28.9.–8.10.2016 The Aes- thetics of Res - istance Peter Weiss 100 When Peter Weiss wrote “The Aesthetics of Resistance”, he was looking back into the 1930s/’40s, at a Berlin of the antifascist underground, at the Spanish Civil War, and at a decade of Euro - pean exile. It was a consideration of the 20th century – a novel combining art theory and worldview against the backdrop of the historical conflict between fascism and communism. Weiss por - trays an emancipation process that is also highly central for ques - tions of offering resistance today: the possibility of political par - ticipation by individuals. In addition there will be a theory forum, a reading of the novel "The Aesthetics of Resistance", a film programme in cooperation with the Arsenal – Institute for Film and Video Art and an exhibi - tion by Altındere at the n.b.k. Funded by the German Federal Cultural Foundation. Media partner: RBB Kulturradio. Contents “When is it right to stop fighting?” Guillermo Calderón 4 “It is easier for gasoline to cross the EU border than it is for refugees!” Doris Akrap in an interview with Oliver Frlji 6 “How to Change Ourselves Every Day”ć Aenne Quiñones in an interview with Nicoleta Esinencu 11 “Double Consciousness / Double Shooting” Rabih Mroué 14 “We would be out on the streets, at the place where a storm is more than thunderous applause” Marco Layera 18 “(To be) Continued Reflections on the Aesthetics of Resistance” Hans-Thies Lehmann 20 “What Does Resistance Mean Today?” Bini Adamczak 26 Bibliography 33 Festival programme 34 Tickets 35 Imprint 36 Additional text material in the German version of this newspaper at HAU or online! 3 “When is it right to stop considered heroes; the faces of those who wage a war of self-defense and aggression In the course of many years of committed mil - died fighting the dominance of military rule against fascism. Yet in Chile, a different atti - itancy, these fighters had given up on their still appear in the form of painted images on tude towards an armed struggle emerged in studies, their careers and personal lives. Initial - fighting?” the walls of the poor neighborhoods in which the aftermath of the dictatorship. People who ly, they believed that they would eventually they fought. Yet after the dictatorship came to engaged in political violence had to hide their be compensated for the years they had lost, an end, those who kept fighting were called past because they were not praised as he - that they would give up their struggle and fanatics. With this change in public percep - roes, but were instead denied any meaningful start new lives. tion, the new democracy was able to isolate participation in newly emerging political Written by Guillermo Calderón . leftist organizations and even killed a few processes. Some bank robberies were perfectly clean. young men and women using methods once Others were ugly. Eager bank guards died and developed by the military. So when is it right to stop fighting? bank robbers, who used rifles that were de - During the Chilean dictatorship (1973-1990), comrades would keep the fight going until the fighting. Or should they rather give up, accept signed for warfare, shot several members of several political organizations on the left de - final victory was theirs. and live according to the new regime’s terms? When we discuss the central question of when After only a few years of democracy, the the police. cided to organize an armed struggle against it is right to stop fighting, it is important to re - armed organizations were decimated. Many the military regime. This was a controversial Yet this victory was never achieved. In order The answer may seem rather obvious from to - member that in the years of the dictatorship, militants left them, realizing that the Chilean This was certainly a sad and pathetic end for decision, especially because centrist political to avoid total defeat and at the same time day’s perspective, but at the time, in 1990, it the left defined the regime as fascist. This is people had abandoned their dream of a deep a generation of idealists who were willing to parties within the opposition believed that po - keep the foundation of their regime intact, was difficult to see clearly. Pinochet had given the reason why the word resistance was used societal transformation. The ones who stayed give up their lives for the cause. Defeat can be litical violence would only exacerbate the gov - those in charge decided to call free elections. up the presidency, but he was still commander to describe the Chilean struggle for freedom. found themselves bitter and isolated, but still ugly. Victory can erase all stains. Victory can ernment’s cruelty against the Chilean people. As a consequence, the new democratic lead - in chief of the armed forces. He was a vigilant, The intention was, of course, to make use of holding on to guns and rifles. Some decided to justify the ugliness of the armed struggle. Our Nevertheless, thousands of young people ers were both unable and unwilling to truly menacing presence with the power to destroy the mystique and dignity that the European rob banks in order to finance their ailing or - problem now is defeat: we face the horror of joined the armed resistance because they prosecute the dictatorship’s human rights vi - the newly elected government at will. fight against fascism was imbued with, and to ganizations, but also in order to make money not knowing when to stop, the horror of see - wanted to fight for a more dignified way to olations. In addition, the economic system hope for a similar kind of resistance, one that for themselves. Banks were easy targets be - ing history move on while still carrying a gun live, and to die. Yet the struggle did not only was mostly kept intact and the extreme neo- Confronted with this dismal perspective, many would never surrender and would, in the end, cause nobody ever shed a tear over a bank in our pockets. aim to overthrow the dictatorship, it also liberal reform programs were anything but of the young fighters gave up on their political be able to emerge as a heroic, true symbol of losing money that it could easily recover with sought to establish a new kind of popular abandoned. activism and disappeared into their personal pride. the help of its insurance. For decades many democracy, and with it a new economic sys - lives. Others, however, kept the organizations people have wondered whether it is worse to tem that was designed to bring social justice This new democratic regime created a new going. Yet this time around, their struggle was Up to this day, no one questions that the re - rob or to found a bank. to all members of society. Many young men problem for the young people in the opposi - considered as questionable, and even dirty. sistance movement that swept across Europe and women died believing that their surviving tion. They had to decide whether to keep Those who had fought the dictatorship were had the right to use violence as a means to 44 55 The novel ‘The Aesthetics of Resistance’ as a narrative foil for those who are not familiar with and do no understand the canon of Western art. In his newest work, Oliver Frlj ic discusses the ´ “It is easier risks of an authoritarian and dystopic future Europe. In his inter - view with Doris Akrap, he explains how his theatrical language has been received in Europe. Doris Akrap: In your newest piece “Unsere Gewalt refugees – some people do not want to listen. It DA: Is your piece received differently in West - for gas ol - und eure Gewalt” (“Our Force and Your Force”), is essential for me to work against such individ - ern Europe and in the former Yugoslavian you for the first time no longer focus on socie - ual interests, especially if they are presented as states? tal issues in the Balkans, but instead take a more general societal interests. look at European societies and the double OF: Audiences are never homogeneous or sin - standards they professed in the recent refugee DA: Your approach to theatre reminds me of that gle monolithic blocks. And yet the mainstream crisis. Why did you do so? of Zentrum für Politische Schönheit. This group reception is similar regardless of where you works with provocations posited in public are. Critics tend to use similar labels to dis - Oliver Frlj ic I used ‘The Aesthetics of Resistance’ as spaces. The reviews of your premiere in Vienna qualify my work: pedagogical, boring, shallow, ine to cross a foil in´ order to better understand the sort of art contained criticism that this group is also of - etc. At the same time, it would probably be a that we need today, and also to find out what ten confronted with: they mention self-impor - very bad sign if a piece received nothing but art forms can be understood tance and boredom. Has the - praise and positive reviews. by people who have not tradi - “In the age of bio- atre forgotten how to be tionally been in a social posi - politics, we have provocative today? DA: After only two seasons as artistic director tion to comprehend the canon altogether lost of Rijeka’s national theatre, you quit your job OF: of Western art. ‘The Aesthetics sight of the illusion The accusation of boredom this June because of rather drastic budget of Resistance’ talks about is an age-old trick used by the cuts. Did you surrender? the EU bor - that the body pos - members of the working class bourgeoisie.