan’s full convertibility to 31 China and the world 24 tude to advance judicial reform advance 16 China sanguine on economy under new normal 8 Report on the work of the 18 Standing Committee of the Pooling strength on National People’s Congress (excerpts) ‘Belt and Road’ strategy ISSUE -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
3/2006 Data Supplement PR China Hong Kong SAR Macau SAR Taiwan CHINA aktuell Journal of Current Chinese Affairs Data Supplement People’s Republic of China, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax:(040)4107945 Contributors: Uwe Kotzel Dr. Liu Jen-Kai Christine Reinking Dr. Günter Schucher Dr. Margot Schüller Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 3 The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 22 Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership LIU JEN-KAI 27 PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries LIU JEN-KAI 30 PRC Laws and Regulations LIU JEN-KAI 34 Hong Kong SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 36 Macau SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 39 Taiwan Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 41 Bibliography of Articles on the PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, and on Taiwan UWE KOTZEL / LIU JEN-KAI / CHRISTINE REINKING / GÜNTER SCHUCHER 43 CHINA aktuell Data Supplement - 3 - 3/2006 Dep.Dir.: CHINESE COMMUNIST Li Jianhua 03/07 PARTY Li Zhiyong 05/07 The Main National Ouyang Song 05/08 Shen Yueyue (f) CCa 03/01 Leadership of the Sun Xiaoqun 00/08 Wang Dongming 02/10 CCP CC General Secretary Zhang Bolin (exec.) 98/03 PRC Hu Jintao 02/11 Zhao Hongzhu (exec.) 00/10 Zhao Zongnai 00/10 Liu Jen-Kai POLITBURO Sec.-Gen.: Li Zhiyong 01/03 Standing Committee Members Propaganda (Publicity) Department Hu Jintao 92/10 Dir.: Liu Yunshan PBm CCSm 02/10 Huang Ju 02/11 -
Four Comprehensives
2019 5th International Conference on Economics and Management (ICEM 2019) ISBN: 978-1-60595-634-3 Leading the New Normal by “Four Comprehensives” in Innovation and Entrepreneurship Education at Institutions of Higher Learning Han-Yue KANG Yingkou Institute of Technology, Yingkou Liaoning, Shenyang Province, China [email protected] Keywords: “Four Comprehensives’, Innovation and Entrepreneurship Education in Institutions of Higher Learning, University Student, New Normal. Abstract. The strategic blueprint of “four comprehensives” centrally embodies the strategic thought of the Party Central Committee for the governance of China since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China. It is an important guideline for behavior for quickening construction of an innovative type country and promoting steady growth of economy to clearly understand the inexorable trend of reform in innovation and entrepreneurship education at institutions of higher learning, and lead the new normal in innovation and entrepreneurship education in institutions of higher learning under the instruction of “four comprehensives”. Introduction Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, general secretary Xi Jinping successively put forward the strategic blueprint of “four comprehensives”, i.e., comprehensively building a moderately prosperous society, comprehensively deepening reform, comprehensively governing the country according to law and comprehensively enforcing strict party discipline, pointing out the direction for advancing in attaining -
November 2020 Trade Bulletin
November 9, 2020 Highlights of This Month’s Edition • Bilateral trade: In the first three quarters of 2020, the U.S. goods trade deficit was $223 billion, down 5 percent year-on-year, with agricultural exports to China up 92.8 percent from last year; in Q2 2020, the U.S. services surplus with China reached $11.7 billion, a record low due to the COVID-19 pandemic. • Policy trends in China’s economy: At the Fifth Plenum, the CCP stressed economic self-reliance and stronger domestic innovation; China’s new Export Control Law has a broad scope that creates the potential for arbitrary restrictions on Chinese exports, extraterritorial reach, and retaliation against foreign exporters and end users; China’s government introduced the digital RMB; the new Chengdu-Chongqing regional integration plan reflects a multiyear strategy of fostering economic development centered on innovation and exports. • Quarterly review of China’s economy: China reported GDP growth of 4.9 percent year-on-year in Q3, but a sluggish recovery elsewhere in the world and concerns over debt could undermine growth going forward; this year’s “Golden Week” saw a return to consumption, though indicators point to worsening income disparities. • Financial markets: Suspension of blockbuster Ant Group IPO underscores the CCP’s control over private enterprise in China. • In focus – Trends in supply chain realignment: Preliminary data and anecdotal evidence suggest the complete uprooting of supply chains out of China is unlikely, with gradual diversification emerging as a more prominent -
Insights for Intra-Party Tensions?
