John Foster Dulles : Pragmatist Or Moralist
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Covert Action to Prevent Realignment by Cullen Gifford Nutt
Sooner Is Better: Covert Action to Prevent Realignment by Cullen Gifford Nutt September 2019 ABSTRACT Why do states intervene covertly in some places and not others? This is a pressing question for theorists and policymakers because covert action is widespread, costly, and consequential. I argue that states wield it—whether by supporting political parties, arming dissidents, sponsoring coups, or assassinating leaders—when they fear that a target is at risk of shifting its alignment toward the state that the intervener considers most threatening. Covert action is a rational response to the threat of realignment. Interveners correctly recognize a window of opportunity: Owing to its circumscribed nature, covert action is more likely to be effective before realignment than after. This means that acting sooner is better. I test this argument in case studies of covert action decision-making by the United States in Indonesia, Iraq, and Portugal. I then conduct a test of the theory’s power in a medium-N analysis of 97 cases of serious consideration of such action by the United States during the Cold War. Interveners, I suggest, do not employ covert action as a result of bias on the part of intelligence agencies. Nor do they use it to add to their power. Rather, states act covertly when they fear international realignment. 1 Chapter 1: Introduction 1. The Puzzle and Its Importance In April 1974, military officers in Portugal overthrew a right-wing dictatorship. A caretaker government under a conservative officer, Antonio Spínola, set elections for March of 1975. But Spínola resigned at the end of September, frustrated with menacing opposition from the left. -
Allen Dulles - Wikipedia
8/6/2020 Allen Dulles - Wikipedia Allen Dulles Allen Welsh Dulles (/ˈdʌləs/; April 7, 1893 – January 29, 1969) was an American diplomat and lawyer who became the Allen Dulles first civilian Director of Central Intelligence (DCI), and its longest-serving director to date. As head of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) during the early Cold War, he oversaw the 1953 Iranian coup d'état, the 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état, the Lockheed U-2 aircraft program, the Project MKUltra mind control program and the Bay of Pigs Invasion. He was dismissed by John F. Kennedy over the latter fiasco. Dulles was one of the members of the Warren Commission investigating the assassination of John F. Kennedy. Between his stints of government service, Dulles was a corporate lawyer and partner at Sullivan & Cromwell. His older brother, John Foster Dulles, was the Secretary of State during the Eisenhower Administration and is the namesake of Dulles Airport.[1] Director of Central Intelligence In office Contents February 26, 1953 – November 29, 1961 Early life and family President Dwight Eisenhower John F. Kennedy Early career OSS posting to Bern, Switzerland in World War II Deputy Charles P. Cabell Preceded by Walter B. Smith CIA career Coup in Iran Succeeded by John McCone Coup in Guatemala Deputy Director of Central Intelligence Bay of Pigs In office Dismissal August 23, 1951 – February 26, 1953 Later life President Harry S. Truman Dwight Eisenhower Fictional portrayals Preceded by William H. Jackson Publications Articles Succeeded by Charles P. Cabell Book reviews Deputy Director of Central Intelligence Books for Plans Books edited In office Book contributions January 4, 1951 – August 23, 1951 President Harry S. -
Massive Retaliation Charles Wilson, Neil Mcelroy, and Thomas Gates 1953-1961
Evolution of the Secretary of Defense in the Era of MassiveSEPTEMBER Retaliation 2012 Evolution of the Secretary OF Defense IN THE ERA OF Massive Retaliation Charles Wilson, Neil McElroy, and Thomas Gates 1953-1961 Special Study 3 Historical Office Office of the Secretary of Defense Cold War Foreign Policy Series • Special Study 3 Evolution of the Secretary of Defense in the Era of Massive Retaliation Evolution of the Secretary of Defense in the Era of Massive Retaliation Charles Wilson, Neil McElroy, and Thomas Gates 1953-1961 Cover Photos: Charles Wilson, Neil McElroy, Thomas Gates, Jr. Source: Official DoD Photo Library, used with permission. Cover Design: OSD Graphics, Pentagon. Cold War Foreign Policy Series • Special Study 3 Evolution of the Secretary of Defense in the Era of Massive Retaliation Evolution of the Secretary OF Defense IN THE ERA OF Massive Retaliation Charles Wilson, Neil McElroy, and Thomas Gates 1953-1961 Special Study 3 Series Editors Erin R. Mahan, Ph.D. Chief Historian, Office of the Secretary of Defense Jeffrey A. Larsen, Ph.D. President, Larsen Consulting Group Historical Office Office of the Secretary of Defense September 2012 ii iii Cold War Foreign Policy Series • Special Study 3 Evolution of the Secretary of Defense in the Era of Massive Retaliation Contents Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Department of Defense, the Historical Office of the Office of Foreword..........................................vii the Secretary of Defense, Larsen Consulting Group, or any other agency of the Federal Government. Executive Summary...................................ix Cleared for public release; distribution unlimited. -
