DOCSLIB.ORG

Understanding Egyptian Military Expenditure

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Understanding Egyptian Military Expenditure SIPRI Background Paper October 2020 UNDERSTANDING EGYPTIAN SUMMARY w Egypt has one of the largest MILITARY EXPENDITURE military forces and inventories of major weapons in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). alexandra kuimova* However, based on the official figures provided by the govern­ ment, Egypt’s mili tary expendi­ I. Introduction ture averaged a comparatively moderate, by regional stand­ Egypt has one of the largest military forces in the Middle East and North ards, US$3.8 billion annually Africa (MENA) and the largest inventory of major weapons in the region. over the past decade. Egypt Amid a growing perception of intensified domestic and regional security thus appears to have one of the lowest levels of military threats, Egypt, under President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, has made consider able spend ing in MENA. investments to modernize and train its armed forces. However, based on the This background paper official figures provided by the government, Egypt’s military expendi ture provides an in­depth explor­ averaged a comparatively moderate, by regional standards, US$3.8 billion ation of the official military annually over the past decade. Egypt thus appears to have one of the lowest spending figures for Egypt. levels of military spending in MENA: based on its official figures, in 2019 Through analysis of primary Egypt had the ninth-highest spending among the 14 countries in the region and secondary sources, it high­ for which data is available.1 lights gaps and shortcomings in Between 2010 and 2019 Egypt’s arms acquisitions increased signifi cantly the data reported by the compared with the previous decade (i.e. 2000–2009). It also launched Egyptian Government. By several military operations in the Sinai peninsula. At the same time, Egypt’s mapping and examining a official figures showed an overall real-terms decrease in its military budget. comprehensive list of Egypt’s Although it is not always feasible to assess Egypt’s disaggregated military arms procurement deals between 2000 and 2019, it also spending, this background paper aims to review Egypt’s official military shows that the growing number expenditure figures over the decade 2010–19 to obtain a clearer picture of of arms acquisitions apparently the level of financial resources Egypt dedicates to military issues. had no impact on the level of Previous studies have discussed the scale of resources absorbed by the military spending officially military in Egypt, but these studies focused on understanding the drivers reported by Egypt over the of total military spending, rather than examining the figures themselves.2 most recent decade. This paper fills this gap by investigating the uncertainties of the under lying The paper also identifies one mili tary spending data. Taking the Stockholm International Peace Research additional spending category Institute’s (SIPRI) comprehensive definition of military expenditure as a that could be included in an guide line, the paper explores different elements of military expenditure in the estimate of Egypt’s military con text of Egypt. It aims to answer the following questions: what elements of expenditure: costs related to specific activities of Egypt’s 1 SIPRI reported estimates of military spending for 14 of the 19 countries in the Middle East and paramilitary forces. North Africa in 2019: Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Morocco, The issues regarding the lack Oman, Tunisia, Turkey and Saudi Arabia. Estimates cannot be made for 5 states: Libya, Qatar, Syria, of com prehen sive official data the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Yemen. SIPRI Military Expenditure Database, <https://www. on mili tary spending raised in sipri.org/databases/milex>. the paper can be resolved only 2 See e.g. Abu-Qarn, A. S. et al., ‘The demand for military spending in Egypt’, Defence and Peace Economics, vol. 25, no. 3 (2014), pp. 231–45; and Ali, H. E., ‘Military expenditures and human through promoting trans­ development: Guns and butter arguments revisited: A case study from Egypt’, Peace Economics, parency in military budgeting Peace Science and Public Policy, vol. 17, no. 1 (2011). in Egypt. * This work is funded by the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs. 2 sipri background paper military expenditure are financed through Egypt’s official military budget? Are some items of military spending excluded? If so, can additional data for these items be obtained? The background paper also highlights whether there are indications that off-budget sources in Egypt fund military expenditure. By providing a better understanding of the level of financial resources Egypt dedicates to its military, this research aims to input into broader efforts to improve transparency in military matters in MENA. To facilitate the tracking of military spending in Egypt, the various elements of military expenditure are first described (section II). The next step to understanding the nature of Egypt’s military spending requires context: over time, by describing trends in the official military budget figures since 2010; and geographically, by comparing it with other countries in MENA (section III). A further step is to examine Egypt’s national reporting of military spending to identify the elements of military expendi ture that are reported and financed through Egypt’s military budget and those which are not (section IV). The latter includes spending on Egypt’s paramilitary force, which is under the authority of the Ministry of Interior (section V). The paper continues (in section VI) by analysing another ele ment of military expenditure—spending on arms procurement. By mapping and examining a comprehensive list of Egypt’s arms acquisition deals over the past two decades (i.e. 2000–2009 and 2010–19), the section aims to show that the growing number of arms acquisitions apparently had little to no impact on the levels of military spending reported in Egypt’s official