Libération DE Karim WADE : LA Véritable Histoire !
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Country Risk Overview
Côte d’IvoIre Country Risk Overview Côte d’Ivoire’s President Alassane Ouattara is expected to remain in power until 2020 when his two term limit expires. This provides a solid foundation for current investment prospects, which is particularly impressive against the backdrop of the 2010 political unrest. However, various factors developing in the run-up to the next elections have the potential to impact investment in the country. When Ouattara was inaugurated in 2011, his immediate mandate was to bring stability and a safer security environment following the electoral crisis resulting from the 2010 election. A close second was economic reform. Ouattara led major investments in infrastructure, education, health, transportation as well as Côte d’Ivoire’s restoration as the world’s leading producer of cocoa and cashew nuts. In October 2016, a new constitution was approved following a referendum which allowed the consolidation of executive power. A legislative election was held in December that year which saw the RDR-led ruling coalition retain power by securing 167 of the 255 seats. Ouattara used the successful election to reduce Côte d’Ivoire has the cabinet and appoint longstanding allies into key positions, as permitted by maintained steady the new constitution. Notably, Ouattara placed Daniel Kablan Duncan in the economic growth over newly formed Vice President role and Amadou Gon Coulibaly as Prime Minister. These appointees reinforce Ouattara’s strong control over the country, and the last 5 years and support his continued hold on power until the next election in three years. boasts strong agriculture, mining, oil and gas and Opportunities Côte d’Ivoire is an economic and transportation hub for French-speaking West infrastructure sectors. -
Côte D'ivoire Prime Minister's Passing Shakes up Electoral Outlook
ASG Analysis: Côte d’Ivoire Prime Minister’s Passing Shakes Up Electoral Outlook July 10, 2020 Key Takeaways • Already expected to be contentious, Côte d’Ivoire’s October 2020 presidential elections became more uncertain following Wednesday’s unexpected death of Prime Minister Amadou Gon Coulibaly. • Ahead of the polls, analysts are concerned that an increasingly fragmented political field could lead to electoral violence reminiscent of Côte d’Ivoire’s previous unstable electoral periods and hamper economic recovery from the Covid-19 crisis. • Political jockeying has begun within the ruling party to replace Gon Coulibaly as the standard bearer and face off against likely opposition front runner Henri Konan Bédié. Ruling party stalwarts are calling on President Ouattara to run for a third term, and Minister of Defense Hamed Bakayoko as well as Vice President Daniel Kablan Duncan are also considered strong contenders for the candidacy. Prime Minister Amadou Gon Coulibaly’s sudden death upends Ivorian election Despite Covid-19, Cote d’Ivoire has remained steadfast in moving forward with plans to hold presidential elections in October 2020. Early in the electoral process, speculation over whether President Alassane Ouattara would attempt to stand for an unconstitutional third term was rampant. Last December, Ouattara declared his intention to participate in the elections should former Ivorian presidents and opposition members Laurent Gbagbo and Henri Bédié opt to run. International and local political pundits let out a collective sigh in relief this March when Ouattara announced that he would not seek reelection, helping to avoid a major constitutional crisis. But the sudden death of Prime Minister Amadou Gon Coulibaly on July 8 has reignited uncertainty over Ouattara’s candidacy and the election in general. -
Côte D'ivoire Country Focus
European Asylum Support Office Côte d’Ivoire Country Focus Country of Origin Information Report June 2019 SUPPORT IS OUR MISSION European Asylum Support Office Côte d’Ivoire Country Focus Country of Origin Information Report June 2019 More information on the European Union is available on the Internet (http://europa.eu). ISBN: 978-92-9476-993-0 doi: 10.2847/055205 © European Asylum Support Office (EASO) 2019 Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, unless otherwise stated. For third-party materials reproduced in this publication, reference is made to the copyrights statements of the respective third parties. Cover photo: © Mariam Dembélé, Abidjan (December 2016) CÔTE D’IVOIRE: COUNTRY FOCUS - EASO COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION REPORT — 3 Acknowledgements EASO acknowledges as the co-drafters of this report: Italy, Ministry of the Interior, National Commission for the Right of Asylum, International and EU Affairs, COI unit Switzerland, State Secretariat for Migration (SEM), Division Analysis The following departments reviewed this report, together with EASO: France, Office Français de Protection des Réfugiés et Apatrides (OFPRA), Division de l'Information, de la Documentation et des Recherches (DIDR) Norway, Landinfo The Netherlands, Immigration and Naturalisation Service, Office for Country of Origin Information and Language Analysis (OCILA) Dr Marie Miran-Guyon, Lecturer at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), researcher, and author of numerous publications on the country reviewed this report. It must be noted that the review carried out by the mentioned departments, experts or organisations contributes to the overall quality of the report, but does not necessarily imply their formal endorsement of the final report, which is the full responsibility of EASO. -