The American Experience with Diplomacy and Military Restraint I
PART I: THE AmERICAN EXPERIENCE WITH DIPLOMACY AND MILITARY RESTRAINT i. Orphaned Diplomats: The American Struggle to Match Diplomacy with Power Jeremi Suri E. Gordon Fox Professor of History and Director, European Union Center of Excellence, University of Wisconsin, Madison Benjamin Franklin spent the American Revolution in Paris. He had helped to draft the Declaration of Independence in the summer of 1776, one of the most radical documents of the eighteenth century—sparking rebellion on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean. Serving as a representative for the Continental Congress in France during the next decade, Franklin became a celebrity. He was the enlightened idealist from the frontier, the man of principled action who enthralled onlookers in the rigid European class societies of the 1770s and ’80s. Franklin embodied the American critique of Old World society, economy, and diplomacy. He was one of many American revolutionaries to take aim at the degenerate world of powdered wigs, fancy uniforms, and silver-service dinners where the great men of Europe decided the fate of distant societies. Franklin was a representative of the enduring American urge to replace the diplomacy of aristocrats with the openness and freedom of democrats.1 Despite his radical criticisms of aristocracy, Franklin was also a prominent participant in Parisian salons. To the consternation of John Adams and John Jay, he dined most evenings with the most conservative elements of French high society. Unlike Adams, he did not refuse to dress the part. For all his frontiers- man claims, Franklin relished high-society silver-service meals, especially if generous portions of wine were available for the guests. -
How Should the United States Confront Soviet Communist Expansionism? DWIGHT D
Advise the President: DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER How Should the United States Confront Soviet Communist Expansionism? DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER Advise the President: DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER Place: The Oval Office, the White House Time: May 1953 The President is in the early months of his first term and he recognizes Soviet military aggression and the How Should the subsequent spread of Communism as the greatest threat to the security of the nation. However, the current costs United States of fighting Communism are skyrocketing, presenting a Confront Soviet significant threat to the nation’s economic well-being. President Eisenhower is concerned that the costs are not Communist sustainable over the long term but he believes that the spread of Communism must be stopped. Expansionism? On May 8, 1953, President Dwight D. Eisenhower has called a meeting in the Solarium of the White House with Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and Treasury Secretary George M. Humphrey. The President believes that the best way to craft a national policy in a democracy is to bring people together to assess the options. In this meeting the President makes a proposal based on his personal decision-making process—one that is grounded in exhaustive fact gathering, an open airing of the full range of viewpoints, and his faith in the clarifying qualities of energetic debate. Why not, he suggests, bring together teams of “bright young fellows,” charged with the mission to fully vet all viable policy alternatives? He envisions a culminating presentation in which each team will vigorously advocate for a particular option before the National Security Council. -
John Foster Dulles and the Federal Council Of
JOHN FOSTER DULLES AND THE FEDERAL COUNCIL OF CHURCHES, 1937-1949 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University by Albert N. Keim, B.A., M.A. ******* The Ohio State University 1971 Approved by Adviser Department of History ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am indebted to Dr. Constant H. Jacquet, Jr., Director of the Research Library of the National Council of Churches, for giving me access to the National Council of Churches Archives. I am grateful for the assistance rendered by Mrs. Wanda M. Randall, Assistant to the Curator of Manuscripts, during my research in the Dulles Papers at Princeton University Library. Dr. Georgia Harkness, Dr. Roswell P. Barnes, and Dr. Samuel McCrea Cavert all provided valuable advice at various stages of the project. My adviser, Dr. Robert H. Bremner, gave unfailing counsel at every stage of the work, I owe a special debt to my wife, Leanna, who loyally supported the project from beginning to end. VITA October 31, 1935 Born - Uniontown, Ohio 1963 ........... B.A., Eastern Mennonite College, Harrisonburg, Virginia 1965 M.A., University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Virginia 1965-1969 Instructor, Eastern Mennonite College, Harrisonburg, Virginia 1969-1970 Teaching Associate, Department of History, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1970-1971 Dissertation Year Fellow, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio FIELDS OF STUDY Major Field: History Social History of the United States Since 1900. Professor Robert H. Bremner Political History of the United States Since 1900. Professor K. Austin Kerr Political and Social History of the United States, 1850-1900. -
