Terànga and the Art of Hospitality: Engendering the Nation, Politics, and Religion in Dakar, Senegal
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TERÀNGA AND THE ART OF HOSPITALITY: ENGENDERING THE NATION, POLITICS, AND RELIGION IN DAKAR, SENEGAL By Emily Jenan Riley A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Anthropology - Doctor of Philosophy 2016 ABSTRACT TERÀNGA AND THE ART OF HOSPITALITY: ENGENDERING THE NATION, POLITICS AND RELIGION IN DAKAR, SENEGAL By Emily Jenan Riley Senegal, a Muslim majority and democratic country, has long coined itself as "le pays de la terànga" (Land of Hospitality). This dissertation explores the central importance of terànga– the Wolof word which encapsulates the generous and civic-minded qualities of individuals – to events such as weddings and baptisms, women’s political process, as well as everyday calculated and improvisational social encounters. Terànga is both the core symbol, for many, of Senegalese nationalism and collective identity, and the source of contentious and polarizing debates surrounding its qualities and meanings. The investigation of terànga throughout this dissertation exposes the complexities of social and gender ideologies and practices in Senegal. In addition, this dissertation aspires to investigate the subjectivities, and conditions of Senegalese women as well as their contributions to the social, religious, and political realities of contemporary Senegal, and Dakar more specifically. This dissertation focuses on how terànga is debated, talked about, and performed by several groups. First, it investigates the public discourses of terànga as a gendered symbol of national culture and its central importance to the construction of female subjects in their navigation of courtship, marriage, and family relations. Second, an exposé of family ceremonies and the women who conduct them, demonstrates generational shifts in the interpretation and value given to the process of terànga in a contemporary moment where daughters are redefining its meaning from that of their mother's generation. Third, female state politicians engaged with the parité movement for gender equity in political positions utilize terànga as a tool to create power and opportunity. Female politicians create charismatic personalities by contributing to the ceremonies of supporters and conducting public displays of gift-giving. Lastly, members of the Muslim Sufi group the Layene reframe terànga as an ethical obligation to others and God, which they see as a stark contrast to mainstream interpretations. Among the Layene, unmarried young women pursue marital relationships and personal piety through engagement with terànga by hosting and visiting potential in-laws and religious leaders. As part of the Layene annual religious pilgrimage, members of the teral gann group demonstrate public piety as hostesses performing terànga. Copyright by EMILY JENAN RILEY 2016 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This section can be anything but complete. I would first like to dedicate this dissertation to my mother, Susan Yeoman. She was able to attend my dissertation proposal defense and has been my biggest supporter from my beginning to her end. Without her love I could never have imagined myself at this point, and even in death, she motivates me to go confidently in the direction of my dreams. I would also like to thank Audrey Perkins for her love and support, as well as her editing help! To my brother, Timothy, our life circumstances have brought us closer together, for which I am grateful. I owe a great amount of debt to my amazing advisor Chantal Tetreault, as well as my other committee members Najib Hourani, Laura Fair, and Anne Ferguson. They have provided great guidance to me throughout my graduate school tenure, and exercised formidable patience during my times of struggle. The Michigan State University Department of Anthropology has offered me a number of opportunities and wonderful training in the field of anthropology that I know will serve me well into the future. Numerous faculty members in the department have also served as wonderful advisors, giving me guest lecturing experiences and imparting upon me their personal experiences in the field. This dissertation research and pre-dissertation research was funded by the U.S Department of Education Foreign Language and Area Studies fellowship (FLAS) as well as a Fulbright-Hays grant. I am eternally grateful to Fulbright for instilling confidence in my project. The MSU centers such as the African Studies Center, as well as the Center for Advanced Studies in International Development and the Center for Gender in a Global Context ensured I was able to pursue my graduate degree by granting me many semesters of FLAS scholarships to learn v Wolof. The staff at the African Studies Center became my second family, and I thank them dearly for their love and support. I would be remiss if I did not thank all of the women and men in Senegal who were essential to my research. I dedicate the study of terànga in this dissertation to their unwavering