Hong Kong as a proxy battlefield Insights for Intra-Party tensions? Zhang Xiaoming 张晓明, the director of the State Council Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office 国务 院港澳办, was replaced a few days ago, as vice-director of the small leading group of the same name, by the current Minister of Public Security, Zhao Kezhi 赵克志. That said, it seems Hong Kong’s issues run deeper than just a few personnel appointments. Is the special administrative zone becoming a proxy battleground for opposing political forces inside the Party? The timeline and people involved suggest that parts of the ongoing crisis might have been made by design by outgoing political networks amid the anti-corruption campaign. From the selection of Carrie Lam 林郑月娥, the underpinnings of the Hong Kong and Macau affairs system, to the bid for the London Stock Exchange, there is more than meets the eye. The “Manchurian” Candidate and the Jiangpai From the beginning, the opinion was that Madame Lam would be a short-live replacement for Liang Zhenying 梁振英. Carrie Lam, who actually joined the protest – even for a brief moment – for universal suffrage back in 2014, stayed close to the negotiation with Beijing, unlike some of her counterparts who were refused entry in Shenzhen back in 2015. She then became one of the favorite faces of the administration, especially in late 2016, when Liang Zhenying1 announced he would not be running for re-election. Liang, a representative of the “old regime” – associated with both Zeng Qinghong 曾庆红2 and Zhang Dejiang 张德江, was creating issues leading to the deterioration of the situation in Hong Kong (i.e. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement May 2007 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC .......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 42 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 44 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 45 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 52 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 May 2007 The Main National Leadership of the PRC -
WSI China Security Vol.5 No.3 2009: the Big Parade
ChinaSecurity Bruce G. Blair Publisher Eric Hagt Editor Chen Yali, Liu Yong, Matthew Durnin Associate Editors Assistant Editors Jackson Nichols & Jennifer Duncan Assistant Editor/Translator Anton Wishik II Cover Art He Duojun, Sichuan People’s Publishing House,1982 Cover Design Ameer S. Mashkour Editorial Board Richard K. Betts Columbia University Thomas J. Christensen Princeton University Philip Coyle World Security Institute Lowell Dittmer University of California, Berkeley Bates Gill Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Theresa Hitchens World Security Institute Joan Johnson-Freese Naval War College Albert Keidel Atlantic Council Nicholas R. Lardy Institute for International Economics Li Bin Tsinghua University John J. Mearsheimer University of Chicago Mike M. Mochizuki George Washington University Michael E. O’Hanlon Brookings Institution Jonathan D. Pollack Naval War College Shen Dingli Fudan University Shi Yinhong Renmin University of China Teng Jianqun China Arms Control & Disarmament Association Frank von Hippel Princeton University Alan M. Wachman Tufts University Xue Lan Tsinghua University Yuan Peng China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations Zha Daojiong Peking University This issue was made possible through the generous support of the Ford Foundation, Secure World Foundation and the Robert and Ardis James Foundation Contents Times Change, the Parade Stays the Same 3 Matt Durnin 7 A More Powerful China on Parade Zhang Xiaoming Border Burdens: 13 China’s Response to the Myanmar Refugee Crisis Drew Thompson Climate Change, Water and China’s National Interest 25 Scott Moore 41 The Rio Tinto Case and China’s Drive to Guard Secrets Jiang Ruqin 47 Secrets, Spies and Steel: The Rio Tinto Case Peter Yuan Cai 53 Superficial, Arrogant Nationalism Xiao Gongqin Defensive Realism in the Indian Ocean: 59 Oil, Sea Lanes and the Security Dilemma Jason J. -
April 22, 2015 Dali L. Yang Professor of Political Science Faculty Director
April 22, 2015 Dali L. Yang Professor of Political Science Faculty Director, Center in Beijing The University of Chicago Testimony before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission China ahead of the 13th Five-Year Plan: Competitiveness and Market I am honored to have this opportunity to join distinguished colleagues and share my thoughts on China’s political economy to the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission. Before I get to the key points of my remarks today, I’d like to note that the development and dynamics of China’s political economy have been the major preoccupation of my academic research career. I started by examining the mechanisms and forces that shaped China’s rural reforms from the 1950s to the 1980s as well as the competitive dynamics for regional diversification and development. In the last decade I’ve been especially interested in issues of China’s institutional reforms, regulation, governance, and state-society relations. It is obvious today that the future direction of Chinese development is among a small number of the most fundamental questions concerning the future of humankind and I commend the Commission’s role in helping to better understand China’s developments in its variegated dimensions. I am speaking on Panel III, “The Broader Implications of China’s Five-Year Plans” and am especially pleased to do so and to link the discussion of such plans with the extraordinarily fluid context within which preparation for the 13th five-year plan occurs. Institutional History and the Transformation of China’s Planning Apparatuses Historically central planning in China never gained the status, complexity and sophistication that were reached in the USSR. -