military budget over the past decade. Section VII explores possible off-budget sources of funding and section VIII presents the paper’s key conclusions. II. Definitions, methods and sources Defining military expenditure To provide an easily identifiable measure of the scale of resources absorbed by the military, SIPRI provides annual figures on military spending levels of 169 countries, with historical coverage for the majority of states going back to 1988. To make these estimates, SIPRI collects government documents that include data on actual spending or the budget for those activities that fit within SIPRI’s definition of military spending. SIPRI has adopted a con- sistent definition of military expenditure for all countries. Where possible, SIPRI military expenditure data includes all current and capital expendi ture on (a) the armed forces; (b) defence ministries and other government agencies engaged in defence projects; (c) military space activities; and (d) para military forces. This should include expenditure on personnel, including salaries of mili tary and civil personnel, pensions of military personnel, and social services for personnel; procurement (expenditure for military equipment); oper ations and maintenance; military research and development (R&D); and military aid (in the military expenditure of the donor country).3 Spending on paramilitary forces is not always considered to be mili tary expendi ture by governments. SIPRI considers it to be part of military expendi ture if the forces, which often have a dual military and public order 3 SIPRI Military Expenditure Database, ‘Sources and methods’, [n.d.]. understanding egyptian military expenditure 3 role, are trained and equipped for military operations and can contribute to mili tary activ ities.4 Spending on such forces is included in military expendi- ture regardless of whether it is funded through the Ministry of Defence or another ministry. Thus, for example, expenditure on China’s People’s Armed Police, Morocco’s Gendarmerie and Russia’s National Guard is included in SIPRI’s military expenditure calculations for these countries. Similarly, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) countries report their ‘defence expenditure’ on ‘other forces’, even if they are financed through the budgets of ministries other than the Ministry of Defence.5 The case of Egypt As a general rule, SIPRI takes national data to be accurate until there is convincing information to the contrary. To estimate military spending for Egypt, SIPRI uses the official data from the state budget reported by the Egyptian Ministry of Finance. Detailed administrative reports on resource allocations and government expenditure by function and other classifi- cations are publicly available (in Arabic) through the Ministry of Finance’s electronic archive.6 Using primary and secondary open sources in Arabic and English, this paper examines the composition of Egypt’s military spending. This includes (a) spending on ‘defence and national security’, which currently con stitutes SIPRI’s military spending figures for Egypt; and (b) spending on paramilitary forces—the Central Security Forces (CSF). Based on its official figures, in 2019 Egypt’s spending on para military forces is not included in Egypt had the ninth-highest military SIPRI’s current calculation of Egypt’s military spending due to the impossibility of making an accurate estimate. spending among the 14 countries in Never the less, it needs to be carefully assessed for a better MENA for which data is available understanding of military expendi ture trends in Egypt (see section V). The spending figures for both elements (i.e. ‘defence and national security’ and paramilitary forces) are taken from the state budget. The data discussed in this paper is for budgeted expendi ture, not for actual expenditure, which can differ from budgeted spending. To make comparisons of military spending between different countries, this paper uses military expenditure figures in United States dollars pre- sented on a calendar-year basis. To examine national reporting of Egypt’s official military budget, as well as spending on paramilitary forces, this study uses data in Egyptian pounds and US dollars on a financial-year (July–June) basis.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Omar-Ashour-English.Pdf
    CENTER ON DEMOCRACY, DEVELOPMENT, AND THE RULE OF LAW STANFORD UNIVERSITY BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER - STANFORD PROJECT ON ARAB TRANSITIONS PAPER SERIES Number 3, November 2012 FROM BAD COP TO GOOD COP: THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN EGYPT OMAR ASHOUR PROGRAM ON ARAB REFORM AND DEMOCRACY, CDDRL FROM BAD COP TO GOOD COP: THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN EGYPT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY gence within the police force of a cadre of reform- ist officers is also encouraging and may help shift Successful democratic transitions hinge on the the balance of power within the Ministry of Interi- establishment of effective civilian control of the or. These officers have established reformist orga- armed forces and internal security institutions. The nizations, such as the General Coalition of Police transformation of these institutions from instru- Officers and Officers But Honorable, and begun to ments of brutal repression and regime protection push for SSR themselves. The prospects for imple- to professional, regulated, national services – secu- menting these civil society and internal initiatives, rity sector reform (SSR) – is at the very center of however, remain uncertain; they focus on admira- this effort. In Egypt, as in other transitioning Arab ble ends but are less clear on the means of imple- states and prior cases of democratization, SSR is mentation. They also have to reckon with strong an acutely political process affected by an array of elements within the Ministry of Interior – “al-Ad- different actors and dynamics. In a contested and ly’s men” (in reference to Mubarak’s longstanding unstable post-revolutionary political sphere, the minister) – who remain firmly opposed to reform.