generosity, kindness, and hospitality. It is their day to day demonstrations of terànga that have made this project possible. I would first and foremost like to thank my Wolof teachers Mor Gueye, Gana Ndiaye, Daba Diallo, Assane Niang, Arfang Dabo, and the formidable Sidy Gueye. My Wolof lessons over many summers with Sidy at the West African Research Center, who I owe great gratitude, were some of the most stimulating and inspiring work I have ever done. Daba Gaye and those at the organization RADI have been a true friend and mentor throughout this entire process, from day one. Daba is a pioneer in the fight for women's equal rights, and a true inspiration. I humbly thank the entire Layene community and the members of the Castors dahira for allowing me intimate access to their family events, religious ceremonies, and their daily lives. To Mbaye Seck, my gatekeeper into the Layene community, I thank you. To Aicha Laye and all of the women of teral gann, who I have so admired, I appreciate all of your friendships. Lastly, I would like to recognize and thank especially Aida Mbodj for allowing me to pester her during her daily work. She graciously allowed me to stay in her home in Dakar and Bambey, as well as ride along with her to specific events. I am truly indebted. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES ix Introduction 1 Chapter One 8 Terànga as National Identity 8 Historical Background 12 Kinship and Social Structure 13 Politico-religious History of Senegal 14 Construction of the Postcolonial State 16 Rationale for Methods and Ethnographic Subjects 18 Methodological and Theoretical Approaches 20 Writing About Gender and Women's Experiences 21 Marriage and the Family 25 Questions of Development 26 Narrative 27 Theories of Hospitality and the Gift 28 Colonial and Postcolonial Nationalism 40 Gender, National Representation, and Development 45 Chapter Two 48 Representations of Terànga: Gendered Debates and the Ideal Woman 48 State Campaigns to "Fight Against Wastefulness" 49 Terànga on the Ground 57 Marriage is Critical, and Not Always in the Way You Think 58 It's Wasteful...Or Is It? 61 "I Pull Out All the Stops" 67 "If I Don't Do It, My Marriage Will Be No Good": Debating Terànga 72 Engendered Media, Engendered Nation: Contemporary Discussions of Terànga 77 Conclusion 86 Chapter Three 88 Circuits of Terànga: Family Ceremonies, Reputation, and Generational Misgivings 88 Griot Culture and Work: Djenaba Kouyate 93 Creating Reputations: Generosity as a Lifetime Project 97 Wedding Gift Exchange and Generational Divides 101 The Anatomy of a Family Ceremony 108 "Terànga, Kenn Du Ko Xacco": Nothing is Eternal, and Intentions are Everything 112 Conclusion 115 vii Chapter Four 118 The Politics of Terànga: Gender, Power, and the Political Equality Movement in Senegal 118 The Politicians 121 Personnalité: Identity Politics and The Pursuit of Political Parité 122 Femme Leader, A Mother-Daughter Affair: Evolutions in Women's Participation in Politics 125 Ndéye Soukeye Gueye: Representations of Personnalité 127 Aida's Success: Terànga as Political Practice 129 Heroines and Socio-Political Imaginary: Terànga as a Form of Political Power 133 Conclusion 138 Chapter Five 140 Guests of God: Layene Ethics and Reframing the Concept of Terànga 140 Hospitality, Islam, and Ethics 145 Seydina Limamou Laye and the Birth of the Layene Faith 146 Narratives of Terànga as a Historical Pedagogy 149 Guests of God: Terànga as Ethics 150 Sikr and Tudde Yalla: Singing the Lessons of Seydina Limamou Laye 154 Visual Representations of Equality: "White is the Color of my Heart" 158 Names and 'Name-switching' 160 Equality: Eradicating Poverty 163 The Collective Wedding 163 Two Friends, Two Baptisms: A World Apart on the Margins 166 Mbaye Seck and Binta Laye 167 Ibou Laye and Nabu 170 Conclusion 173 Chapter Six 175 “Welcome to the Honor your Guest Club”: Negotiating Womanhood and Piety through Terànga Among the Layene Religious Community 175 La presidente: “Mami” Soukeyna Laye Diao 179 Heritages of Terànga 182 Teral Gann: Practicing Terànga 184 Dress, Talk, and Representation: Religious Pursuits and Cosmopolitan Complexities 185 Terànga as Serious Business 187 Aicha Laye 189 Cooking, Hosting, and Visiting: Terànga and Wife Material 191 Dress Code: Heteroglossia and Terànga as Public Piety 199 Conclusion 205 Conclusion 208 BIBLIOGRAPHY 215 viii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Cartoon from Le Soleil Newspaper, Drawn by Samba Fall (1990) 75 Figure 2: Jongué Advertisement 81 Figure 3: Jongué Senegal Advertisement 82 Figure 4: Seydina Issa Rahou Laye and Jesus Christ Painting 148 Figure 5: Dahira Meeting, Camberene 159 Figure 6: Appel 2014 Official Ceremony 159 ix Introduction I came to the topic of examining terànga by way of doing research with the Senegalese Ministry of Women’s Affairs and the non-governmental organization RADI (Réseau Africain pour le Développement Intégré – African Network for Integrative Development). I was following their work with the campaign “the fight against wastefulness” to end excessive spending during family ceremonies.