2014:8 SOCIOLOGY PUBLICATIONS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL RESEARCH 2014:8 PERFORMING POLITICAL OPPOSITION IN RUSSIA RUSSIA IN OPPOSITION POLITICAL PERFORMING Russian civil society is often described as weak and Russians as politically apathetic. However, as a surprise for many, tens of thousands of people gathered on the streets of Moscow to protest the fraud in the parliamentary elections in December 2011. Nevertheless, this ‘awakening’ did not last for long as Vladimir Putin took hold of the Presidency again in 2012. Since then, the Russian State Duma has passed new legislation to restrict civic and political activism. This, together with the fragmentation of the opposition movement, has hindered large-scale and sustained mobiliza- tion against the government. In 2013, the number of protests has plummeted when the risks of demonstrating are high and the benefits to participate in political activism appear non-existent. Why is it impossible for the Russian opposition to find a common voice and to sustain contentious action? This book analyzes how political opportunities and restrictions in contem- porary Russia have affected the opposition activists’ activities at the grassroots level. The book examines Russian civil society, contemporary activist strategies, and democratization from the − THE CASE OF THE YOUTH MOVEMENT OBORONA OBORONA MOVEMENT YOUTH THE OF CASE THE perspective of the young activists participating in the liberal youth movement Oborona (Defense) in Moscow and St. Petersburg. Before its dissolution in 2011, Oborona was an active participant in the Russian opposition movement, and thus it is an interesting case study of the living activist traditions in Russia. The research illustrates how the Soviet continuities and liberal ideas are entangled in Russian political activism to create new post-socialist political identities and practices. In Russia, the group of dissenters is small, and the political elite in power do not leave much room for voices of dissent in order for the opposition to grow and diverge. However, the study argues that one of the reasons of Oborona’s demise came from inside the movement: The group’s solidarity was based on per- sonal ties instead of political connectedness. Furthermore, the movement suffered from the lack of common ideological goals and leader-centeredness. The research suggests that these problems can be found in Russia’s liberal opposition in general and explain why it is inefficient to mobilize large amounts of people for public demonstrations and to sustain protests. The research draws on sociological theories on identities, social performance, and politicization as well as class, gender and generation studies. The data is derived from thematic interviews and participant observations amongst Russian youth activists and it was collected in Moscow and in PERFORMING POLITICAL St Petersburg during the period of 2009–2011. Laura Lyytikäinen OPPOSITION IN RUSSIA THE CASE OF THE YOUTH MOVEMENT OBORONA ISBN 978-952-10-9103-2 LAURA LYYTIKÄINEN PUBLICATIONS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL RESEARCH 2014:8 Department of Social Sciences University of Helsinki Finland Performing Political Opposition in Russia The Case of the Youth Movement Oborona Laura Lyytikäinen ACADEMIC DISSERTATION To be presented, with the permission of the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Helsinki, for public examination in lecture room 4, Metsätalo, Unioninkatu 40, on May 23rd, 2014, at 12 noon. Helsinki 2014 Publications of the Department of Social Research 2014:8 Sociology © Laura Lyytikäinen Cover: Jere Kasanen Photos: Laura Lyytikäinen Distribution and Sales: Unigrafia Bookstore http://kirjakauppa.unigrafia.fi/ [email protected] PL 4 (Vuorikatu 3 A) 00014 Helsingin yliopisto ISSN-L 1798-9140 ISSN 1798-9132 (Online) ISSN 1798-9140 (Print) ISBN 978-952-10- 9103-2 (paperback) ISBN 978-952-10- 9104-9 (PDF) Unigrafia, Helsinki 2014 ABSTRACT This book examines Russian civil society and democratization from the perspective of the oppositional youth activists in Moscow and St. Petersburg. It takes the Russian youth movement Oborona (Defense) as its case study. Before its dissolution in 2011, the movement was an active participant in the ‘non-systemic’ opposition, and thus it is an interesting case study of the ‘actually existing’ activist traditions in Russia. The book analyses how youth activists use the tools applicable in today’s Russia to resist and reinterpret the cultural models of youth activism imposed on them by the authorities. The research shows how in Russian political activism, the Soviet continuities and liberal ideas are entangled to create new post-socialist political identities and practices. The study’s findings reflect the opportunities and restrictions for activism in Russia in general, and demonstrate the specificities of Russian liberal activism as well as the reasons for the lack of wider oppositional mobilization in the country. The research draws on sociological theories on identities, social performance, and politicization as well as class, gender and generation