Senegal#.Vxcptt2rt8e.Cleanprint
https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2015/senegal#.VXCptt2rT8E.cleanprint Senegal freedomhouse.org Municipal elections held in June 2014 led to some losses by ruling coalition candidates in major urban areas; the elections were deemed free and fair by local election observers. A trial against Karim Wade, son of former president Abdoulaye Wade, began in July in the Court of Repossession of Illegally Acquired Assets (CREI), where he is accused of illicit enrichment. Abdoulaye Wade, who had left Senegal after losing the 2012 presidential election, returned in the midst of the CREI investigation in April. The Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS), which he founded in 1974, requested permission to publicly assemble upon his return, but authorities denied the request. In February, Senegal drew criticism for the imprisonment of two men reported to have engaged in same-sex relations. The detentions of rapper and activist Malal Talla and of former energy minister Samuel Sarr in June and August, respectively, also evoked public disapproval; both men were detained after expressing criticism of government officials. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: Political Rights: 33 / 40 [Key] A. Electoral Process: 11 / 12 Members of Senegal’s 150-seat National Assembly are elected to five-year terms; the president serves seven-year terms with a two-term limit. The president appoints the prime minister. In July 2014, President Macky Sall appointed Mohammed Dionne to this post to replace Aminata Touré, who was removed from power after losing a June local election in Grand-Yoff. The National Commission for the Reform of Institutions (CNRI), an outgrowth of a consultative body that engaged citizens about reforms in 2008–2009, presented a new draft constitution to Sall in February. -
Senegal: Presidential Elections 2019 - the Shining Example of Democratic Transition Immersed in Muddy Power-Politics
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Munich Personal RePEc Archive MPRA Munich Personal RePEc Archive Senegal: Presidential elections 2019 - The shining example of democratic transition immersed in muddy power-politics Dirk Kohnert and Laurence Marfaing Institute of African Affairs, GIGA-Hamburg 12 March 2019 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/92739/ MPRA Paper No. 92739, posted 15 March 2019 17:14 UTC Senegal: Presidential elections 2019 The shining example of democratic transition immersed in muddy power-politics Dirk Kohnert & Laurence Marfaing 1 The rush of presidential candidates to the religious leaders Source: Landry Banga (nom de plume, RIC). Dakar: La Croix Africa, 19 February 2019 Abstract: Whereas Senegal has long been sold as a showcase of democracy in Africa, including peaceful political alternance, things apparently changed fundamentally with the Senegalese presidentials of 2019 that brought new configurations. One of the major issues was political transhumance that has been elevated to the rank of religion in defiance of morality. It threatened political stability and peace. In response, social networks of predominantly young activists, created in 2011 in the aftermath of the Arab Spring focused on grass-roots advocacy with the electorate on good governance and democracy. They proposed a break with a political system that they consider as neo- colonialist. Moreover, Senegal’s justice is frequently accused to be biased, and the servility of the Constitutional Council which is in the first place an electoral court has often been denounced. Key Words: Senegal, presidential elections, governance, political change, political transhumance, social networks, West Africa, WAEMU, ECOWAS, civic agency JEL-Code: N17, N37, N97, O17, O35, P16, Z13 1 Associated research fellows at the Institute of African Affairs, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg, Germany. -
23 3 Kelly.Pdf
Access Provided by Harvard University at 07/13/12 4:30PM GMT Senegal: What Will turnover Bring? Catherine Lena Kelly Catherine Lena Kelly is a doctoral candidate in government at Har- vard University. She is writing a dissertation on the formation, co- alition-building strategies, and durability of political parties in sub- Saharan Africa, and has spent fifteen months in Senegal. On 25 March 2012, Macky Sall of the Alliance for the Republic (APR) won the second round of Senegal’s presidential election with 65.8 per- cent of the vote, handily defeating incumbent president Abdoulaye Wade of the Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS), who had won the most votes in the first round. In contrast to a tumultuous campaign season, elec- tion day itself was relatively peaceful. Wade graciously accepted defeat, phoning Sall to congratulate him several hours after the polls closed. French president Nicolas Sarkozy called this gesture “proof of [Wade’s] attachment to democracy.”1 This appraisal is too generous, however. The peaceful turnover followed months of protests and violent repres- sion, as well as a rumored intervention by military officials to force Wade to accept defeat after the second-round voting. 2 Debates about the constitutionality of Wade’s candidacy, as well as an earlier change that he had proposed in the election law, helped to generate this turmoil, which included at least ten deaths, dozens of arrests, and many injuries. 3 Wade’s quest for a third term belied Senegal’s democratic reputation. In fact, the country’s regime would be better described as competitive authoritarian—democratic rules exist, but “incumbents violate those rules so often and to such an extent . -