    [Show full text]
  • Egypt's Presidential Election
    From Plebiscite to Contest? Egypt’s Presidential Election A Human Rights Watch Briefing Paper Introduction................................................................................................................................... 1 Political Rights and Demands for Reform................................................................................ 2 Free and Fair? ................................................................................................................................ 4 From Plebiscite to Election: Article 76 Amended............................................................... 4 Government Restrictions and Harassment........................................................................... 5 Campaign Issues........................................................................................................................ 6 Judicial Supervision of Elections............................................................................................ 8 Election Monitoring ...............................................................................................................10 Appendix ...................................................................................................................................... 11 Political Parties and Candidates............................................................................................11 Introduction On September 7, Egypt will hold its first-ever presidential election, as distinct from the single-candidate plebiscites that have so far
    [Show full text]
  • United Arab Emirates (Uae)
    Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: United Arab Emirates, July 2007 COUNTRY PROFILE: UNITED ARAB EMIRATES (UAE) July 2007 COUNTRY اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴّﺔ اﻟﻤﺘّﺤﺪة (Formal Name: United Arab Emirates (Al Imarat al Arabiyah al Muttahidah Dubai , أﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ (The seven emirates, in order of size, are: Abu Dhabi (Abu Zaby .اﻹﻣﺎرات Al ,ﻋﺠﻤﺎن Ajman , أ مّ اﻟﻘﻴﻮﻳﻦ Umm al Qaywayn , اﻟﺸﺎرﻗﺔ (Sharjah (Ash Shariqah ,دﺑﻲّ (Dubayy) .رأس اﻟﺨﻴﻤﺔ and Ras al Khaymah ,اﻟﻔﺠﻴﺮة Fajayrah Short Form: UAE. اﻣﺮاﺗﻰ .(Term for Citizen(s): Emirati(s أﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ .Capital: Abu Dhabi City Major Cities: Al Ayn, capital of the Eastern Region, and Madinat Zayid, capital of the Western Region, are located in Abu Dhabi Emirate, the largest and most populous emirate. Dubai City is located in Dubai Emirate, the second largest emirate. Sharjah City and Khawr Fakkan are the major cities of the third largest emirate—Sharjah. Independence: The United Kingdom announced in 1968 and reaffirmed in 1971 that it would end its treaty relationships with the seven Trucial Coast states, which had been under British protection since 1892. Following the termination of all existing treaties with Britain, on December 2, 1971, six of the seven sheikhdoms formed the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The seventh sheikhdom, Ras al Khaymah, joined the UAE in 1972. Public holidays: Public holidays other than New Year’s Day and UAE National Day are dependent on the Islamic calendar and vary from year to year. For 2007, the holidays are: New Year’s Day (January 1); Muharram, Islamic New Year (January 20); Mouloud, Birth of Muhammad (March 31); Accession of the Ruler of Abu Dhabi—observed only in Abu Dhabi (August 6); Leilat al Meiraj, Ascension of Muhammad (August 10); first day of Ramadan (September 13); Eid al Fitr, end of Ramadan (October 13); UAE National Day (December 2); Eid al Adha, Feast of the Sacrifice (December 20); and Christmas Day (December 25).
