Ethnic Grocery Retailers and Perceptions of Food Access in Humbermede, Toronto
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DISRUPTING THE FOOD DESERT/OASIS BINARY: ETHNIC GROCERY RETAILERS AND PERCEPTIONS OF FOOD ACCESS IN HUMBERMEDE, TORONTO MICHAEL CHROBOK A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS GRADUATE PROGRAM IN GEOGRAPHY YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO September 2014 © Michael Chrobok, 2014 Abstract Contemporary studies of food accessibility often disregard ‘ethnic’ grocery retailers as sources of food or assume them to be attractive to all individuals. This body of research also frequently frames access as an issue of spatial proximity to grocery stores. Drawing on thirty interviews I conducted with residents of Humbermede, Toronto, I explore how food accessibility is perceived and experienced in a culturally-diverse neighbourhood where the only grocery retailers present are ethnic in nature. I argue that identity-related factors (food preferences, ethnic identification, language, and attitudes towards difference) and aspects of one’s life circumstances (purchasing power, mobility, and location or length of residence) – not merely distance – coalesce to influence understandings of one’s food retail environment and one’s store patronage decisions. These findings suggest that food shoppers are not homogenous, that all retailers are not equally attractive to all consumers, and that food accessibility has critical socio-cultural, economic, and spatiotemporal components. ii Dedication For my late Nana, who sparked my interest in food accessibility. iii Acknowledgements I would like to thank the thirty residents of Humbermede, Toronto who took the time out of their busy schedules to share their perspectives with me during interviews. Their insights were invaluable and made this thesis possible. A heartfelt thanks to my supervisor, Dr. Lucia Lo, who was not only an advisor, but a mentor and a friend. Her wisdom and support guided me through the many challenges, both personal and professional, that I encountered over the past two years. A special thanks to the other members of my thesis examining committee, Drs. Peter Vandergeest and Michaela Hynie, for their stimulating questions, comments, and suggestions. Their feedback will undoubtedly strengthen my research and writing going forward. A thank you to the professors that I took courses with during my time at York University. They each contributed to my intellectual growth and fuelled my passion for geography. I would like to express thanks to my departmental colleagues for their friendship and constant support. From payday dinners to our trip to Florida, they made my time in the Master’s program memorable, enjoyable, and, indeed, some of the best years of my life. A thank you to my brother, Nicholas, for being a listening ear, and to my mother, Linda, for making countless sacrifices that have enabled me to get to where I am today. They both have consistently encouraged me to do my best, and for that I am grateful. Finally, I would like to give a special acknowledgement to my partner, Kelsey, who has been by my side for the ups and downs that fieldwork, writing, and defending have entailed. I am incredibly lucky to have met someone so caring, thoughtful, and intelligent, one who can bring a smile to my face and make me laugh on even my most stressful of days. Thank you for being my rock. I love you. iv Table of Contents Abstract ii Dedication iii Acknowledgements iv Table of Contents v List of Tables viii List of Figures ix 1. Introduction 1 2. Literature Review 7 2.1. Food Accessibility 7 2.1.1. Early Research and Critical Developments 7 2.1.2. Contemporary Trends 9 2.1.3. Research Limitations and Gaps 13 2.2. Consumer Choice and Consumption Behaviour 21 2.2.1. The Influence of Identity on Consumption Decisions 21 2.2.2. Personal Characteristics, Economic Circumstances, and Consumer Behaviour 28 2.2.3. The Effect of the Retail Environment on Consumption Patterns 30 2.2.4. The Meanings Associated with Shopping Spaces 31 2.3. Synthesis and Relevance 33 3. Research Design 35 3.1. Methodological Framework 35 3.2. Area of Study 37 3.2.1. City of Focus: Toronto, Ontario 37 3.2.2. Study Neighbourhood: Humbermede 38 3.3. Data Collection Methods 43 3.3.1. Semi-Structured Interviews 43 3.3.2. Participant Recruitment Process 44 v 3.3.3. Profile of Research Participants 50 3.3.4. Interview Procedures 53 3.4. Data Analysis Methods 56 4. Beyond ‘Deserts’ and ‘Oases’: Reconceptualising the Humbermede Food Retail 59 Environment 4.1. Enough, Not Enough, None: Three Views of Food Retail Provision in Humbermede 60 4.2. Factors Affecting Perceptions of the Humbermede Food Retail Environment 64 4.2.1. Identity-Related Factors 64 4.2.1.1. Food Preferences 65 4.2.1.2. Ethnic Identification 74 4.2.1.3. Language 77 4.2.1.4. Attitudes towards Difference 80 4.2.2. Life Circumstance-Related