studies. The data is derived from thematic interviews, informal discussions, participant observations, and selected readings of central Internet and social media sites. The interview data consists of 38 interviews with the activists of youth movements and it was collected in Moscow and in St Petersburg during the period of 2009–2011. In the Oborona movement, the activist identity is constructed in the intersections of the Soviet intelligentsia and dissident traditions, and international influences. On the group level, the activists’ sense of solidarity relies on friendship and obshchenie (communication and being together) instead of a political connectedness. Also the movement practices tend to emphasize the sense of unity by silencing individual voices and political affiliations. The movement Oborona tries to find its own way between the western ‘imported’ understanding of democracy and civil society and the dominant symbolic order of ‘sovereign democracy’. The book argues that both the state’s official view on democracy and Oborona’s liberal-democratically oriented interpretation are tied to the political symbols of nationalism and the strong state and its unifying leader, which can be seen as a continuation of the centralized power relationships of the Soviet state. Furthermore, Oborona’s repertoire of action brings together the ideals and norms of the activist identity and discursive frameworks of the movement. The book argues that the protest ‘performance’ and its actors remain distant from the audiences and this reflects the wider problems of the political opposition and especially the liberals in Russia. The research suggests that the same weakness of collective political identity, lack of common ideological goals, leader-centeredness, and personified power that the case study illustrates are found in the Russian liberal opposition in general. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS During the years of conducting this research, a great number of people have influenced my work and made this journey one of the most memorable periods of my life. First of all, this book would not have been possible without the participation of the youth activists in Moscow and St Petersburg, who welcomed me into their lives and introduced me to the reality of civic activism in Russia. I am grateful that I got to meet you all and participate in your activities. Your strength, courage and enthusiasm is and will be a great source of inspiration for me and hopefully to the readers of this book. The academic community has been a crucial factor during the writing of this book. First of all, I want to thank my PhD supervisors Professor Suvi Salmenniemi and Professor Markku Lonkila for their great efforts in guiding me through this project. Your critical reading of my work and your never-ending trust in me have always pushed me to aim higher. You have always been there for me, and your enthusiasm in research has given me inspiration and faith that there is some light at the end of the tunnel. You have taught me a lot and your advice, support and friendship have made me a better researcher. I also want to thank the pre-examiners, Professor Hilary Pilkington and Professor Marja Keränen for their thorough reading of the manuscript and insightful and encouraging comments, which have helped me to finalize this book. I am also honored that Professor Pilkington has agreed to act as an opponent in the public examination of this thesis. I want to thank also Professor Ilkka Arminen for agreeing to act as a custos in the public examination of the thesis. The department of Sociology at the University of Helsinki has been my home department during the research process. I am very grateful to Professor emeritus Risto Alapuro and the Spaces seminar for welcoming me into their seminar in January 2009. Later, the seminar evolved into the Helsinki Group for Political Sociology (Hepo). A special thanks goes to Eeva Luhtakallio, Tuomas Ylä-Anttila, Samu Lindström, Lotta Junnilainen and other old and new Hepo-members for your countless times reading and commenting my papers in various phases of this research. Eeva and Tuomas, your excellent example and enthusiasm have inspired and encouraged me greatly during this journey! The main source of funding for this research has been the Finnish Graduate School for Social Sciences, SOVAKO, and its graduate school for Civil Society Research. I want to thank Professor Martti Siisiäinen and other members of my ‘ohjausryhmä’ for their support and critical comments throughout the research process. I want to thank my fellow PhD students, Veli-Matti Salminen, Hanna-Mari Husu, Sanna Vierimaa, and Kirsikka Selander, not only for their insightful comments on my papers, but also for their peer support and fun times during our memorable seminar trips in the Baltic countries. Another academic home has been the Aleksanteri Institute, which got me into the Russian research in the first place. The Aleksanteri Institute’s Masters and Doctoral Schools marked the beginning for my enthusiasm for Russian studies and the Institute is a continuing source of inspiration for me.