Expressive Culture of the Egyptian Revolution Roberta L Dougherty, Yale University

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Expressive Culture of the Egyptian Revolution Roberta L Dougherty, Yale University Yale University From the SelectedWorks of Roberta L. Dougherty December, 2011 MESA 2011: Expressive culture of the Egyptian revolution Roberta L Dougherty, Yale University Available at: https://works.bepress.com/bintalbalad/30/ “Smiling and waving witty banners: the expressive culture of the Egyptian revolution.” [slide: Tahrir Square 2011] This paper will examine the expressive culture of the Egyptian "revolution"--an event that began with a public demonstration called to coincide with the national “Police Day” holiday of 25 January 2011, and that reached a climax on 11 February 2011 with the resignation of Egyptian president Husni Mubarak. The outcome is still unknown, however it is possible even at this early stage to examine the role of the demonstrators’ expressive culture in communicating the movement's goals and ultimately mobilizing the Egyptian people. By “expressive culture” I mean not only products or artifacts such as songs, poetry, posters, photographs, and video, but also *behavior,* as you will see. The movement completely blind-sided all academic experts and even international intelligence (in spite of their recent claims to the contrary!). While the self-immolation of Tunisian fruit-seller Muhammad Buazizi [CHECK], followed by the so-called "Jasmine Revolution" of Tunisia in early 2011 is credited as providing an impetus, [slide] many look further back to see the brutal murder of Egyptian blogger Khalid Said in June 2010 as a catalyst. [slide] Others find inspiration in the movement of workers in the Egyptian town of al-Mahallah al-Kubra in 2008, and others point to the Egyptian “Kifayah!” movement of 2004 as providing the first rumblings of discontent. 1 [slide] Western media have been eager to give credit to the Internet, especially the social media platforms Twitter and Facebook, for agency in the events of early 2011, but I think we can all agree that these media were tools just like the cassette tape for the Iranian revolution and perhaps even Paul Revere’s horse for the American. However there is no doubt that new media gave 24-hour access to riveting testimonials, photographs, and video that attracted international attention to the Egyptian anti-government movement. (A comment I heard at this conference on Thursday evening was that the events of Tahrir Square “seduced” the Western media, particularly in the United States.) These media also allowed me, and everyone else who was also interested in these events, to keep up with what was going on, to see for ourselves via live streaming video from Al Jazeera what was happening in the square at that very moment, to see on-the-scene photographs taken only minutes before and uploaded to platforms like Twitpic and flickr, and to have an appreciation, if only in a voyeuristic way, for what the Egyptians in the square were going through. As the revolution unfolded, it has also become clear that the "Facebook kids" (as they came to be called in Egyptian media) orchestrated a meticulous plan to ensure that their revolution appeared to come from Egypt's grass roots. 2 The title of my paper comes from a Time magazine article written on 3 February 2011 by Bobby Ghosh, “The Young Revolutionaries of Egypt.” The article begins, You think you know what Arab rage looks like: wild-eyed young men shouting bellicose verses from the Koran as they hurl themselves against authority, armed with anything from rocks to bomb vests. So who were these impostors gathered in Cairo's Tahrir ... Square to call for the resignation of President Hosni Mubarak? They were smiling and laughing, waving witty banners, organizing spontaneous soccer tournaments and thrusting cigarettes and flowers into the hands of Mubarak's soldiers. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,2046047,00.html#ixzz1fEX5 O6tU The article was published the day after the infamous “Battle of the Camel” in Tahrir Square, when thugs paid off by the government and riding horses and camels swooped down on the unarmed protesters. In his article Ghosh asserted that in the aftermath of this event, that Mubarak’s departure was inevitable, and indeed, the protesters’ euphoria quickly returned as they realized this was true. [slide] Before going on to discuss some examples of the expressive culture of the protesters in Tahrir Square, let’s pause for a moment to consider the square itself. Tahrir Square came into existence 140 years ago during the time of another ruler who was considered ruthless, Ismail. He had lived in the Paris redesigned by [NAME] Haussmann [DATE] 3 and saw the changes that came about in France under Napoleon III, and wanted to remake Cairo in the image of Paris. If George Bush was the decider, Ismail was the modernizer. So an area that