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    1 Introduction Dennis Blair The second volume of Military Engagement relates the stories of how democratic civil-military relations developed in five world regions and fourteen individual countries. This introduction pro- vides some background on those who authored these stories and describes the patterns observed and the lessons that can be drawn from them. The Authors The regional summaries were written by a team of coauthors, almost all having both practical experience in armed forces or defense ministries of their countries and subsequent careers with security think tanks. They also contributed ideas and criticisms of the analysis and recommendations in the companion volume. Juan Emilio Cheyre, while chief of staff of the Chilean army, took the final steps to bring his service out of the Pinochet era. Matthew Rhodes is a professor at the Marshall Center in Germany, an insti- tution at the center of military-military relations among countries around the world. Istvan Gyarmati, who participated in the early brainstorming sessions for the handbook, was deputy defense minister of Hungary during the Hungarian armed forces’ transi- tion from its Warsaw Pact organization to meet NATO standards. Muthiah Alagappa, a general in the Malaysian Army, has become the foremost scholar of Asian civil-military relations subsequent to 1 01-2478-0 ch1.indd 1 5/16/13 6:03 PM 2 Dennis Blair his retirement. Tannous Mouawad served as Lebanon’s military attaché to the United States and the chief of Lebanon’s military intelligence service. Martin Rupiya was an officer in the Zimbabwean National Army and now heads a security affairs think tank in South Africa Each of the regional coauthors recruited additional authors to write the indi- vidual case studies; two of them wrote a case study as well.
    [Show full text]
  • The Colonial Origins of Coercion in Egypt
    Internal Occupation: The Colonial Origins of Coercion in Egypt Allison Spencer Hartnett, Nicholas J. Lotito, and Elizabeth R. Nugent* April 10, 2020 Abstract Robust coercive apparatuses are credited for the Middle East’s uniquely persistent authoritarianism, but little work exists analyzing their origins. In this paper, we present an original theory regarding the origins of coercive institutions in contemporary authoritarian regimes like those in the Middle East. Weargue that post-independence authoritarian coercive capabilities are shaped by pre-independence institution-building, largely dictated by the interests of colonial powers who dictated state develop- ment projects. We depart from existing general theories about the origins of coercive institutions, in which authoritarian leaders have full autonomy in constructing coercive institutions when they come to power, and in which the military is the primary source of the state’s institution. Instead, we argue that authoritarian leaders coming to power in the twentieth century, after major state building occurred, inherit states with certain pre-determined resources and capabilities, and coercive institu- tions. We support our theory with district-level census data from Egypt. Matching districts surveyed in 1897, the rst census conducted under British rule, with those from the last pre-revolution census in 1947, we nd that districts with higher levels of foreigners in the rst decades of colonial rule are more heavily policed on the eve of independence. In later drafts, we will test our hypotheses that these early allocations of the coercive apparatus persisted under post-colonial authoritarian regimes using data on arrests from 2013. *Citations are welcome but please do not distribute without express permission from the authors.
    [Show full text]
  • Egypt Presidential Election Observation Report