Sub-Saharan Afr I CA
/ sUB-sAhArAN AFrICA observatory for the protection of human rights defenders annual report 2009 …17 / regIoNAl ANALYSIs sUB-sAhArAN AFrICA observatory for the protection of human rights defenders annual report 2009 Thanks to the dissemination, the awareness and the appropriation of the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights Defenders by the African human rights mechanisms, the issue of human rights defenders is now more visible on the African continent, to which the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR) has largely contributed. The issue however is still not one to which the integrated institutions of the African Union – such as the High Authority, the Peace and Security Council or the Conference of the Heads of State and Government – are particularly sensitive. The inclusion of the issue in the work programmes of these bodies, the access of defenders to their various meetings and the activation of the future African Court of Human and People’s Rights for the protection of human rights defenders will therefore be the challenges to be faced in the years to come. While some African States have for some years tolerated the freedom of expression of human rights defenders (Burkina Faso, Mali, Togo, Zambia), others on the contrary have remained completely opposed to any independent examination of the human rights situation, as is the case, for example, of Eritrea or Equatorial Guinea. In Gambia, owing to the systematic violations of human rights, African and international NGOs have for several years been campaigning for ACPHR headquar- ters to be transferred to a country more respectful of human rights. -
Democracy in Senegal Tested: a Personal Reflection
Democracy in Senegal Tested: A Personal Reflection by Dr. Maimouna Barro I am a Senegalese woman living in Champaign-Urbana. From a far distance, I have been following the latest developments in Senegalese politics with a vested interest like millions of other Senegalese whether at home or abroad. In many ways, I identify myself with the thousands of young Senegalese university students of the mid-1990s who played an important part in politics and looked up to incumbent President Abdoulaye Wade as the ultimate actor of change and progress. As I sit back to write this piece, Senegalese people celebrate the victory of 50-year-old President- Elect Macky Sall, a geological engineer by profession, as well as former prime minister of incumbent President Abdoulaye Wade. Given President Wade’s defiance of Senegalese popular will in his determination to seek a third term and the background against which the entire electoral process unfolded, the potential for instability was high, but the second round of elections concluded peacefully. A happy ending! President Abdoulaye Wade has accepted defeat by Macky Sall on the Sunday March 25th 2012 run-off. Once again, the Senegalese have demonstrated that democracy does not just come from governments-- no matter how democratic the process by which they have been put in place--but really from people and their determination to fight for it and be part of the struggle to maintain it whenever that democracy is threatened. They have also proved that lasting change does not come from governments; it comes from the people and is sustained by them. -
Senegal: Background and U.S. Relations
Senegal: Background and U.S. Relations Alexis Arieff Analyst in African Affairs June 20, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41369 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Senegal: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Successive U.S. Administrations have viewed Senegal as a democratic leader in Africa, an anchor of regional stability, and a partner in addressing development challenges and combating transnational security threats. Senegalese President Macky Sall met with President Barack Obama at the White House in March 2013, and President Obama is expected to visit Senegal in late June. A small, arid nation on West Africa’s Atlantic coast, Senegal has struggled with widespread poverty and a long-running, low-level separatist insurgency in its southern Casamance region. Still, the country’s democratic continuity and military professionalism have stood in stark contrast to near-state collapse in neighboring Mali (previously also considered a democracy), and to unrest and instability elsewhere in the region. This regional turbulence presents security, political, and economic challenges to Senegal’s leadership and population. President Sall was voted into office in early 2012 in an election widely seen as free and fair, defeating incumbent President Abdoulaye Wade, who had been in office since 2000. Wade’s decision to run for what would have been a third term in office was extremely controversial within Senegal, provoking protests and sparking concerns over potential instability. Such concerns prompted officials in the Obama Administration and some Members of Congress to appeal to Wade to withdraw his candidacy. Wade pursued his campaign nonetheless, and criticized what he described as Western interference. -
Terànga and the Art of Hospitality: Engendering the Nation, Politics, and Religion in Dakar, Senegal