Factors 83 4.2.2.1. Grocery Purchasing Power 84 4.2.2.2. Personal Mobility, Activity Space, and Location of Residence 87 4.2.2.3. Length of Residence 95 4.3. Synthesis, Implications, and Conclusions 101 5. “I’m Gonna Travel Out of My Way to Get Cheaper Food”: The Grocery 104 Acquisition Behaviours and Experiences of Humbermede Residents 5.1. A Typology of Humbermede Grocery Shoppers 105 5.1.1. Group A: Local Shoppers 106 5.1.2. Group B: Combination Shoppers 109 5.1.3. Group C: Non-Local Shoppers 123 5.2. Physical Accessibility to Grocery Stores 127 5.2.1. Mode of Transportation to Grocery Stores 128 5.2.2. Experienced Level of Physical Access to Grocery Stores 128 5.2.3. Factors Affecting Physical Access to Grocery Stores 129 5.3. Satisfaction with Food Retailers Visited 134 vi 5.3.1. Group A: Very Satisfied Shoppers 137 5.3.2. Group B: Somewhat Satisfied Shoppers 139 5.3.3. Group C: Dissatisfied Shoppers 140 5.4. Synthesis, Implications, and Conclusions 143 6. Conclusion 145 References 150 Appendix A: Participant Recruitment Flyer 157 Appendix B: Participant Characteristics 158 Appendix C: Declaration of Informed Consent 159 Appendix D: Interview Guide 161 vii List of Tables Table 1: Demographic characteristics of participants by food retail environment 62 perception category Table 2: The linkages between grocery shopping behaviours and local food retail 105 environment perceptions Table 3: The modes of transportation used by participants to travel to grocery stores 128 Table 4: The relationship between Humbermede food retail environment perceptions and 135 levels of satisfaction with the stores that individuals procured food from Table 5: The links between shopping behaviours and levels of satisfaction with the stores 135 that individuals procured food from Table 6: The connections between physical accessibility experiences and levels of 136 satisfaction with the stores that individuals procured food from viii List of Figures Figure 1: A map of the Humbermede neighbourhood and its location in the City of 38 Toronto Figure 2: The Humbermede food retail environment 40 ix 1. Introduction The term ‘food desert’ has been used by food accessibility researchers working within the fields of health geography, nutrition, and preventive medicine to identify residential areas where individuals are assumed to have a limited ability to access healthy, high quality, and affordable food (Wrigley, 2002). Such food deserts have been seen by some to exist in opposition to ‘food oases’, areas where food is said to be accessible due to the presence of a major grocery retailer within walking distance of individuals’ homes (Raja, Ma, & Yadav, 2008; Short, Guthman, & Raskin, 2007; Walker et al., 2010, 2011).1 The recent literature on food deserts, oases, and access more broadly, however, suffers from three notable limitations: ‘ethnic’ supermarkets and grocery stores2 are either disregarded as potential sources of food or are thought to be attractive shopping venues for all persons; consumers are treated as homogenous in terms of their food and store preferences; and the possibility that food access, as it is perceived and experienced, may have key socio-cultural and economic dimensions is afforded little consideration in existing studies. In this thesis, I attempt to address these issues by critically examining the notion of food accessibility, using an in-depth case study. I consider how ‘ethnic’ grocery retailers3, sited in a multicultural4 urban area devoid of ‘mainstream’ stores5, are conceived of and used or avoided as sources of food by local inhabitants, who may or may not be members of the ethnic groups represented by such stores. Drawing on thirty in-depth interviews I conducted with residents of 1 The term ‘food oasis’ appears to have surfaced following the popularization of the ‘food desert’ concept, and has been used by authors to speak of areas that are not ‘food deserts’ (e.g. Walker et al., 2011). The problems I identify with a binary classification of food accessibility, such as issues of perceived food or store acceptability or appropriateness, inform my choice of title for this thesis. 2 I define ‘ethnic’ supermarkets and grocery stores as retailers that exhibit a strong affiliation to one or more ethnic or cultural groups by way of their name, signage, product offerings, advertisements, or in-store ambience. Canadian examples include Caribbean Island Food Mart and Long Hui Supermarket. 3 I use ‘grocery retailers’ as an umbrella term to encompass large ‘supermarkets’ and small ‘grocery stores’. 4 I employ the term ‘multicultural’ in a narrow, demographic sense, referring to areas comprised of individuals of diverse origins. I do not mean to speak to the contested idea of ‘multiculturalism’ or Canadian multicultural policy. 5 I define ‘mainstream’ supermarkets and grocery stores as retailers that primarily stock food items designed to appeal to ‘western’ cuisines.