    EGYPT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OBSERVATION REPORT JULY 2014 This publication was produced by Democracy International, Inc., for the United States Agency for International Development through Cooperative Agreement No. 3263-A- 13-00002. Photographs in this report were taken by DI while conducting the mission. Democracy International, Inc. 7600 Wisconsin Avenue, Suite 1010 Bethesda, MD 20814 Tel: +1.301.961.1660 www.democracyinternational.com EGYPT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OBSERVATION REPORT July 2014 Disclaimer This publication is made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the responsibility of Democracy International, Inc. and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. CONTENTS CONTENTS ................................................................ 4 MAP OF EGYPT .......................................................... I ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................. II DELEGATION MEMBERS ......................................... V ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS ....................... X EXECUTIVE SUMMARY.............................................. 1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................ 6 ABOUT DI .......................................................... 6 ABOUT THE MISSION ....................................... 7 METHODOLOGY .............................................. 8 BACKGROUND ........................................................ 10 TUMULT
    [Show full text]
  • Djibouti Health Expenditure Profile
    Djibouti Health expenditure profile HEALTH SPENDING IN BRIEF WHO PAYS FOR HEALTH? 0.6% Health spending (% of GDP) 3.5 27.8% Health expenditure per capita (US$) 70 Public Out-of-pocket 45.8% Public spending on health per capita (US$) 32 Voluntary prepayment External Other GDP per capita (US$) 2,004 25.8% Life expectancy, both sexes (years) 62 RICHER COUNTRIES SPEND MORE ON HEALTH… …BUT NOT NECESSARILY AS A SHARE OF GDP 10,000 25 20 1,000 15 10 100 Health spending % of GDP 5 Health spending per capita (US$, log scale) 10 0 100 1,000 10,000 100,000 100 1,000 10,000 100,000 GDP per capita (US$, log scale) GDP per capita (US$, log scale) MORE GOVERNMENT SPENDING ON HEALTH IS ASSOCIATED WITH LOWER OUT-OF-POCKET SPENDING DOES GOVERNMENT SPEND ENOUGH ON HEALTH? 100 100 10 80 80 8 60 60 6 % US$ 40 40 4 20 20 2 Out-of-pocket spending % of health 0 0 0 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 Public spending on health % of GDP Health spending per capita (US$, bars) Government health spending % of total government spending (line) Djibouti PRIORITY OF HEALTH IN BUDGET ALLOCATION IS A POLITICAL CHOICE 25 20 15 10 5 Government health spending % of total government spending 0 India Egypt Kenya Congo Nigeria Angola Kiribati Ghana Bhutan SudanBoliviaJordan Tunisia Djibouti Vanuatu Armenia Ukraine Zambia Morocco Georgia Eswatini Lao PDRPakistan Myanmar TajikistanMongolia IndonesiaSri LankaViet Nam Honduras Cameroon MauritaniaMicronesia Cambodia Philippines Uzbekistan GuatemalaNicaraguaEl Salvador Timor-LesteBangladesh Côte d'Ivoire Cabo Verde Solomon
    [Show full text]
  • Trends Gross and Net Spending Non-Cash Benefits
    8. PUBLIC EXPENDITURE ON PENSIONS Key Results Public spending on cash old-age pensions and survivors’ benefits in the OECD increased from an average of 6.6% of gross domestic product (GDP) to 8.0% between 2000 and 2015. Public pensions are often the largest single item of social expenditure, accounting for 18.4% of total government spending on average in 2015. Greece spent the largest proportion of national income Trends on public pensions among OECD countries in 2015: 16.9% of Public pension spending was fairly stable as a GDP. Other countries with high gross public pension proportion of GDP over the period 1990-2015 in spending are in continental Europe, with Italy at 16.2% and ten countries: Australia, Germany, Iceland, Israel, Lithuania, Austria, France and Portugal at between 13% and 14% of New Zealand, Poland, Slovenia, Sweden and Switzerland. GDP. Public pensions generally account for between one- fourth and one-third of total public expenditure in these Public pension expenditure increased by more than 4 countries. points of GDP between 2000 and 2015 in Finland, Greece, Portugal and Turkey, and between 2 and 3 percentage points Iceland and Mexico spent 2.1% and 2.2% of GDP on in France, Italy, Japan and Spain. public pensions, respectively. Korea is also a low spender at 2.9% of GDP. Mexico has a relative young population, which Gross and net spending is also the case but to a lesser extent in Iceland, where much of retirement income is provided by compulsory The penultimate column of the table shows public occupational schemes (see the next indicator of “Pension- spending in net terms: after taxes and contributions paid on benefit expenditures: Public and private”), leaving a lesser benefits.
