Debating Russian Demographic Security: Current Trends and Future Trajectories

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Debating Russian Demographic Security: Current Trends and Future Trajectories Graeme P. Herd and Gagik Sargsyan DEBATING RUSSIAN DEMOGRAPHIC SECURITY: CURRENT TRENDS AND FUTURE TRAJECTORIES President Putin in his annual 2006 address to the Federal Assembly argued that demographic decline was Russia’s most acute problem.1 He also instructed Igor Ivanov, then the secretary of the Security Council, to focus on the three main threats to Russia: “First, technological breakdown problems, the threat of a possible technological breakdown. Second, the threat related to unfavorable demographic developments, and third, the threat in the sphere of national security, defence issues primarily.”2 The importance of the issue as a priority, even amongst other panFederation projects, was evidenced by Putin’s initiative in June 2006 to rename the Council on National Projects to the Council on National Projects and Demographic Policy (officially the Council for the Implementation of Priority National Projects and Demographic Policy).3 Other elite figures have also noted the demographic crisis through the prism of state securi ty. Putin’s representative to the Far Eastern Federal Distinct, Kamil Iskhakov, has stated that ANALYSES for Russia to successfully modernize “we have to stop the outflow of population” as over the last 15 years the population of the Far East has reduced by 20 percent “due to migration and the imbalance of birth and death rates.”4 Vasiliy Smirnov, the deputy head of the General Staff, noted the militarysecurity consequences of demographic decline as the conscript recruitment pool diminishes by 100,000 new recruits each year.5 Party political representa tives have tended, perhaps as befits politicians, to dramatize the demographic crisis, describing it in apocalyptic terms: an “extraordinary demographic crisis” and a “demograph ic catastrophe.” Federation Council Chairman Sergei Mironov, leader of Russia’s Party "Fair Russia" (whose platform is based on resolving the demographic crisis), noted that Russia might have only 52 million people by 2080 if urgent measures are not taken. Communist Party of Russia leader Gennady Zyuganov has stated that “the country is losing its popula tion. It has lost 10 million people in 15 years, of whom nine million are Russians. The preser vation of the people is such a crying problem that it cannot be avoided.”6 Patriarch Alexei II has also joined this chorus of concern, stating: “We are living in the days where the death of our people has begun.”7 This article briefly examines the relationship between demographic decline, the associated migration changes within the Russian Federation and how this impacts on Russian stability. It identifies the effects of demographic decline on political processes and socioeconomic con ditions in Russia and demonstrates their security implications and consequences. It con cludes by proposing policy recommendations to better manage demographic decline by SECURITY INDEX No. 2 (82), Volume 13 51 countering the worst effects of the destabilizing security dilemmas that arise within and between the political, economic, and societal security sectors. DEMOGRAPHIC DYNAMICS Putin has noted that “profound demographic studies” are not yet being conducted in Russia, even though “we do need this systemic information.”8 The Russian October 2002 census results have confirmed trends already anticipated by many demographers. According to the U.S. census bureau, Russia’s population is set to fall annually by 400,000 and thus 10 million by 2025.9 The UNDP calculates the annual decline at 840,000 or falling by 21 million by 2025, a quarter—or 31 million—by 2050.10 The Russian population dropped by 4,371,200 between 1992 and 2002—“the natural decline of the population was 7,399,800, a decline of 5 percent from the 1989 to the 2002 census: this figure consisted of 20,540,000 births and 27,939,800 deaths.”11 The Russian population is declining fast, by an estimated 700750,000 people each year. Between January and July 2006, for example, the Russian population fell by more than 380,000, to 142.4 million.12 Russia’s Economic Development Ministry’s socioeconomic devel opment forecast for 20062009 reports that by 2009 Russia’s population will have fallen to between 140.4 and 140.7 million.13 In projecting Russian population levels between 1950 and 2050 (see Figure 1 below), it is inter esting to note that although the United States Census Bureau and the United Nations Population Division provide estimates, neither the Federal Service of State Statistics (Rosstat) or, as far as we know, any other official Russian projections for that time period are provided. However, there are a few studies (most of them generally covering the period until 2020) that have been undertaken by Russian specialists. Anatoly Vishnevsky and Evgeny Andreyev, for