TERÀNGA AND THE ART OF HOSPITALITY: ENGENDERING THE NATION, POLITICS, AND RELIGION IN DAKAR, SENEGAL By Emily Jenan Riley A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Anthropology - Doctor of Philosophy 2016 ABSTRACT TERÀNGA AND THE ART OF HOSPITALITY: ENGENDERING THE NATION, POLITICS AND RELIGION IN DAKAR, SENEGAL By Emily Jenan Riley Senegal, a Muslim majority and democratic country, has long coined itself as "le pays de la terànga" (Land of Hospitality). This dissertation explores the central importance of terànga– the Wolof word which encapsulates the generous and civic-minded qualities of individuals – to events such as weddings and baptisms, women’s political process, as well as everyday calculated and improvisational social encounters. Terànga is both the core symbol, for many, of Senegalese nationalism and collective identity, and the source of contentious and polarizing debates surrounding its qualities and meanings. The investigation of terànga throughout this dissertation exposes the complexities of social and gender ideologies and practices in Senegal. In addition, this dissertation aspires to investigate the subjectivities, and conditions of Senegalese women as well as their contributions to the social, religious, and political realities of contemporary Senegal, and Dakar more specifically. This dissertation focuses on how terànga is debated, talked about, and performed by several groups. First, it investigates the public discourses of terànga as a gendered symbol of national culture and its central importance to the construction of female subjects in their navigation of courtship, marriage, and family relations. Second, an exposé of family ceremonies and the women who conduct them, demonstrates generational shifts in the interpretation and value given to the process of terànga in a contemporary moment where daughters are redefining its meaning from that of their mother's generation. -
Note De Recherche N°
NOTE DE RECHERCHE 7 juillet 2021 SOUS PRESSION : LES DÉFIS DU SECTEUR DE LA SÉCURITÉ EN Côte d’IVOIRE Dr Maxime RICARD Chercheur Afrique de l’Ouest à l’IRSEM RÉSUMÉ Les mutineries militaires de janvier et mai 2017 en Côte d’Ivoire ont symbolisé la dette politique du président Ouattara envers les anciens rebelles des Forces nouvelles. Ceci a affecté la réforme de l’armée, la question des ex-combattants et les politiques de l’ordre. Le secteur de la sécurité en Côte d’Ivoire est ainsi un champ de pouvoir traversé par des négociations, dans un contexte de jeux d’alliance complexes. Le choc des mutineries de 2017 a été un catalyseur pour accélérer la mise en œuvre d’un certain nombre de réformes, dont la durabilité reste à vérifier. Si l’investissement public post-conflit dans le secteur a permis d’améliorer les services publics de sécuri- té, des défis importants demeurent, comme l’inégalité d’accès ainsi que le compor- tement des agents, en particulier en zone rurale. Dans un contexte de resserrement autoritaire, l’élection de 2020 a été un véritable test pour les forces de sécurité. Face à la pression des groupes armés jihadistes au nord, les forces de défense et de sécuri- té ont besoin d’améliorer leurs relations avec les populations, tandis que les réponses – n aux défis ne peuvent se limiter à une dimension purement coercitive. SOMMAIRE Introduction .................................................................................................................................................. 2 o Les reconfigurations post-mutineries dans l’armée ivoirienne ............................................................... 3 117 Politiques de l’ordre .................................................................................................................................... 11 La pression des groupes armés jihadistes au nord ................................................................................. -
Regional Overview – 15 January 2019 Africa
Regional Overview – 15 January 2019 Africa acleddata.com/2019/01/15/regional-overview-15-january-2019-africa/ Margaux Pinaud January 15, 2019 Key developments in the week of January 6th include the violence in the CAR, the flare-ups along the border between Libya, Chad and Sudan, and the rising frustration with, and within, a number of political systems in Africa, including in Gabon, DRC, Sudan and Senegal. In the Central African Republic (CAR), violence has been rising over the past two weeks amidst renewed international efforts to revive the African Union-led dialogue between the government and the various armed groups active in the country. The tensions span multiple fronts in CAR. Key among them is the enduring violence by Ex-Seleka and Anti- Balaka forces in the eastern part of the country. Ex-Seleka forces of the Union for Peace in the Central African Republic (UPC) and Popular Front for the Renaissance of Central Africa (FPRC) gained ground against Anti-Balaka and Central African forces in and around Bakouma (Mbomou) at the end of December. This sparked further clashes last week, with Anti-Balaka forces regaining parts of Bakouma on January 8th. Ex-Seleka fighters also launched large attacks on regular sites of violence last week. The FPRC abducted dozens of people in Bria (Haute-Kotto), including UN employees, on January 6th, whilst the UPC attacked Bambari (Ouaka) over January 10-11th. France deployed fighter jets from Chad to Bambari on the second day of the clashes, as a “show of force”. Other key centres of tension in CAR emerge around the presence of militants in Bangui’s KM5 neighborhood and of 3R militants under Siddiki Abbas in the northwestern prefectures of Ouham Pende and Nana-Mambere.