was all pretty much vegetation adjacent to the Nile, that was flooded from time to time, was redesigned into a Paris-like circle with urban boulevards flowing into it, and was named Ismailia Square. [slide] One of the things that has fascinated me about the uprising in Egypt is the square’s transformation. During the years I lived in Egypt it seemed it was almost always being torn up for one reason or another, its various islands and roads being relandscaped or even completely removed during the construction of the Cairo Metro when the square resembled the ninth circle of Hell, a bus station in front of the Nile Hilton demolished, the area in front of the Mugamma building transforming from filthy parking lot reeking with the smell of urine, to bus station crowded with waiting passengers, to a landscaped area with flower beds, guard rails and bollards (presumably put there to prevent car-bomb attacks). It always seemed that sidewalks were always being torn up and replaced. Getting across the square on foot was always a nightmare, and at certain times of the day it could be hard to get a taxi to go there. [slide] 4 But the Egyptian demonstrators transformed the square from urban hellhole to a place they began to feel was almost like heaven on earth. This urban omphalos became a place where Egyptians felt free to experiment with new ways of thinking and behaving, to begin to think about the possibility of a different future for their country, to express their desires and aspirations in a great variety of ways, a 24-hour carnival—a space that also saw violence and death during the 18 days the square was occupied. While I am going to show you some examples of Egyptians’ creative response to their predicament, I’d like to emphasize that the most creative action taken by the protesters was the occupation itself. The people took this urban space, much maligned and neglected and repeatedly redesigned to improve security for some of the state institutions located there—and redesigned, of course, to *deter* the space from being anything but a hub through which traffic more or less flowed, and *never* to serve as a public gathering place—they took this space and remade it as their own, a city within a city, and the headquarters from which tremendous change was to spring. [slide: How to protest intelligently] So let’s get right to what I’ve come here to show you and talk about. This image is from a handbook entitled “How to protest intelligently” [CHECK]. In the United States, with our long history of public demonstrations, we have some experience with the practical aspects of civil disobedience, but Egyptians who had initially been called to the square 5 by a Facebook “event” post for a 100K-strong march on 25 January did not have much experience with the basics. Somebody came to the rescue with this document, a 26-page guide explaining what kind of clothing was best to wear, what kinds of things to say, to suggest that demonstrators carry a white rose to signify their peaceful intent, and even (as shown here) how best to defend oneself with simple household items against a well-armed policeman. The booklet included the warning, “Please, distribute through e-mail, printing, and photocopies ONLY!” –however this did not prevent it from being uploaded to a website around 28 January (whoops!). This artifact displays another characteristic of much of the written or printed material that was seen in the square, the fact that it is in both Arabic and English (I’ll say a little more about that in a moment). [slide: kiss!] I mentioned at the beginning that I’m including *behavior* in my definition of expressive culture, and the well-known image on the slide you’re seeing right now is one example of some of the truly remarkable responses of the demonstrators in the square to the challenges they faced from state powers. At one point in the early days of the demonstrations, the Central Security Forces were lined up in a face-off with the demonstrators and this woman--and apparently an older man as well--walked along the lines of policemen, kissing each one in a parental way and saying, “You won’t hurt us, you are all our sons!” 6 [slide: Asmaa Mahfouz] Among the famous products of the square were the slogans chanted by the protesters. This video is of the vlogger (i.e. video blogger) Asmaa Mahfouz, who was one of the influential young people who organized the initial call for the demonstrations on 25 January. In this video (titled “The Bravest Woman in Egypt”) you will hear her leading a group of demonstrators in rather virulent anti-government chants. (this version, w/ subtitles, uploaded to YouTube on 30 January, but the original video is a day or two older than that) Notice the poetical pattern that each of Asmaa’s chants takes, with her supplying a rhythmic phrase that is repeated by fellow protesters, then the call-and- response is repeated, with a rhyming phrase added by Asmaa to the last repetition.