example, provide a survey and projection from 1950 to 2050.14 In one calculated projection for 20002050 they do not take into account a possible positive migration growth, thereby allow ing us to view clearly the impact of migration on Russian demographic trends. Vishnevsky and Andreyev’s final figure for total Russian population by 2050 is 103.3 billion (with low fertility and decreasing death rates and zero migration growth), while those of the U.S. Census Bureau and the United Nations are higher by approximately 10 million.15 Figure 1. Population Prospects, 1950–205016 146,560 160,000 146,709 145,600 140,000 134,233 129,230 134,293 134,200 128,180 128,000 120,000 111,752 102,702 109,187 101,936 102,200 103,300 100,000 80,000 60,000 40,000 Persons, in thousands 20,000 0 1950 1975 2000 2025 2050 Years US Census Bureau UN Population Division Vishnevsky A., Andreyev E. 52 DEBATING RUSSIAN DEMOGRAPHIC SECURITY: CURRENT TRENDS AND FUTURE TRAJECTORIES Vishnevsky and Andreyev (see Figure 2, below) also suggest that only with increasing fertility and falling death rates do their projections approximate those of the United Nations or U.S. Census Bureau estimates. Figure 2. Population Projection Given Zero Migration Growth17 160 140 120 100 80 60 Millions of persons 40 20 0 1950 1975 2000 2025 2050 Years Low Fertility/High Death Rates Low Fertility/Decreasing Death Rates Increasing Fertility/High Death Rates Increasing Fertility/Decreasing Death Rates The Center for Demography in Moscow reported 793,000 more deaths than births in 2004. In 2004 the average birth rate in Russia stood at 132 live births per 100 women of child bearing age (between 15 and 49 years) “and this is insufficient to ensure even the simple reproduction of the population.”18 In 198687 the fertility rate was 2.19 births per woman, this fell to 1.17 in 1999 and rose to 1.34 in 2006, but 2.14 births per woman is still needed ANALYSES to allow for the mere reproduction of the population. In 2006 Yekaterina Lakhova, the chair woman of the State Duma Committee for Women’s Affairs, reported that almost half of Russian families are childless: “What’s the Russian family like today? It’s mainly childless. In almost half of families (out of 41 million families) there aren’t any children at all.”19 While birth rates have been consistently falling for more than two decades, a number of longer term factors, not the least of which is poor health conditions, have brought about an increase in the death rate. Between 1989 and 1994, life expectancy for Russian men fell by more than six years and the gender gap in mortality is startling: by 2006 Russian women were living to 72 years on average, men to just 59 years. If these trends are not reversed or offset by mass immigration, by 2050 the Russian population will have fallen by 50 million, taking it below 100 million.20 Migration to Russia of ethnic Russians and Russianspeaking populations from outside the Russian Federation fails to compensate for the natural decrease in the population, though experts and specialists admit that exact figures are lacking.21 Basic trends are, however, clear. In Figure 3 we can see that there is a marked decrease in the total annual number of arrivals in Russia between 1994, the peak year of immigration, and 2004, with numbers once again on the rise by 2005. This increase is almost exclusively accounted for by immigration from CIS states: the number of arrivals from nonCIS countries is not only very small in absolute numbers but also even this small number is slowly decreasing. SECURITY INDEX No. 2 (82), Volume 13 53 Internal migration in Russia is commonly referred to by specialists as one of “zapadny dreif,” that is, “western drift.”22 This metaphor of population shift and redistribution captures a very important new phenomenon, namely the reversal of the 20th century trend of movement from West to East: in the 21st century the movement is from East to West.23 One of Russia’s leading demographers, Zhanna Zayonchkovskaya, notes that “The territorial preferences of the popu lation have divided Russia into two opposite parts: The Southwestern zone of inflow and the Northeastern zone of outflow. The separation cuts through MoscowSt. PetersburgKazan.”24 Nikita Mkrcthian provides a more detailed description of internal migration patterns by analyz ing internal migration on the federal level (seven federal districts) and the regional level. According to Mkrtchian, since 1991 Russia’s population has mainly been moving from the Siberian and Far Eastern Federal Districts to the Central and Western Districts. As Putin noted, “The income of the population in real terms is 85 per cent of the average level in Russia, and the cost of life in the [Siberian Federal] District is higher then the average in Russia…”25 The Russian Far East, which constitutes 41 percent of Russian territory, lost two million inhabitants over the last 14 years—only six percent of the population live there.26 Figure 3.