    [Show full text]
  • The Arab Spring and Its Impact on Human Rights in the MENA Region
    Helpdesk Research Report: The Arab Spring and its impact on human rights in the MENA region. 14 October 2011 Query: What is the current human rights situation in the MENA region and how has it changed as a result of the Arab Spring? Who are the risk groups in the region in regards to human rights abuses, with particular focus on ethnic and religious factions? Enquirer: AusAID North Africa Program Author: Shivit Bakrania Contents 1. Overview 2. Algeria 3. Bahrain 4. Egypt 5. Iran 6. Jordan 7. Libya 8. Morocco 9. Oman 10. Saudi Arabia 11. Syria 12. Tunisia 13. Yemen 1. Overview The Middle East and North Africa region is a large and diverse region and it is difficult to make regional generalisations about the impact of the Arab Spring on human rights. Long-standing authoritarian rulers have been overthrown in Tunisia and Egypt where elections are due, and in Libya, where conflict rages on but with a new interim government controlling much of the country. In other countries, changes have been less radical but authorities in most cases have announced some degree of political reform in response to demands made by demonstrators. However, the broader picture is that it is too early to tell whether reforms will have any tangible impact in practice. The largest 1 political changes are occurring in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya, but more time is needed to see how the political processes in those countries pan out before an accurate assessment can be made. This report looks at the human rights situation on a country-by country basis.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Armed Forces in the Arab Uprisings
    The Role of Armed Forces in the Arab Uprisings 9 Derek Lutterbeck I. Introduction1 As popular uprisings, demanding greater political freedoms and in several countries even regime change, swept across much of the Arab world, a crucial role has been played by the armed forces of these countries in confronting the pro-reform movements. Practically all Arab countries can be described as military-based regimes, where the armed forces have been at the core of the political system, even though the status and role of the military has varied significantly from one country to the next. Moreover, powerful military forces, as well as a robust security apparatus more generally, have been seen by many, as one, if not the main, obstacle to political reform and democratization in the region.2 However, military forces have responded quite differently across the region to pro-democracy movements, ranging from openness to protest movements, to internal fracturing, to firm support for the regime in power. These different responses, in turn, have been crucial in determining the outcome of the popular uprisings, and whether authoritarian leaders were eventually overthrown. The aim of this paper is to discuss the role the armed forces have played in six Middle Eastern countries, which have 1 A more extensive study on this topic has been published as Lutterbeck, Derek, 2011: Arab Uprisings and Armed forces: between openness and resistance. DCAF SSR Paper 2. 2 See, e.g., Cook, Steven A., 2007: Ruling But Not Governing. The Military and Political Development in Egypt, Algeria and Turkey (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2007); Bellin, Eva, 2004: “The Robustness of Authoritarianism in the Middle East.
    [Show full text]
  • Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance
    SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) is an international foundation whose mission is to assist the international community in pursuing good governance and reform of the security sector. The Centre develops and promotes norms and standards, conducts tailored policy research, identifies good practices and recommendations to promote democratic security sector governance, and provides in‐country advisory support and practical assistance programmes. SSR Papers is a flagship DCAF publication series intended to contribute innovative thinking on important themes and approaches relating to security sector reform (SSR) in the broader context of security sector governance (SSG). Papers provide original and provocative analysis on topics that are directly linked to the challenges of a governance‐driven security sector reform agenda. SSR Papers are intended for researchers, policy‐makers and practitioners involved in this field. ISBN 978‐92‐9222‐180‐5 © 2011 The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces EDITORS Alan Bryden & Heiner Hänggi PRODUCTION Yury Korobovsky COPY EDITOR Cherry Ekins COVER IMAGE © Suhaib Salem/Reuters The views expressed are those of the author(s) alone and do not in any way reflect the views of the institutions referred to or
    [Show full text]
  • Missilesmissilesdr Carlo Kopp in the Asia-Pacific
    MISSILESMISSILESDr Carlo Kopp in the Asia-Pacific oday, offensive missiles are the primary armament of fighter aircraft, with missile types spanning a wide range of specialised niches in range, speed, guidance technique and intended target. With the Pacific Rim and Indian Ocean regions today the fastest growing area globally in buys of evolved third generation combat aircraft, it is inevitable that this will be reflected in the largest and most diverse inventory of weapons in service. At present the established inventories of weapons are in transition, with a wide variety of Tlegacy types in service, largely acquired during the latter Cold War era, and new technology 4th generation missiles are being widely acquired to supplement or replace existing weapons. The two largest players remain the United States and Russia, although indigenous Israeli, French, German, British and Chinese weapons are well established in specific niches. Air to air missiles, while demanding technologically, are nevertheless affordable to develop and fund from a single national defence budget, and they result in greater diversity than seen previously in larger weapons, or combat aircraft designs. Air-to-air missile types are recognised in three distinct categories: highly agile Within Visual Range (WVR) missiles; less agile but longer ranging Beyond Visual Range (BVR) missiles; and very long range BVR missiles. While the divisions between the latter two categories are less distinct compared against WVR missiles, the longer ranging weapons are often quite unique and usually much larger, to accommodate the required propellant mass. In technological terms, several important developments have been observed over the last decade.
    [Show full text]