Recommended publications
  • Omar-Ashour-English.Pdf
    CENTER ON DEMOCRACY, DEVELOPMENT, AND THE RULE OF LAW STANFORD UNIVERSITY BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER - STANFORD PROJECT ON ARAB TRANSITIONS PAPER SERIES Number 3, November 2012 FROM BAD COP TO GOOD COP: THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN EGYPT OMAR ASHOUR PROGRAM ON ARAB REFORM AND DEMOCRACY, CDDRL FROM BAD COP TO GOOD COP: THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN EGYPT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY gence within the police force of a cadre of reform- ist officers is also encouraging and may help shift Successful democratic transitions hinge on the the balance of power within the Ministry of Interi- establishment of effective civilian control of the or. These officers have established reformist orga- armed forces and internal security institutions. The nizations, such as the General Coalition of Police transformation of these institutions from instru- Officers and Officers But Honorable, and begun to ments of brutal repression and regime protection push for SSR themselves. The prospects for imple- to professional, regulated, national services – secu- menting these civil society and internal initiatives, rity sector reform (SSR) – is at the very center of however, remain uncertain; they focus on admira- this effort. In Egypt, as in other transitioning Arab ble ends but are less clear on the means of imple- states and prior cases of democratization, SSR is mentation. They also have to reckon with strong an acutely political process affected by an array of elements within the Ministry of Interior – “al-Ad- different actors and dynamics. In a contested and ly’s men” (in reference to Mubarak’s longstanding unstable post-revolutionary political sphere, the minister) – who remain firmly opposed to reform.
    [Show full text]
  • The Colonial Origins of Coercion in Egypt
    Internal Occupation: The Colonial Origins of Coercion in Egypt Allison Spencer Hartnett, Nicholas J. Lotito, and Elizabeth R. Nugent* April 10, 2020 Abstract Robust coercive apparatuses are credited for the Middle East’s uniquely persistent authoritarianism, but little work exists analyzing their origins. In this paper, we present an original theory regarding the origins of coercive institutions in contemporary authoritarian regimes like those in the Middle East. Weargue that post-independence authoritarian coercive capabilities are shaped by pre-independence institution-building, largely dictated by the interests of colonial powers who dictated state develop- ment projects. We depart from existing general theories about the origins of coercive institutions, in which authoritarian leaders have full autonomy in constructing coercive institutions when they come to power, and in which the military is the primary source of the state’s institution. Instead, we argue that authoritarian leaders coming to power in the twentieth century, after major state building occurred, inherit states with certain pre-determined resources and capabilities, and coercive institu- tions. We support our theory with district-level census data from Egypt. Matching districts surveyed in 1897, the rst census conducted under British rule, with those from the last pre-revolution census in 1947, we nd that districts with higher levels of foreigners in the rst decades of colonial rule are more heavily policed on the eve of independence. In later drafts, we will test our hypotheses that these early allocations of the coercive apparatus persisted under post-colonial authoritarian regimes using data on arrests from 2013. *Citations are welcome but please do not distribute without express permission from the authors.