Recommended publications
  • Public Contestation Practices in Russia in 2000–2020
    https://doi.org/10.18778/1427-9657.09.06 EASTERN REVIEW 2020, T. 9 Roman Savenkov https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1643-2444 Voronezh State University, Voronezh, Russia Department of Sociology and Political Science e-mail: [email protected] Public contestation practices in Russia in 2000–2020 Abstract. The article analyzes the influence exerted by the limitation of legal opportunities for public contestation in the 2000s on the scope of mobilization and the repertoire of public contestation practices. The term ‘public contestation’ is used to describe forms of individual and collective political activity focused on criticizing, denying and resisting the current government project, including by introducing alternative projects. The public contestation includes constructive actions of political actors not related to causing damage or disposing of political opponents. The paper is based on political and legal analysis and on some elements of event analysis. In the 2000s, the scale of public contestation on discursive and protest platforms was smaller than over the next decade, which did not create any needs for detailed regulation of such activities. At the same time, changes in political and legal opportunities in the electoral and party field were quite intense throughout 2000–2020. The most popular forms of public contestation were public events (in 2011–2018), as well as discursive activity on the Internet and in mass media (after 2018). During the above mentioned period, we see the biggest changes in legal opportunities in this field and increasing penalties for respective violations. The electoral field shows the pendulum dynamics: decreasing and increasing opportunities in 2000–2011 and 2012–2019, respectively.
    [Show full text]
  • Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05
    CO VERIN G CO N FLICT Reporting on Conflicts in the N orth Caucasus in the Russian M edia N M AY 2008 ARTICLE 19, 6-8 Am w ell Street, London EC1R 1U Q , U nited Kingdom Tel +44 20 7278 9292 · Fax +44 20 7278 7660 · info@ article19.org · http://w w w .article19.org ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05 i ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION Covering Conflict Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media May 2008 © ARTICLE 19 ISBN 978-1-906586-01-0 Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05 i i ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05 ii i ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION A CKN O W LED G EM EN TS This report was researched and written by the Europe Programme of ARTICLE 19. Chapter 6, on ‘International Standards of Freedom of Expression and Conflict Reporting’ was written by Toby Mendel, Director of ARTICLE 19’s Law Programme. Chapter 5, ‘Reporting Conflict: Media Monitoring Results’ was compiled by Natalia Mirimanova, independent conflict resolution and media consultant. The analysis of media monitoring data was carried out by Natalia Mirimanova and Luitgard Hammerer, (formerly) ARTICLE 19 Regional Representative - Europe, CIS.