Internationalism As a Current in the Peace Movement
internationalism as a current in the peace movement: a symposium It is apparent from the literature on the peace movement and diplo matic thought throughout this century that an exploration of the some times contradictory use of the word internationalism is in order. Not only has it been used for different purposes by competing factions of the anti war movement and political leaders, but it has differing connotations for historians. This symposium is a contribution to a discussion of the term. Instead of asking for an abstract formulation, the editors invited several scholars to consider the roles of internationalist ideas in the peace move ment in the hope that a functional definition might emerge, one which might stimulate formal analyses and eventuate in a working understand ing. By way of opening the discussion, the editors asked Sondra Herman, the author of Eleven Against War: Studies in American Internationalist Thought, 1898-1921 (Stanford: Hoover Institution, 1969) to identify some conceptual problems that arise from her analysis. From the last decade of the nineteenth Sondra Herman century through the first world war of the University of California, twentieth, a small but prominent group of Santa Cruz American intellectuals and peace advocates argued for a distinctive approach to foreign relations which they called international ism. They represented a minority of the articulate public, probably a minority of the peace societies. They advanced ideas that were being heard also in Europe, and they debated the forms of international organi zation for years before President Woodrow Wilson took up their cause. When Wilson did use international ideals in his explanation of American mediation policy, and later of American war aims, he adjusted them considerably to the national interest. -
The Foreign Service Journal, September 1980
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Transatlantic Brinksmanship: the Anglo-American
TRANSATLANTIC BRINKSMANSHIP: THE ANGLO-AMERICAN ALLIANCE AND CONSERVATIVE IDEOLOGY, 1953-1956 by DAVID M. WATRY Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Arlington in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT ARLINGTON December 2011 Copyright © by David M. Watry 2011 All Rights Reserved ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many people have helped me in the preparation of this dissertation. I wish to personally thank and acknowledge Dr. Joyce S. Goldberg, who chaired the dissertation committee. Without her support, encouragement, and direction, this project would have been impossible. Dr. Goldberg fought for this dissertation in many ways and went far beyond the call of duty. I will be forever in her debt and forever grateful for her expertise, passion, patience, and understanding. I also wish to thank the other members of my dissertation committee, Dr. Kenneth R. Philp and Dr. Stanley H. Palmer. Their critiques, evaluations, and arguments made my dissertation a much more polished product than what it would have been without their significant help. Their wealth of knowledge and expertise made the writing of the dissertation a pleasurable experience. I would also like to thank the Dean of Liberal Arts, Dr. Beth Wright, the Associate Dean, Dr. Kim Van Noort, and Assistant Dean, Dr. Eric Bolsterli for providing me with the Dean’s Excellence Award for Graduate Research Travel. With this award, I was able to travel overseas to do research in London, Cambridge, Oxford, and Birmingham. Moreover, I wish to thank Dr. Robert B. Fairbanks, the former Chairman of the History Department at the University of Texas at Arlington. -
APPENDIX .A. Note on the Present Position of the Munich Agreement of 29 September 1938