    [Show full text]
  • The Arab Spring and Its Impact on Human Rights in the MENA Region
    Helpdesk Research Report: The Arab Spring and its impact on human rights in the MENA region. 14 October 2011 Query: What is the current human rights situation in the MENA region and how has it changed as a result of the Arab Spring? Who are the risk groups in the region in regards to human rights abuses, with particular focus on ethnic and religious factions? Enquirer: AusAID North Africa Program Author: Shivit Bakrania Contents 1. Overview 2. Algeria 3. Bahrain 4. Egypt 5. Iran 6. Jordan 7. Libya 8. Morocco 9. Oman 10. Saudi Arabia 11. Syria 12. Tunisia 13. Yemen 1. Overview The Middle East and North Africa region is a large and diverse region and it is difficult to make regional generalisations about the impact of the Arab Spring on human rights. Long-standing authoritarian rulers have been overthrown in Tunisia and Egypt where elections are due, and in Libya, where conflict rages on but with a new interim government controlling much of the country. In other countries, changes have been less radical but authorities in most cases have announced some degree of political reform in response to demands made by demonstrators. However, the broader picture is that it is too early to tell whether reforms will have any tangible impact in practice. The largest 1 political changes are occurring in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya, but more time is needed to see how the political processes in those countries pan out before an accurate assessment can be made. This report looks at the human rights situation on a country-by country basis.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict in Yemen
    conflict in yemen abyan’s DarkEst hour amnesty international is a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the universal declaration of human rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. first published in 2012 by amnesty international ltd Peter benenson house 1 easton street london Wc1X 0dW united kingdom © amnesty international 2012 index: mde 31/010/2012 english original language: english Printed by amnesty international, international secretariat, united kingdom all rights reserved. this publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. the copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. for copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. to request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Cover phot o: a building in Zinjibar destroyed during the fighting, July 2012. © amnesty international amnesty.org CONFLICT IN YEMEN: ABYAN’S DARKEST HOUR CONTENTS Contents ......................................................................................................................1
    [Show full text]
  • Egypt: 'Officially, You Do Not Exist'
    EGYPT: ‘OFFICIALLY, YOU DO NOT EXIST’ DISAPPEARED AND TORTURED IN THE NAME OF COUNTER-TERORISM Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2016 Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons Cover image: (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2016 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 12/4368/2016 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS GLOSSARY 6 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 7 2. METHODOLOGY 12 3. BACKGROUND 14 4. OVERVIEW 17 4.1 FROM MUBARAK’S SSI TO AL-SISI’S NSA: NEW NAME, CONTINUED VIOLATIONS 17 4.2 ARREST AND DETENTION STATISTICS 18 4.3 SCALE OF ENFORCED DISAPPEARANCES 19 4.4 PROFILES OF PEOPLE TARGETED 20 4.5 DURATION AND PLACES OF DETENTIONS 20 NSA LAZOUGHLY OFFICE HEADQUARTERS OF THE MINISTRY OF INTERIOR 21 NSA OFFICES IN ALEXANDRIA ALEXANDRIA SECURITY DIRECTORATE 21 NSA OFFICE IN TANTA, GHARBEYA CENTRAL SECURITY FORCES CAMP 22 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Dgapkompakt / Nr
    www.ssoar.info ISIS and Wilayat Sinai: Complex Networks of Insurgency under Authoritarian Rule Ashour, Omar Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Arbeitspapier / working paper Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Ashour, O. (2016). ISIS and Wilayat Sinai: Complex Networks of Insurgency under Authoritarian Rule. (DGAP kompakt, 15). Berlin: Forschungsinstitut der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik e.V.. https://nbn- resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-54270-3 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. anderweitig nutzen. Mit der Verwendung dieses Dokuments erkennen Sie die Nutzungsbedingungen an.