    [Show full text]
  • A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
    The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER
    [Show full text]
  • July 10, 2006 Op-Ed Contributor What's Bad for Putin Is Best for Russians by GARRY KASPAROV
    July 10, 2006 Op-Ed Contributor What's Bad for Putin Is Best for Russians By GARRY KASPAROV Moscow WHEN observing the West's conciliatory dealings with Russia, I'm reminded of a quotation often attributed to Winston Churchill: "However beautiful the strategy, you should occasionally look at the results." For five years, President Bush has been talking about maintaining an open dialogue with Russia's president, Vladimir Putin, and about how hard he has worked to convince the Russian leader that "it's in his interest to adopt Western-style values and universal values." This sounds reasonable, but we don't have to go on theory. There's a track record — one that clearly shows that persuasion and appeasement toward Russia have failed. It is long past time for Western leaders to take a tougher stand if they want their rhetoric about democracy to be credible. A perfect opportunity awaits at this week's meeting of the Group of 7 leaders in St. Petersburg. I say "Group of 7" rather than "Group of 8" because I continue to hope that the West will find its collective backbone and make Russia's participation contingent on its actually being a democracy. The St. Petersburg meeting offers the visiting heads of state a chance to see for themselves how bad things here have become. The right of Russians to elect their governors and parliamentary representatives is steadily eroding, with more and more influence accruing to the executive. Even Aleksandr Veshnyakov, the chairman of the Central Electoral Commission who has rubber-stamped the results of every election under President Putin, recently said that if all the new legislation proposed by Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • Government in Opposition
    TH AL LAW JO RAL DAVID FONTANA Government in Opposition A B S T RA CT. In the past generation, in countries in all parts of the world, using all different forms of constitutional government, a new form of separation of powers has emerged in greater numbers, what this Article calls "government in opposition." After democratic elections are held, power to govern is granted to the winners of those elections -but substantial power to govern is also granted to the losers of those elections as well. This Article first discusses how this emerging regime of separation of powers differs from other major forms of separation of powers, and in doing so introduces a new way of understanding the major systems of separated power that the world's constitutional democracies have created. After providing some examples and illustrations of how this new, government in opposition system of separated powers operates - and why it has proven to be so consequential in so many countries - this Article discusses how government in opposition rules have much to offer constitutional designers around the world. In fragile democracies and stable democracies alike, government in opposition rules can better constrain power and stabilize the core elements of constitutional democracy, better prepare all parties to govern effectively, more fairly involve all interests in the process of governing -and can do all of this at minimal cost. To illustrate this point, this Article closes with a discussion of how government in opposition rules might work in the United States, and how they might remedy some of the current political and constitutional problems that we face.
    [Show full text]
  • Performing Political Opposition in Russia
    2014:8 SOCIOLOGY PUBLICATIONS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL RESEARCH 2014:8 PERFORMING POLITICAL OPPOSITION IN RUSSIA RUSSIA IN OPPOSITION POLITICAL PERFORMING Russian civil society is often described as weak and Russians as politically apathetic. However, as a surprise for many, tens of thousands of people gathered on the streets of Moscow to protest the fraud in the parliamentary elections in December 2011. Nevertheless, this ‘awakening’ did not last for long as Vladimir Putin took hold of the Presidency again in 2012. Since then, the Russian State Duma has passed new legislation to restrict civic and political activism. This, together with the fragmentation of the opposition movement, has hindered large-scale and sustained mobiliza- tion against the government. In 2013, the number of protests has plummeted when the risks of demonstrating are high and the benefits to participate in political activism appear non-existent. Why is it impossible for the Russian opposition to find a common voice and to sustain contentious action? This book analyzes how political opportunities and restrictions in contem- porary Russia have affected the opposition activists’ activities at the grassroots level. The book examines Russian civil society, contemporary activist strategies, and democratization from the − THE CASE OF THE YOUTH MOVEMENT OBORONA OBORONA MOVEMENT YOUTH THE OF CASE THE perspective of the young activists participating in the liberal youth movement Oborona (Defense) in Moscow and St. Petersburg. Before its dissolution in 2011, Oborona was an active participant in the Russian opposition movement, and thus it is an interesting case study of the living activist traditions in Russia. The research illustrates how the Soviet continuities and liberal ideas are entangled in Russian political activism to create new post-socialist political identities and practices.