APPENDIX .A. Note on the Present Position of the Munich Agreement of 29 September 1938 THE Munich Agreement, concluded between Germany, the United Kingdom, France and Italy for the cession of the Sudeten German territory by Czecho slovakia, although officially dated 29 September 1938, was in reality signed in the small hours of the morning of 30 September. l To it was annexed a declaration by the British and French Governments guaranteeing the new boundaries of the Czechoslovak state against unprovoked aggression. Germany and Italy also agreed to give a similar guarantee to Czechoslovakia 'when the question of the Polish and Hungarian minorities in Czechoslovakia had been settled'. It was further declared that the problems of these minorities in Czechoslovakia, if not settled within three months by agreement between the respective Governments, 'shall form the subject of another meeting of the Heads of the Governments of the four Powers here present'. Because of its nature, the Munich Agreement was not subject to the usual forms of ratification, and no provision for such procedure was included in its text. Parliamentary approval was accorded to Mr Chamberlain and to M. Daladier, on 6 and 5 October respectively, by means of votes of confidence but by the time these had been given in the House of Commons and the Chamber of Deputies the terms of the Munich Agreement were already a fait accompli. On 2 November 1938 the German and Italian Foreign Ministers, Ribben trop and Ciano, handed down the First Vienna Award, which, without consultation with, or reference to, the British and French Governments, adjudicated the fate of the Polish and Hungarian minorities in Czechoslovakia, in violation of the annexe to the Munich Agreement.2 The structure set up by the Munich Agreement was destroyed on 15 March 1939 when Hitler proclaimed that 'Czechoslovakia has ceased to exist'. -
The United States, Great Britain, the First World
FROM ASSOCIATES TO ANTAGONISTS: THE UNITED STATES, GREAT BRITAIN, THE FIRST WORLD WAR, AND THE ORIGINS OF WAR PLAN RED, 1914-1919 Mark C. Gleason, B.S. Thesis Prepared for the Degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS May 2012 APPROVED: Geoffrey Wawro, Major-Professor Robert Citino, Committee Member Michael Leggiere, Committee Member Richard McCaslin, Chair of the Department of History James D. Meernik, Acting Dean of the Toulouse Graduate School Gleason, Mark C. From Associates to Antagonists: The United States, Great Britain, the First World War, and the Origins of WAR PLAN RED, 1914-1919. Master of Arts (History), May 2012, 178 pp., bibliography, 144 titles. American military plans for a war with the British Empire, first discussed in 1919, have received varied treatment since their declassification. The most common theme among historians in their appraisals of WAR PLAN RED is that of an oddity. Lack of a detailed study of Anglo- American relations in the immediate post-First World War years makes a right understanding of the difficult relationship between the United States and Britain after the War problematic. As a result of divergent aims and policies, the United States and Great Britain did not find the diplomatic and social unity so many on both sides of the Atlantic aspired to during and immediately after the First World War. Instead, United States’ civil and military organizations came to see the British Empire as a fierce and potentially dangerous rival, worthy of suspicion, and planned accordingly. Less than a year after the end of the War, internal debates and notes discussed and circulated between the most influential members of the United States Government, coalesced around a premise that became the rationale for WAR PLAN RED. -
JOHN FOSTER DULLES PAPERS PERSONNEL SERIES The
JOHN FOSTER DULLES PAPERS PERSONNEL SERIES The Personnel Series, consisting of approximately 17,900 pages, is comprised of three subseries, an alphabetically arranged Chiefs of Mission Subseries, an alphabetically arranged Special Liaison Staff Subseries and a Chronological Subseries. The entire series focuses on appointments and evaluations of ambassadors and other foreign service personnel and consideration of political appointees for various posts. The series is an important source of information on the staffing of foreign service posts with African- Americans, Jews, women, and individuals representing various political constituencies. Frank assessments of the performances of many chiefs of mission are found here, especially in the Chiefs of Mission Subseries and much of the series reflects input sought and obtained by Secretary Dulles from his staff concerning the political suitability of ambassadors currently serving as well as numerous potential appointees. While the emphasis is on personalities and politics, information on U.S. relations with various foreign countries can be found in this series. The Chiefs of Mission Subseries totals approximately 1,800 pages and contains candid assessments of U.S. ambassadors to certain countries, lists of chiefs of missions and indications of which ones were to be changed, biographical data, materials re controversial individuals such as John Paton Davies, Julius Holmes, Wolf Ladejinsky, Jesse Locker, William D. Pawley, and others, memoranda regarding Leonard Hall and political patronage, procedures for selecting career and political candidates for positions, discussions of “most urgent problems” for ambassadorships in certain countries, consideration of African-American appointees, comments on certain individuals’ connections to Truman Administration, and lists of personnel in Secretary of State’s office.