China (Includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau) 2016 Human Rights Report
CHINA (INCLUDES TIBET, HONG KONG, AND MACAU) 2016 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is an authoritarian state in which the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is the paramount authority. CCP members hold almost all top government and security apparatus positions. Ultimate authority rests with the CCP Central Committee’s 25-member Political Bureau (Politburo) and its seven-member Standing Committee. Xi Jinping continued to hold the three most powerful positions as CCP general secretary, state president, and chairman of the Central Military Commission. Civilian authorities maintained control of the military and internal security forces. Repression and coercion of organizations and individuals involved in civil and political rights advocacy as well as in public interest and ethnic minority issues remained severe. As in previous years, citizens did not have the right to choose their government and elections were restricted to the lowest local levels of governance. Authorities prevented independent candidates from running in those elections, such as delegates to local people’s congresses. Citizens had limited forms of redress against official abuse. Other serious human rights abuses included arbitrary or unlawful deprivation of life, executions without due process, illegal detentions at unofficial holding facilities known as “black jails,” torture and coerced confessions of prisoners, and detention and harassment of journalists, lawyers, writers, bloggers, dissidents, petitioners, and others whose actions the authorities deemed unacceptable. There was also a lack of due process in judicial proceedings, political control of courts and judges, closed trials, the use of administrative detention, failure to protect refugees and asylum seekers, extrajudicial disappearances of citizens, restrictions on nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), discrimination against women, minorities, and persons with disabilities. -
Why Did Beijing Decide to Apply the Security Law to Hong Kong Now? Roie Yellinek
COMMENTARY Why Did Beijing Decide to Apply the Security Law to Hong Kong Now? ROIE YELLINEK Abstract In 1997, after a century in which Britain ruled the Hong Kong, the United King- dom transferred responsibility over the colony into China’s hands. Twenty- three years later, in early July 2020, Beijing passed a security law that expanded China’s powers over Hong Kong, at a dramatic time when China is also involved in bor- der struggles and the global sphere deals with the coronavirus. What led China to make this dramatic move? Chinese leaders have done so because they are capable of doing so and can do so and want to continue to expand China’s sphere of influ- ence. Judging by the words of Zhang Xiaoming, former director of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, who said, “The era when the Chinese cared what others thought and looked up to others is in the past, never to return,” events in Hong Kong seem to be indicative of Beijing’s plans for the future development of things. (Photo by Iris Tong, Voice of America Cantonese Service) Figure 1. Hong Kong protests. On 1 July 2020, the first day of the implementation of the Hong Kong version of the National Security Law, tens of thousands of protestors gathered on the streets in Causeway Bay to march. WILD BLUE YONDER 20 JULY 2020 43 Yellinek Introduction In 1997, after a century in which Britain ruled the Hong Kong, the United Kingdom transferred responsibility over the colony into China’s hands. Twenty- three years later, in early July 2020, Beijing passed a security law that expanded China’s powers over Hong Kong citizens and the city’s highly developed econo- my.1 This was in contradiction with agreed upon terms between China and the United Kingdom regarding Hong Kong’s status—an agreement made when China was not yet at its peak like it is these days. -
Shenzhen-Hong Kong Borderland
FORUM Transformation of Shen Kong Borderlands Edited by Mary Ann O’DONNELL Jonathan BACH Denise Y. HO Hong Kong view from Ma Tso Lung. PC: Johnsl. Transformation of Shen Kong Borderlands Mary Ann O’DONNELL Jonathan BACH Denise Y. HO n August 1980, the Shenzhen Special and transform everyday life. In political Economic Zone (SEZ) was formally documents, newspaper articles, and the Iestablished, along with SEZs in Zhuhai, names of businesses, Shenzhen–Hong Kong is Shantou, and Xiamen. China’s fifth SEZ, Hainan shortened to ‘Shen Kong’ (深港), suturing the Island, was designated in 1988. Yet, in 2020, cities together as specific, yet diverse, socio- the only SEZ to receive national attention on technical formations built on complex legacies its fortieth anniversary was Shenzhen. Indeed, of colonial occupation and Cold War flare-ups, General Secretary Xi Jinping attended the checkpoints and boundaries, quasi-legal business celebration, reminding the city, the country, opportunities, and cross-border peregrinations. and the world not only of Shenzhen’s pioneering The following essays show how, set against its contributions to building Socialism with Chinese changing cultural meanings and sifting of social Characteristics, but also that the ‘construction orders, the border is continuously redeployed of the Guangdong–Hong Kong–Macau Greater and exported as a mobile imaginary while it is Bay Area is a major national development experienced as an everyday materiality. Taken strategy, and Shenzhen is an important engine together, the articles compel us to consider how for the construction of the Greater Bay Area’ (Xi borders and border protocols have been critical 2020). Against this larger background, many to Shenzhen’s success over the past four decades.