    [Show full text]
  • A Russian Chronology
    Advanced Research and Assessment Group Chron ology Series 09/01 Defence Academy of the United Kingdom Russian Domestic Policy: A Chronology October – December 2008 1 October 2008 Prime Minister Vladimir Putin addresses a government meeting which examines the concept of long-term development of the country until the year 2020. He says events on the world's financial markets have demonstrated that Russia cannot rely on its existing insurance policies alone and should develop a robust national economy. He states: In the next few years, Russia should achieve a significant improvement in the quality of work of the main, backbone industries, such as transport, the fuel and energy complex, the banking sector and agriculture…It is necessary to make serious progress in the construction of a national innovation system and the development of competition, to set up more reliable guarantees of protection of property rights. Putin also lists the priorities of Russia's long-term development programme: I will list just the most important tasks set by the concept for the long-term development of the country. They are an increase in life expectancy in Russia to 72-75 years, stabilization of the size of the population, [and] a decrease in mortality, above all among working-age people. By 2020, the real incomes of citizens should increase by 100-150 per cent. There should be a manifold increase in productivity in the key sectors. One would wish it to be a three-, four- and, in some sectors, perhaps a five-fold increase. The energy efficiency of the economy should increase by at least 40 per cent.
    [Show full text]
  • A Russian Chronology: January – March 2009 Research & Assessment Branch ISBN 978-905962-65-5 April 2009 09/03 Dr Mark a Smith
    Research & Assessment Branch 09/03 Defence Academy of the United Kingdom 09/03 Russian Domestic Policy: A Chronology January – March 2009 1 January 2009 One of the leaders of the Solidarity opposition movement, Boris Nemtsov, says he thinks that 2009 will be a year of social protest, due to the economic crisis: This will result in the end of Putinism. This is the deal between Putin and citizens. The deal was money in exchange for rights. Putin gave citizens money - pensions, salaries, work etc - and in exchange took away from citizens their rights - the right to independent information, the right to elect its authorities, the right to independent courts, the right to opposition activities. Co-chairman of the Right Cause party Leonid Gozman says "the transformation of the economic and social crisis into a political one, mass unrest and the situation getting out of control and sliding into the extralegal field cannot be ruled out" in the new year. He says it is preferable "that stability remains in the country in the next two to three years if only to bar from power people in comparison with whom Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin will look white and fluffy". 2 January 2009 Yabloko leader Sergey Mitrokhin says that in 2009 "we may witness mass unrest across the country, a further clamp-down in connection with this unrest and the country being brought to a dangerous point." 2 January 2009 Vesti TV reports that many of the largest iron and steel mills in Russia are putting production on hold, due to the global financial crisis.
    [Show full text]
  • Garry Kasparov
    GARRY KASPAROV Garry Kasparov was born on 13 April 1963 in Baku (now Azerbaijan) in a family of engineers. Russian chess grandmaster and former World Chess Champion, he is recently famous for his involvement in Russian politics. Kasparov's political involvement started in the 1980s. He joined the Communist Party in 1984, and in 1987 was elected to the Central Committee of Komsomol. In 1990, however, he left the party, and in May of that year took part in the creation of the Democratic Party of Russia. In June 1993, Kasparov was involved in the creation of the "Choice of Russia" bloc of parties, and in 1996 he took part in the election campaign of Boris Yeltsin. In 2001 he voiced his support for the Russian television TV channel NTV. In 1991 he received Keeper of the Flame award from the Center for Security Policy for anti-Communist resistance and the propagation of democracy. After his retirement from chess in 2005, Kasparov turned to politics and created the United Civil Front, a social movement whose main goal is to "work to preserve electoral democracy in Russia." He has vowed to "restore democracy" to Russia by toppling the elected Russian president Vladimir Putin, of whom he is an outspoken critic. Kasparov has joined The Other Russia, a coalition including Eduard Limonov's National Bolshevik Party and the hard-left Workers' Party of Viktor Anpilov, which opposes the elected government of Vladimir Putin. The group has been boycotted by Russia's democratic opposition parties, Yabloko and Union of Right Forces for containing nationalist, fascist and hard-left groups and organisations.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's Role in the Emerging Eurasian Security