    [Show full text]
  • Repression, Counterbalancing, and Pro-Government Militias Clionadh Raleigh† Roudabeh Kishi† † Department of Geography, University of Sussex
    Leadership Survival and Hired Guns: Repression, Counterbalancing, and Pro-Government Militias Clionadh Raleigh† Roudabeh Kishi† † Department of Geography, University of Sussex (Rough draft. Please do not cite without permission.) Abstract. This article presents a ‘violence management’ framework through which to understand why, where, and when states employ pro-government militias (PGMs). Regimes in developing states engage in practices of ‘violence management’ that involve both offensive and defensive strategies to contain, repress and curtail various domestic threats. Some of these strategies include public repression, counterbalancing, the creation of paramilitary forces, and supporting PGMs to combat opponents within and outside the regime. The most ‘effective’ strategy for a leader to ensure his/her survival is to establish counterbalancing forces, implement PGMs, and initiate state repression strategies. These different organizations and responses are specifically designed to deal with various types and scales of threat. PGMs coexist with counterbalancing efforts, suggesting that PGMs and paramilitaries are specifically designed to deal with different scales of threat. A new pro- government militia dataset – PGM-Set – is introduced and is used to test the impact of PGM activity, repression, and counterbalancing on leadership survival. Introduction Increasing attention is being paid to the variation and multiplicity of armed, organized groups operating across developing states, and their role in control, repression, and dominance (Raleigh, 2014, 2016; Choi and Raleigh, 2015). Much of the recent literature has concentrated on civil war environments, and the rate of splintering (Bakke, Cunningham, Seymour, 2012; Cunningham, 2013); alliance (Christia, 2012); supplemental forces for both rebels and governments (Raleigh, 2016); local ‘predators’ taking advantage of conflict environments and ‘protectors’ operating as local security providers (Abbink, 1998, 2000; Hagmann and Mulugeta, 2008; Guichaoua, 2010).
    [Show full text]
  • Five Years of Egypt's War on Terror
    FIVE YEARS OF EGYPT’S WAR ON TERROR The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy (TIMEP) is dedicated to influencing policy toward the Middle East and North Africa through rigorous research and targeted advocacy efforts that promote local voices. TIMEP is fully registered and acknowledged under Section501(c)(3) in the District of Columbia. For more information about TIMEP’s mission, programming, or upcoming events, please visit timep.org. This report is the product of the collaborative efforts of TIMEP's staff and fellows. Cover image: A security checkpoint in the Egyptian Western Desert and the Bahariya Oasis in Siwa, Egypt, May 15, 2015 (photo by Amr Abdallah Dalsh for Reuters) CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 5 TERRORISM 5 COUNTER-TERRORISM 10 LEGAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXT 14 FINDINGS 15 TERRORISM 17 ACROSS EGYPT: Intensification and evolution in terror attacks after 2013 17 NORTH SINAI: Violence has become an entrenched insurgency 19 MAINLAND: Low-scale violence gives way to sporadic, deadly attacks 26 COUNTER-TERRORISM 35 ACROSS EGYPT: Tens of thousands of citizens ensnared in the war on terror 35 NORTH SINAI: Continuous military occupation 36 MAINLAND: Sweeping and broad crackdown 39 LEGAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXT 43 LEGAL AND JUDICIAL CONTEXT: The war on terror trumps rule of law 43 DOMESTIC POLITICAL CONTEXT: The war on terror as pretext for political consolidation 46 GEOPOLITICAL CONTEXT: Continued global support 49 FINDINGS 52 METHODOLOGY 54 Egypt Security Watch 3 Five Years of Egypt’s War on Terror INTRODUCTION On July 24, 2013, then-Defense Minister Abdel-Fattah El Sisi asked for a popular mandate to fight terrorism, marking the declaration of the “war on terror” that has lasted five years.