    RUSSIA’S ROLE IN THE EMERGING EURASIAN SECURITY ENVIRONMENT David Sacko 2008 INSS RESEARCH PAPER US AIR FORCE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURITY STUDIES USAF ACADEMY, COLORADO RUSSIA’S ROLE IN THE EMERGING EURASIAN SECURITY ENVIRONMENT By David Sacko* 2008 OVERVIEW Russian foreign policy has taken an interesting turn during the administration of President Vladimir Putin. Following the proposed deployment of a strategic ballistic missile defense system in Central Europe, Mr. Putin threatened withdrawal from both the Conventional Forces Europe (CFE) and Intermediate Nuclear Forces (INF) treaty in addition to retargeting nuclear missiles to Poland and the United States. Beyond rhetoric, concrete acts of Russian aggression include attempting to claim resource rich elements of the Arctic region, resuming bomber patrols, and invading Georgian airspace culminating in the invasion of Georgia itself. While these seemingly hostile acts are occurring, a great deal of cooperation exists between the United States and Russia in the US-led global war on terrorism. On other fronts, such as relations with the Chinese and Iranian nuclear ambitions, Russian policies seem much more ambivalent and even contradictory What might possibly explain this seemingly contradictory series of policies? Tip O‘Neill says, ―All politics is (are) local.‖ It is the thesis of this project that Russian foreign policy is best understood through an understanding of Russian domestic politics and the dominant interests that supports Mr. Putin‘s policies: the military, the oligarchs, the Russian popular nationalist imperative and Putin‘s political machine itself. This paper will begin with an overview of basic Russian strategic thinking, but will probe more into the construction of Russian ideas and how those ideas have been made manifest within the Russian political system.
    [Show full text]
  • 11/7/2006 Joint Statement from the Participants of the Other Russia
    11/7/2006 Joint Statement from the Participants of the Other Russia Conference On July 11-12, the All-Russia Civil Congress has convened the Other Russia conference in Moscow. We are gathering because while bureaucratic Russia has monopolized the right to speak on behalf of our people there is another Russia, a Russia where millions of people are living under very different social and political conditions. These two Russias are different countries and we wish to make this situation clear. The Russian government is doing its utmost to prevent this forum from taking place and to discredit the ideas it represents. Those in the government fear the truth, fear us, and fear for their political future. We are gathering together because we are united in our disagreement with the current political course of the Kremlin and united in our alarm for the present and future of our country. We are gathering together despite our disparate views on the past and future of Russia. We are gathering together although our visions differ on how our country can become free and prosperous. Despite our many differences we are united in the belief that the citizens of the Russian Federation can reach our goals only by following, preserving, and fighting for the democratic principle of organizing government and society, a firm foundation of human rights that is not dependent on national, religious, or social identity, respect for opposing views in keeping with the Russian Constitution, freedom of speech, a level political playing field, and justice in the distribution of public wealth produced by a free people.
    [Show full text]
  • INTERNATIONAL OIL MARKETS and POLITICAL MOBILIZATION in RUSSIA by Olga Beznosova B.Sc. N
    OPPOSITION AND DISSENT IN PETRO-STATES: INTERNATIONAL OIL MARKETS AND POLITICAL MOBILIZATION IN RUSSIA by Olga Beznosova B.Sc. Novosibirsk State University, 1996 M.P.P.M., The University of Pittsburgh, 2000 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Political Science) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) April 2013 © Olga Beznosova, 2013 Abstract Using Russia as the main case study over a number of historical periods and Venezuela as a secondary case for comparison, this dissertation proposes an argument which links oil rents to political contestation in petro-regimes and suggests that this, along with the elites’ actions, is the key factor that helps to explain the regime type and the direction of the change in times of external economic shocks. When oil prices are high, petro-states have overwhelming incentives to expand social spending in order to ensure obedience and calm down potential political opponents, which appears to be an easy means of securing legitimacy. The state has more freedom to advance its policies and is less vulnerable to societal demands because it has access to external rents. However, the society is also affected: social groups demand the redistribution of oil wealth and engage in rent-seeking instead of establishing formal channels of interest representation. Consequently, the social contract that emerges is based on the shared understanding of the role of the state as a re-distributor of oil rents and guarantor of societal welfare. When oil prices drop, the state can no longer meet the expectations associated with its legitimacy, becomes more vulnerable to internal and external pressures; social forces tend to mobilize in response to cuts in social spending, and the social contract may break down.
    [Show full text]