    [Show full text]
  • Hostage-Taking and Intimidation by Security
    January 1995 Vol. 7. No. 1 EGYPT HOSTAGEHOSTAGE----TAKINGTAKING AND INTIMIDATION BY SECURITY FORCES CONTENTS SUMMARY.................................................................................................................................................................................. 2 RECOMMENDATIONS............................................................................................................................................................ 5 1. HOSTAGE-TAKING ON A WIDE SCALE: 1992 .......................................................................................................... 8 2. THE PRACTICE CONTINUES: 1993-1994 .............................................................................................................. 14 3. INTIMIDATION OF FAMILIES: 1994 ......................................................................................................................... 21 Complaints of Lawyers Ignored, Families Pressured............................................................... 22 SSI Officer Intimidates Family of Victim of Security Forces Raid..................................... 25 Civilians Killed by Security Forces, Eyewitness and Family of One Victim Intimidated by Police 26 Pressure on the Family of Abdel Harith Madani........................................................................... 27 4. INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS................................................................................................................................... 31 5. THE EGYPTIAN GOVERNMENT'S
    [Show full text]
  • Lessons in War 2015
    Lessons in War 2015 Military Use of Schools and Universities during Armed Conflict Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack GCPEA Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack The Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack (GCPEA) was established in 2010 by organizations from the fields of education in emergencies and conflict-affected fragile states, higher education, protection, international human rights, and international humanitarian law who were concerned about ongoing attacks on educational institutions, their students, and staff in countries affected by conflict and insecurity. GCPEA is governed by a steering committee made up of the following international organizations: CARA (Council for at-Risk Academics), Human Rights Watch, the Institute of International Education’s Scholar Rescue Fund, Protect Education in Insecurity and Conflict, Save the Children, UNESCO, UNHCR, and UNICEF. GCPEA is a project of the Tides Center, a nonprofit 501(c)(3) organization. This study is the result of an independent external study commissioned by GCPEA. It is independent of the individual member organizations of the Steering Committee of GCPEA and does not necessarily reflect the views of the Steering Committee member organizations. Lessons in War 2015 Military Use of Schools and Universities during Armed Conflict May 2015 Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack CONTENTS Executive Summary ........................................................................................................................5 Key Findings
    [Show full text]
  • Country Information and Guidance Egypt: Background Information, Including Actors of Protection and Internal Relocation
    Country Information and Guidance Egypt: Background information, including actors of protection and internal relocation. May 2015 Preface This document provides guidance to Home Office decision makers on handling claims made by nationals/residents of – as well as country of origin information (COI) about – Egypt. This includes whether claims are likely to justify the granting of asylum, humanitarian protection or discretionary leave and whether – in the event of a claim being refused – it is likely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under s94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must consider claims on an individual basis, taking into account the case specific facts and all relevant evidence, including: the guidance contained with this document; the available COI; any applicable caselaw; and the Home Office casework guidance in relation to relevant policies. Country Information The COI within this document has been compiled from a wide range of external information sources (usually) published in English. Consideration has been given to the relevance, reliability, accuracy, objectivity, currency, transparency and traceability of the information and wherever possible attempts have been made to corroborate the information used across independent sources, to ensure accuracy. All sources cited have been referenced in footnotes. It has been researched and presented with reference to the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), dated April 2008, and the European Asylum Support Office’s research guidelines, Country of Origin Information report methodology, dated July 2012. Feedback Our goal is to continuously improve the guidance and information we provide. Therefore, if you would like to comment on this document, please e-mail us.
    [Show full text]
  • Police Reform in Egypt? - a Case Study
    Umeå Universitet Statsvetenskapliga institutionen Police Reform in Egypt? - A Case Study Uppsats för Masterseminariet i Statsvetenskap vid Umeå universitet vårterminen 2013 Matilda Johansson Annelie Nordin Abstract This paper studies the police reform in Egypt in the light of the revolution 2011. The ousting of the authoritarian president Hosni Mubarak was the beginning of the transition towards democracy. Within 15 months both parliamentary and presidential election had taken place. The political leaders were new and the transitional process had begun however the institutions where still the same and one feature of the revolution was to reform the police since the police was hated as the oppressive power it was. Transition from totalitarian regime to democracy is more than elections it is about reforming the institutions and especially the security sector hence they often play a significant role in oppressing the citizens in an authoritarian state. The police in Egypt used repressive methods to control the citizens. Therefore it is interesting to investigate whether the police are beginning to transform along the principles of democratic policing, a specific part of security sector reform focusing on the reformation of the police. The notion of human security with the people at the centre lay as a foundation of the theoretical framework. The material consists of in- depth interviews with leaders and active people in the civil society and their view regarding police work and police reform after the revolution. The conclusions drawn from the study is that the police lack capacity, understanding and training to reform. The reformation has to be influenced by political will from legislative and institutional level as well from the police officers themselves.
    [Show full text]